The Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon Including All His Occasional Works: Namely Letters ...

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THE LETTERS AND THE LIFE

FRANCIS BACON

INOLTTDIKG ALL HIS

OCCASIONAL WORKS

NAMELY

LBTTBRS SPEECHES TRACTS STATE FAFEBS MEMOBIALS DEVICES

AND ALL AUTHENTIC WRITINGS NOT ALREADY PRINTED AMONG HIS

PHILOSOPHICAL LITERARY OR PROFESSIONAL WORKS

NEWLY COLLECTED AND SET FORTH

IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER

WITH A

COMMENTARY BIOGBAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL

BY

JAMES SPEDDING
VOL. I.

LONDON
LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, AND ROBEKTS

1861

I

V, /

PREFACE.

Bacon's Philosophical Works having been disposed of in the five
volumes first issued, and his Literary and Professional Works in
the two which followed, I come now to what I have called his
Occasional Works; which include all the rest, and will when
finished make the Edition complete according to the plan origi-
nally proposed.

In editing these, I have made it my first object to give as
complete a collection and as correct a text as I could of all his
Letters, Speeches, Tracts, Memorials, and whatever else of his
composition was addressed to the immediate business of his time,
and meant to produce its efiect then and there.

But since writings of this kind cannot be properly understood
except with reference to the circumstances in which they were
written, which are for the most part worn out of memory and
not to be recovered without much pains and patience, I have
made it my second object to inquire into those circumstances,
and to accompany the original papers with so much explanatory
matter of my own as may enable any man who cares for the sub-
ject to read the work continuously and understand it all as he
goes on ; at least so much of it as I understand myself.

I make no apology to the reader for the length to which this
part of my task has carried me ; for in determining what to say
and what to leave unsaid I have especially studied his conveni-
ence ; and if he have patience to accompany me, I hope he will
find that neither his labour nor my own has been thrown away.
A collection of letters and writings of business, if it be large
enough and the subjects various enough and the selection made
neither by friend nor enemy but by impartial chance, will always

a 2

STTSOGS

IV PREFACE.

afford evidence of the very best kind as to the life and character
of the writer. If his business lay among public men and mat-
ters, it will afford likewise evidence of a very valuable kind as to
the events of the time. If he was at the same time a man of un-
derstanding and discernment, it will afford what is more valuable
still, the best light by which to understand the meaning of those
events. Study it diligently, and it will give you not only the
life of the man but the history of the period. Now if there was
ever any man whose writings upon the various occasions of his
time may be expected to yield instruction in all these ways, it is
Francis Bacon. Not often I suppose in the history of the world
have such an eye to observe, such opportunities of observing, and
matters so worthy of observation, met together. Seldom cer-
tainly in this kingdom has there been a time so full of commo-
tion and social alteration, so working with the arrears of changes
past and the first motions of changes to come, as that in which
he lived ; seldom has there been a man who could discern the
signs of the time so well. Only a year before his birth, the
established religion of the land had been suddenly changed by
-authority from Catholic to Protestant; firom which moment
England had to stand upon her guard, not only against the in-
ternal troubles, the agitations of hope, fear, and despair, which
could not but follow upon the shock of so many consciences and
the alteration of so many fortunes, but against the combined
assaults from without of the greatest temporal and greatest spi-
ritual powers of the earth, — as being thenceforward the strong-
hold and refuge of the Protestant cause in Europe, worth con-
quering at any sacrifice. Only a few years after his birth, the
Church thus newly established had to arm herself against a new
and unexpected antagonist nursed within her own bosom, by
which, through successive stages of controversy, vexation, dis-
turbance, violence, and bloodshed, a second ecclesiastical revolu-
tion was effected within less than a century after the first, and
the whole authority of the Church passed for awhile into other
hands. Had Bacon lived twenty years longer, he would have
seen the overthrow of the establishment, of which, had he been
bom two or three years earlier, he would have seen the com-

PREFACE. V

mencement. During the same period a contest was going on in
the political relations of the state, if not so lofty in its argument^
yet more momentous because more durable in its results ; for the
struggle between the Commons and the Crown, which of them
should keep the key of the subject's wealth and thereby the ulti-
mate control of all affairs, was begun, fought out, and in effect
decided, within the circle of Bacon's life. Nor can any other
period be assigned as the commencement of that great movement
of modern science, the world-wide effects of which are astonish-
ing us every day. To what and to whom we owe the original
impulse, is a point upon which opinions will differ ; but the time
which brought it forth was unquestionably the time in which
Gilbert, Bacon, Galileo, Kepler, and Harvey (for that is the
order of succession) all flourished. In the middle of these agita*
tions Bacon passed a long and active life, watching and working.
Of his writings upon the various occasions of the time a large
portion has been preserved, and if it can be placed in such a
light as to present a true view of what he thought about them, —
if it can be arranged into a collection over which we may write
Franciscus Baconus sic coGiTAviT, — I supposc a more valu-
able contribution to the history of the pericJd could scarcely be
offered.

I have thought it expedient to include in the collection every
writing of this class which I believe to be authentic, whatever
the subject, character, or intrinsic value; and also to arrange
them strictly according to the order of time, even where the
order of matter is thrown out by it. The reader must therefore
be prepared for many uninteresting stages, and for a somewhat
rambling progress. Subject to these conditions however, I have
endeavoured to make my explanations not only accurate but
readable ; and it will be found that the title which I have chosen
fairly describes the nature of the work, for that in throwing as
full a light as I could on the writings, I have in fact been obliged
to produce as full a life as I could of the writer.

To prevent misconceptions, I may mention here that when I
refer for the original of any piece to a manuscript, I do not mean

vi PREFACE.

that it is not to be found in print, but only that my copy comes
directly from the manuscript referred to. I thought at one time
of stating always, with regard to those which have been published
before, where they first appeared : but I found this difficult to do
without mistakes, and the fact did not seem important enough
to be worth the trouble it involved. Neither have I put any
distinguishing mark upon those which are now published for the
first time. Readers who know the subject will not need to be
told which they are ; and if any one be in doubt whether a piece
is old or new, he knows that it is new to him. But I expect that
the arrangement and setting forth will make much of the oldest
matter as new as the newest, even to those who know the subject
best ; and if attention should be directed only or specially to the
pieces which have not appeared before, the best part of my labour
would be lost.

There are also certain typographical arrangements which will
be most conveniently explained here.

That the reader may the more readily know at all times what
he has before him, I have employed in the text three different
types, easily distinguishable from each other. Everything printed
in the larger type is Bacon^s; everything in the second size is
mine ; everything in the third belongs to some other writer.

By this arrangement all confusion is avoided, except in a few
cases of doubtful authorship. And for these, in addition to the
full explanatory statement with which they are in each case in-
troduced, I have made a special typographical provision : which
is this : All pieces which are ascribed to Bacon upon evidence
that appears to me inconclusive, have their titles, as set out at
the top of the right-hand page, enclosed in brackets. But some
are printed in the larger and some in the smaller type. Those
in the larger (as for example, the " Letter of Advice to Queen
Elizabeth,^' pp. 47-56) are such as I myself incline, though doubt-
fully, to accept as Bacon's : those in the smaller (as tlie " Notes
on the State of Christendom,^' pp. 18-30) are such as I incline to
think he had no hand in.

J. S.

September, 1861.

CORRIGENDA FOR THE PREVIOUS VOLUMES.

— ♦ —

PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.

Vol. p. 1. for resd

X. vi. 6 . , four five.

46 n. 4 . . Erdman . . ... . . Erdmann.

72 n. 1 . . natunde naturalL

75 n. 1 . . 74 73.

76 n. 1 . . law of gravitatioa . . those laws.

210 n. 2 . . Aughiera Anghiera.

218 n.1,1.11 vel ....... id.

242 n. 2 . .a molluscous ammal . . . serpent medusse . . . are . . . they
is ... it deriyes ... it deriye . . . them.

265 26 . . 9 (Kote.) So in original.

277 n. . . Kitchen Kitchin.

303 9 . . Poterant (Note.) So in original.

827 n. 8 . . Pancoftnias .... Pancotmia,

838 1 . . Sic ....... Sit.

4B4i n. 2 . . M. Lemaistre .... Joseph de Maistre.

511 15 . . posset possent.

532 16 . . augosto angusto.

550 n, 2 . . Transfer this note to the next page, L 20.

573 6 (up) . quee qua.

8 (up) . KibulaB ...... tabula.

577 19 . . Dele 8.

603 2 . . obtinere ^Note) So in original.

618 6 . . Dictsea Cretsea ; (and note) Dictsa in orig.

624 8 . . Terminos terminos.

651 26 . . vidimus (Note.) So in original.

660 n. . . . Accomodaiionis . . , Accommodationu,

662 13 . . steris caeteris.

683 n. last line but one. Dele 4.

717 n. . . . kvdKyii kydyicfi,

728 n. 1 . . 1 13.

758 5 . . homino homini.

767 12 . . adioratur adoriatur.

771 n. . . . Kpirv Kp6roy.

II. Frontispiece .56 58.

14 10 . . installantur .... instiUantur.

24 10 • . Molendorum .... Molendinorum.

28 16 . . Scototomiam .... (Note.) So in original. It should

be ScotonUam,

56 22 . . accidente ..... accedente.

119 20 . . vident ...... vident, (inserting comma).

124 26 . . et est.

137 18 . . Etesius Eresius.

167 1 . . est et.

211 6 . . calore colore.

247 12 . . nee et. {Nee in original. But compare

Tol. iii. p. 693, 1. 24.)

Vlll OOEBiaENDA FOR PEKVIOUS VOLUMES.

Vol. p. L for read

II. 248 20 . . ignes ignis.

315 n. ... 317 319.

845 80 . . is the is in the (and deU note).

634 10 . . Leucadians . . . )

638 13 . . her [ Dele note.

680 )

III. 100 last . . gradu, reditu ; ... gradu ; reditu,
112 19 . . After *' principio,*' . . Dele oommtL,
155 n. 2 . . Dele all the English words.

329 n. 1 . . 255 257.

412 14 . . Transfer 8 to the end of the paragraph.

427 n. 2 . .1 cannot, etc Which cannot chuse

But weep to hare that which it fears to lose.
534 4 • . adolesoentulus . . . . (Note.) Cicero deClar. Orator. 196.

736 17 . . ridiculus (Note.) See Erasm. Apophth, Lib.

vii p. 599, ed. 1556.
26 . . affectis ...... effectis.

758 24 . . oontiguatio .... contignatio.

769 22 . . Pneumetica .... Pneumatica.

824 2 (up) . gem. opale gem opale.

IV. 457 n. 4 . . Dele borne.

V. 88 18 . . justice, in general com- justice in general^ by comparison,
parison.

89 29 . .wide it wide of it.

LITEEARY AND PROFESSIONAL WORKS.

I. 32 25 . . Saturday . . . . . (Note.) So Smed, foUowing Bernard

Andr^. But the battle of Boe-
worth was on a Monday.

32 . . chariot (Note.) Speed ; who infers the £eust

from Andre's expression latenier
in^rettus est. It appears howerer
that the true reading is UBtanter,
See * Memorials of Henry VII.,'
Pref. p. xrvi.

196 n. 8 • . 3rd 11th (and refer to Helps's * Spanish

Conquests in America,* L 109.)
359 35 • . tranemissam .... trantmissum.

II. 211 18 . . hunger Dele note.

257 8 (up) . reasons reason.

404 -note, L 1 Dele in.

449 7 (up) .474 427.

492 21 . . Dele [not], and substitute for note : " The statement in the
text was, I beliere, erroneous at the time. But it must
stand : see first paragraph of the following page, and the
note."
570 27 . . such Courts .... such a Court.

581 2 . . points point.

666 note, 1. 6 acceptation a cessation.

CONTENTS

OF THE FIBST VOLUME.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

A.D. 1560-80. iBTAT. 1-20.

Page

L. Birth. Parents. Circumstances and impressions of boyhood.
Residence at Cambridge. Ideas and aspirations with regard
to the advancement of knowledge. Three leading objects of
interest 1

2. Residence in France with the English Ambassador. Condition of
Europe at the time. Death of his father, and commencement
of law studies at Gray's Inn ....... 6

CHAPTER II.
A.D. 1580-84. ^TAT. 20-24.

1. Letter to Mr. Doylie, 11th of July, 1580 . . . .10

2. Application for employment in the Queen's service . . .11
Letter to Lady Burghley, 16th of September, 1586 . . 12
Letter to Lord Burghley, 16th of September, 1586 . . 12
Letter to Lord Bdrghley, 18th of October, 1586 . . 13

3. Progress at Gray's Inn. Admitted Utter Barrister . . .15
Notes on the Present State of Christendom . . .16

4. Occupations at Gray's Inn 30

Letter of Attorney drawn for his brother Anthony . 32

CHAPTER III.

A.D. 1584-86. JSTAT. 24-26.

1. Commencement of public life. M.P. for Melcombe in the Par-
liament of 1584. Unanimity of parties in measures for the
safety of the Queen's person 36

CONTENTS.

Page

2. Strength of the Opposition on Church questions. State of the

question between the Nonconfonnists and the Goverament.
Orthodoxiolatry. Great Petition. Conference with the Bishops.
Letter from Lady Bacon to Burghley on behalf of the Preachers.
Answer to Great Petition, and consequences . . .87

3. Fleetwood's note of a speech by Bacon 42

4. Letter op Advice to Queen Elizabeth . . . .47

5. Letter to Sir Francis Walsinoham, 25th of August, 1585 . 57

6. Fate of Bacon's first suit. Fresh application to Burghley for

some furtherance in his professional career. Contemporary
criticism of his behaviour. Burghley's admonition . .67

Letter to Lord Burghley, 6th of May, 1586 . . . 59

CHAPTER TV.
A.D. 1586-89. iETAT. 26-29.

1. Character of the Act passed in the last Parliament for defence of

the Queen's person. Conspiracy and trial of Mary, Queen of
Scots. A new Parliament summoned. Execution of Mary,
Conduct of Elizabeth 63

2. Bacon a Bencher of Gray's Inn . . * . . . .64

3. Proceedings in Parliament. Subsidy voted. Benevolence pro-

posed and offered ; but declined. Committal of Members to the
Tower for raising questions concerning ecclesiastical government
and right of free speech in the Lower House . . .65

4. Political Tract ascribed to Bacon 67

5. Defeat of the Spanish Armada. Apprehensions of another inva-

sion. A new Parliament summoned. A double subsidy granted
for the first time ; with request for a declaration of war against
Spain. Bacon now a Reader of Gray's Inn . . . .68

6. Progress of disputes between High Churchmen and Noncon-

formists. Martin Marprelate 70

Advertisement touching the Controversies op the
Church OF England . 74

7. Effect of the controversies upon opinion abroad. Importance of

making Elizabeth's dealings with the religious parties in England

properly understood in France 95

Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury . . .96
Sir Francis Walsinoham to M. Critoy . . . .97

8. Clerkship of the Counsd in the Star Chamber granted to Bacon

in reversion . 102

CONTENTS. XI

CHAPTER v..
A.D. 1590-92. iETAT. 30-32.

1. Beginning of acquaintance between Bacon and the Earl of Essex.

Anthony Bacon's return from abroad . . . . #104

2. Progress of time. Objects, hopes, and wishes . . • ,107
Letter to Lord Burghlet 1.08

3. Lady Bacon at Gorhambury. Her interview with Captain Allen.

Her letter to Anthony on his return. Specimens of her cor-
respondence with her sons 109

4. Letter to Lady Bacon, 18th of February, 1591 . . .116

5. Bacon at Twickenham 117

Letters to Mr. Phillips, 14th of August, and 15th of September 117

6. Celebration of the Queen's Day, 1592 : perhaps the occasion for

which the two following speeches were composed . . .119

7. Mr. Bacon in Praise op Knowledge .... 123

8. Mr. Bacon's Discourse in the Praise of his Sovereign . 126

9. Publication of Parsons's * Responsio ad Edictum B^ginse Angliae ' . 148
Certain Observations made upon a Libel published this

PRESENT TEAR, 1692 . ...... .146

CHAPTER VI.

A.D. 1593. iETAT. 33.

Fresh intrigues between Spain and Scotland. Apprehensions of
invasion. A new Parliament summoned. Eelations between
the Crown, the Lords, and the Commons. Certain points of
constitutional usage not yet fully established. Attempts on the
part of the Crown and the Upper House to encroach. Com-
mittal of Peter Wentworth and others, for introducing a petition
relating to the succession .209

Motion for Committee of Supply. Bacon's speech in support

OP THE MOTION 212

Grant of a double subsidy recommended by the Committee. Con-
ference demanded by the Lords. Intimation from the Lord
Treasurer that the proposed grant is not sufficient, and demand
of another conference to discuss the matter. Bacon's objection to
joint-discussion, as against the privileges of the Lower House.
The proposal declined 214

The Queen prepares to retreat ; and the pretension of the Lords
is silently withdrawn 219

Xll CONTENTS.

Page

5. Grant of three subsidies, payable in four years, proposed. Bacon's

amendment . 222

Speech on Motion foe Grant or Three Subsidies pay-
able IN four years 223

Original motion carried in Committee, and agreed to without
division in the whole House. Progress of taxation . . 224

6. Bill passed and presented to the Queen. Balance of loss and gain

to the Crown upon the whole proceeding . . . .225

7. Speech on the Second Beading of a Bill fob the

BETTER expedition OF JUSTICE IN THE StAR CHAMBER . 226

Fate of the Bill. Conduct of Coke as Speaker. The Queen's
message to the House delivered by him. Bight of the Crown
to determine what subjects should be discussed in Parliament,
and what not . . 228

9. Competition between Bacon and Coke for the Attorney-General-

ship. Their pretensions compared 231

10. Consequences of Bacon's speech on the Subsidy Bill. Intima-

tion of the Queen's displeasure . . . . . .232

Letter to the Lord Treasurer Burghley in excuse
OF HIS* Speech in Parliament against the Triple
Subsidy. 233

11. Bacon forbidden to come into the Queen's presence. Proposes

to give up Court and Law, and betake himself to other pursuits 234

Letter to the Earl of Essex 235

Essex persuades him to postpone his resolution, and promises to
get him made Attorney-General. Bacon endeavours to engage
Burghley in the cause by the mediation of his sons . .236
Letter to Sir Bobert Cecil, 16th of April, 1593 . 237
Sir Bobert Cecil's advice 238

12. Progress of Essex's mediation. Bacon takes occasion to state

his case for himself . . 239

' Letter to the Earl of Essex 240

Letter to the Queen 240

The Queen reported to be appeased 24 1

chapteb vn.

A.D. 1593. JETAT. 33.

1. Importance to Bacon of having the question settled, whichever way 242

2. Pecuniary difficulties. Proposed sale of land. Lady Bacon's con-

sent necessary. Conditions required by her .... 243

CONTENTS. Xiil

Page

3. Correspondence relating to the sale of Barly, an estate of Anthony

Bacon's 246

Draft op a Letteb feom Anthony Bacon to his brother

Sir Nicholas, 28th of July, 1593 247

Letter to Mr. Trott, 22nd of August, 1593 . . .248
Letter to Alderman Spencer, 26th of August, 1593. . 249
Letter to the same, 20th of November, 1593 . . . 249

4. Earl of Essex sworn a Privy-Councillor. Belation between him

and the Bacons . . . . . . . . . 250

Letter to Mr. Phillips 252

Letter to the Earl of Essex 253

5. Progress of Essex's mediation in favour of Bacon. Disposition

ofBurghley 253

Letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, 3rd of July, 1593 . 256

Letter to Michael Hicks, 26th of September, 1593 . . 256

Letter to Sir Thomas Coneysby, 27th of October, 1593 . 259

Letter to his Aunt Cooke, 29th of October, 1598 . . 260

Letter to Eobert Kemp, 4th of November, 1593 . . 261

Letter to the Earl of Essex, 10th of November, 1593 . 262

Letter to Anthony Standen, 2nd of December, 1593 . 263

Letter to his Mother, 4th of December, 1593 . . . 263

Letter to Sir Francis Allen, 20th of December, 1593 . 264

Still no resolution taken with regard to the Attorneyship . . 266

CHAPTER VIII.

A.D. 1594, JANUARY— JUNE. JETAT. 34.

1. Bacon's first pleadings in the King's Bench and Exchequer. Pro-

gress of canvass for the Attorneyship. Conversation between
Essex and Sir Robert Cecil 267

2. Letter to Lady Bacon, 14th of February, 1593 . . . 270

3. Conspiracy of Dr. Lopez to poison the Queen . . . .271
A True Report op the Detestable Treason intended by

Dr. Roderioo Lopez 274

4. Coke to be Attorney-General. Bacon the likeliest candidate for

the Solicitorship, if the impression of his speech on the Subsidy
Bill were removed. Essex's account of his interview with the

Queen 288

Letter to the Earl of Essex, 30th of March . . . 290
Coke's warrant for the Attorneyship, and Egerton's for the Mas-
tership of the Rolls, signed 291

Letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, 7th of April, 1594 . 292

xiv CONTENTS.

Lbtteb to the same, 8th of April, 1594 .... 292
Delay owing to the illness of Burghley. Bacon recommended to

be about the Court in hope of obtaining access . . .293
Lbtteb TO Lobd Keepeb Ptjckebing, 19th of April, 1594 . 293
Great case of Perpetuities. Bacon for the defendant . .294

5. Essex in eclipse : canvass suspended . .- . . .295
Letteb to Sib Eobebt Cecil, 1st of May, 1594 . . . 295
Essex unwell, and visited by the Queen. His account of the in-
terview 297

6. Foulke Greville comes to Court and intercedes with the Queen for

Bacon. Bacon's patience wearing out 298

Letteb to Mb. Conisby, 17th of May, 1594 . . . 299
Letteb to his Mother, 9th of June, 1594 .... 300

CHAPTEK IX.
A.D. 1594, JUNE — decembeb. jetat. 34.

1. The Queen shows signs of relenting. Bacon begins to be em-

ployed in business of the Learned Counsel. Appointed to go
to the North on State service. Introduction of a French gen-
tleman to the authorities of Oxford 301

Letteb to the Pbovost of a College in Oxfobd, 3rd of
July, 1594 303

Letteb to the Pboctob op the Yeab, 3rd of July, 1594 . 303

2. Bacon stopped on his way by illness at Huntingdon . . .304
Letteb to the Qdeen, 20th of July, 1594 .... 304
Takes his M.A. degree at Cambridge and returns to London . 305

3. Fbagments of a Discoubse toughing Intelligence and

THE Safety of the Queen's Person .... 305

4. Conditions of the time and duties of a Crown Lawyer. State of

Elizabeth's Council-Table. Bacon continues to be employed in
examinations 307

5. Lady Bacon and her household at Gorhambury. Solicitorship

still vacant. Canvass renewed 310

Letteb to Lobd Keepeb Puckebing, 24th of August, 1594 . 313
Letteb to the same, 25th of August, 1594 . . . .314
Letteb TO Anthony Bacon, 26th of August, 1594 . . 314

6. Question as to appointment of Solicitor again adjourned . .315
Letteb to Bichabd Young, 2nd of September, 1594 . .315

7. "Tower. employment." Nature of an examination upon interro-

gatories . . 316

CONTENTS. XV

Page

Articles of Examination of Ealf Sheldon, Esq. . .318

8. Bacon employed in business belonging to the Solicitor-Greneral,

and in bope of the place 819

Letteb to Lord Keeper Puckering, 28th of September, 1594 820

Appointment stiU postponed.
Letter to Anthony Bacon, 16th of October, 1594 . . 321

9. Money matters. Debtor and creditor account between Anthony

and Francis. More money wanted 821

Letter to Anthony Bacon, 10th of December, 1594 . . 323
Letter to the same, 13th of December, 1594 . . . 824

10. Holiday occupations, grave and gay. Merry Christmas at Gray's

Inn. * Gesta Grayorum.' The Prince of Purpoole in Council 325
Speeches of the Six Councillors . . . . . 832

11. Eelation of this composition to Bacon's serious speculations . 842

CHAPTER X.

A.D. 1594-95, JANUARY — NOVEMBER. iETAT. 84.

1. Difficulty "of arranging the letters taken from Kawley's Supple-

mentary Collection 344

Letter to the Earl of Essex 844

Solicitor still unappointed. Lady Bacon's report of her conver-
sation with Sir Eobert Cecil 345

2. Bacon's resolution to give the matter up, and go abroad. Essex's

attempt to bring the question to a crisis. Bacon sent for to the

Court 347

Letter to Anthony Bacon, 25th of January, 1594 . . 347

Letter to Sir Eobert Cecil, enclosed in the last . . 350

Letter to the Earl of Essex 351

3. Money difficulties 352

Letter to Anthony Bacon 353

4. Appointment stiU in suspense and Bacon stiU a suitor. Bumours

and suspicions . 353

Letter to Sir Bobert Cecil 355

Letter to the same 356

Letter to Lord Burghley, 21st of March, 1595 . . . 357

Letter to Foulke Greville 359

Letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, 25th of May, 1595 . 360

5. Bacon is again reminded of his old offence in the matter of the

Subsidy Bill in 1593, and again tenders the old excuse . .360
Letter to Lord Burghley, 7th of June, 1595 . . . 361
Hope still alive.

XVI CONTENTS.

Letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, lltli of June, 1695 . 863

Hope fades and expires.
Letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, 28th of July, 1595 . 864
Letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, 19th of August, 1595 . 365
Letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, 25th of September, 1595 867
Letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, 11th of October, 1595 . 368
Letter to Lord Keeper Puckering, 14th of October, 1595 . 369

6. Serjeant Pleming appointed Solicitor. Probable cause of the

Queen's long indecision and final resolution . . . .369

7. Munificence of Essex. Grant jfrom the Crown to Bacon of the

lease of certain lands at Twickenham, in reversion . . .370

Letter to the Earl of Essex 372

Apprehensions and warnings.

8. Essex in full favour again. Celebration of the anniversaiy of the

Queen's accession. Essex's Device. Bacon's part in it . . 374
Speeches op the Philosopher, the Captain, the Coun-
cillor, AND THE Squire 376

9. Mr. Dixon's account of Bacon's endeavours to make peace between

Essex and Halegh. Evidence examined. Device of the Indian
Prince. Foundation of the fiction 386

10. Bacon's position . . . 391

LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

A.D. 1560-1580. ^TAT. 1-20.

The earliest composition of Bacon^s which I have been able to dis-
cover is a letter written in his twentieth year from Gray's Inn,
where he had not long before commenced his studies. From that
time forward compositions succeed each other without any conside-
rable interval, and in following them we shall accompany him step
by step through his life. But it is necessary to begin by explaining
who he was, and what he had been doing for the last nineteen years,
and with what impressions, preparations, conditions, and prospects he
was entering upon this new stage in his career.

He had been bom among great events, and brought up among
the persons who had to deal with them. It was on the 22nd of Ja-
nuary, I660-I, — while the young Queen of Scotland, a two-months'
widow, was rejecting the terms of reconciliation with England which
Elizabeth proffered, and a new Pope in the Vatican was preparing
to offer the terms of reconciliation with Eome which Elizabeth re-
jected, — that he came crying into the world, the youngest son of
Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and Ann, second
daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, an accomplished lady, sister-in-
law to the then secretary of state. Sir William Cecil. There is no
reason to suppose that he was regarded as a wonderful child. Of
the first sixteen years of his life indeed nothing is known that dis-
tinguishes him from a hundred other clever and well-disposed boys.
He was bom at York House, his father's London residence, opening
into the Strand (not yet a street) on the north, and sloping plea-

VOL. I. B

2 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. I.

santly to the Thames (not yet built out) on the south. Sometimes
there, and sometimes at Gorhambury in Hertfordshire, he passed his
infancy ; the youngest of eight children — six by a former marriage.
In April, 1573,^ he went to Trinity College, Cambridge, a little
earlier than was then usual, being twelve years and three months old.
There he resided in the same rooms with his brother Anthony (his
own brother, two years older than himself), studying diligently, until
Christmas, 1576 ; apparently with only one considerable interval (». e^
from the latter end of August, 1574, to the beginning of March ^,
when the University was* dispersed on account of the plague. On
the 27th of the following June he and his brother Anthony were
admitted " de societate magistrorum " of Gray's Inn ;^ that is, I
suppose, ancients; a privilege to which they were entitled as the
sons of a judge. If we add that during his residence at Cambridge
he was rather sickly, as appears by the frequent payments to the
" potigarie " in Whitgift's accounts, and that his talents or manners
had already been remarked by the courtiers, and drawn upon him
the special notice of the Queen herself, who would often talk with
him and playfully call him the young Lord Keeper,^ we have all
that is known about him for the first fifteen years and nine months
of his life.

Brief however and barren as this record appears, it may help us,
when studied by the light which his subsequent history throws back
upon it, to understand in what manner and in what degree the
accidents of his birth and education had prepared him for the scene
on which he was entering. When the temi)erament is quick and
sensitive, the desire of knowledge strong, and the faculties so vi-
gorous, obedient, and equably developed that they find almost all
things easy, the mind will commonly fasten upon the first object of
interest that presents itself, with the ardour of a first love. Now
these qualities, which so eminently distinguished Bacon as a man,
must have been in him from a boy; and if we would know the
source of those great impulses which began to work in him so early
and continued to govern him so long, we must look for it among the
circumstances by which his boyhood was surrounded. What his
mother taught him we do not know ; but we know that she was a
learned, eloquent, and religious woman, full of afiection and puritanic
fervour, deeply interested in the condition of the Church, and per-

* See Whiigift*8 accounts. Brit. Mag. vol. xxxiii. p. 444.
' See Brit. Mag. vol. xxxii. p. 365.

• See Gray's Inn Book of Orders, p. 56, under date 27th June, 18* Elia. : " Ad
banc pensionem admissi sunt Anthonius Bacon, Franciacus Bacon, Willms. Bowes,
Tliomas Balgey, et Rogerus Wilbraham : ac p'.dt. Antlionius Bacon, Franciscus
Bncon, et Willms. Bowes admissi sunt de societate mtror. et oeteri de mense clcor."

< Vol. i. p. 4.

1560-80.] BOYHOOD. 3

fectly believing that the cause of the Nonconformists was the whole
cause of Christ. Such a mother could not but endeavour to lead her
child's mind into the temple where her own treasure was laid up,
and the child's mind, so led, could not but follow thither with awful
curiosity and impressions not to be effaced. Neither do we know
what his father taught him ; but he appears to have designed him
for the service of the State, and we need not doubt that the son of
Elizabeth's Lord Keeper, and nephew of her principal Secretary, early
imbibed a reverence for the mysteries of statesmanship, and a deep
sense of the dignity, responsibility, and importance of the statesman's
calling. It is probable that he was present more than once, when
old enough to observe and understand such matters, at the opening
of Parliament, and heard his father, standing at the Queen's side,
declare to the assembled Lords and Commons the causes of their
meeting. It is certain that he was more than once in the immediate
presence of the Queen herself, smiled on by the countenance which
was looked up to by all the young and all the old around him with
love and fear and reverence. Everything that he saw and heard;
the alarms, the hopes, the triumphs of the time ; ^ the magnitude of
the interests which depended upon her government ; the high flow
of loyalty which buoyed her up and bore her forward ; the imposing
character of her council, a character which still stands out distinctly
eminent at the distance of nearly three centuries ; must have con-
tributed to excite in the boy's heart a devotion for her person and
her cause. So situated, it must have been as difficult for a young
and susceptible imagination not to aspire after civil dignities as
for a boy bred in camps not to long to be a soldier. But the time
for these was not yet come. For the present his field of ambition
was still in the school-ro<5m and library ; where perhaps from the
delicacy of his constitution he was more at home than in the play-
ground. His career there was victorious ; new prospects of bound-
less extent opening on evei7 side ; till at length, just about the age at
which an intellect of quick growth begins to be conscious of original
power, he was sent to the University, where he hoped to learn all
that men knew. By the time however that he had gone through
the usual course and heard what the various professors had to say,
he was conscious of a disappointment. It seemed that towards the
end of the sixteenth century men neither knew nor aspired to know
more than was to be learned from Aristotle ; a strange thing at any
time; more strange than ever just then, when the heavens them-
selves seemed to be taking up the argument on their own behalf,

^ He was nine years old when the Bull of Excommunication was published and
the Rebellion in the North broke out.

4 LETTEKS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. I.

«

and by suddenly lighting up within the very region of the Un-
changeable and Incorruptible, and presently extinguishing, a new
fixed star as bright as Jupiter — (the new star in Cassiopeia shone
with full lustre on Bacon's freshmanship) — to be protesting by signs
and wonders against the cardinal doctrine of the Aristotelian philo-
sophy. It was then that a thought struck him, the date of which de-
serves to be recorded, not for anything extraordinary in the thought
itself, which had probably occurred to others before him, but for its
influence upon his after-life. If our study of nature be thus barren,
he thought, our method of study must be wrong : might not a better
method be found ? The suggestion was simple and obvious. The
singularity was in the way ho took hold of it. With most men such
a thought would have come and gone in a passing regret ; a few
might have matured it into a wish ; some into a vague project ; one
or two might perhaps have followed it out so far as to attain a dis-
tinct conception of the better method, and hazard a distant indica-
tion of the direction in which it lay. But in him the gift of seeing
in prophetic vision what might be and ought to be was imited wdth
the practical talent of devising means and handling minute details.
He could at once imagine like a poet.and execute like a clerk of the
works. Upon the conviction This may be done, followed at once the
question How may it be done ? Upon that question answered, fol-
lowed the resolution to try and do it.

Of the degrees by which the suggestion ripened into a project, the
project into an undertaking, and the undertaking unfolded itself into
distinct proportions and the full grandeur of its total dimensions, I
can say nothing. But that the thought first occurred to him during
his residence at Cambridge, therefore before he had completed his
fifteenth year, we know upon the beat authority — his own statement
to Dr. Bawley. I believe it ought to be regarded as the most im-
portant event of his life ; the event which had a greater influence
than any other upon his character and future course. From that
moment there was awakened within his breast the appetite which
cannot be satiated, and the passion which cannot commit excess.
From that moment he had avocation which employed and stimulated
all the energies of his mind, gave a value to every vacant interval of
time, an interest and significance to every random thought and casual
accession of knowledge ; an object to live for as wide as humanity,
as immortal as the human race ; an idea to live in vast and lofty
enough to fill the soul for ever with religious and heroic aspirations.
From that moment, though still subject to interruptions, disappoint-
ments, errors, and regrets, he could never be without either work or
hope or consolation.

1560-80.] BOYHOOD. 5

So much with regard to the condition of his mind at this period we
may I think reasonably assume, without trespassing upon the pro-
vince of the novelist. Such a mind as we know from after experi-
ence that Bacon possessed, could not have grown up among such
circumstances without receiving impressions and impulses of this
kind. He could not have been bred under such a mother without
imbibing some portion of her zeal in the cause of the reformed reli-
gion ; he could not have been educated in the house of such a father,
surrounded by such a court, in the middle of such agitations, without
feeling loyal aspirations for the cause of his Queen and country ; he
could not have entertained the idea that the fortunes of the human
race might by a better application of human industry be redeemed
and put into a course of continual improvement, without conceiving
an eager desire to see the process begun.

Assuming then that a deep interest in these three great causes —
the cause of reformed religion, of his native country, of the human
race through all their generations — was thus early implanted in that
vigorous and virgin soil, we must leave it to struggle up as it may,
according to the accidents of time and weather. Many a bad season
it will meet with ; many a noble promise will be broken. .

SsepiuB ilium
Expectata seges vanis eludet aristis.

It is the universal error of hope and youth to overlook impediments
and embrace more than can be accomplished, and to the latter years
of all great undertakings is left the melancholy task of selecting from
among many cherished purposes those which with least injury to the
whole design may be abandoned. But though in the history of so-
ciety an abandoned purpose may rightly go for nothing, it is not so
in the history of a man. A man's intentions, so long as they deserve
the name of intentions, mix with his views, affect his actions, and are
so much a part of himself that unless we take them into the account
we can never understand the real conditions of the problem which
his life presents to him for solution. Of Bacon's life at any rate I am
persuaded that no man will ever form a correct idea, unless he bear
in mind that from very early youth his heart was divided between
these three objects, distinct but not discordant ; and that though the
last and in our eyes the greatest was his favourite and his own, the
other two never lost their hold upon his affections. Not until he
felt his years huddling and hurrying to their close did he consent to
abandon the hope of doing something for them all ; nor indeed is it
easy to find any period of his life in which some fortunate turn of
afffairs might not have enabled him to fulfil it.

6 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. I.

But these perplexing necessities are as yet far away, beyond the
horizon. For the present we must picture him as in the season of
victorious and all-embracing hope, dreaming on things to come, and
rehearsing his life to himself in that imaginary theatre where all
things go right ; for such was his case when — a hopeful, sensitive,
bashful, amiable boy, wise and well-informed for his age, and glowing
with noble aspirations — he put forth into the world with happy
auspices in his sixteenth year.

Sir Nicholas Bacon could not be unaware of his favourite son's
rare qualifications for civil employment. He knew, by seventeen
years' experience of Elizabeth's arduous, anxious, and prosperous go-
vernment, how deeply the State stood in need of the best abilities it
could command. Perhaps he regretted to see such a mind turning
its energies to objects which were really of less immediate urgency,
and probably seemed to him of less ultimate importance (for in the
eyes of an old privy councillor the King of Spain might well appear
to be a more dangerous enemy of the human race than Aristotle) ;
and being deeply impressed with the perilous condition in which
England and therefore the Protestant religion — the religion, as he
would have called it — then stood, wished to draw him away from the
pursuit of shadows by placing him face to face with the realities of
life. At that moment a favourable opportunity presented itself. If
England showed an example of the splendid effects of successful go-
vernment dealing with di£Scult times, France showed an example not
less striking of the fatal results of mwgovernment, in circumstances
not otherwise much unlike. Both countries possessed great natural
advantages : in both the materials of trouble abounded, arising in both
from the same cause — divisions in religion. Yet in England all func-
tions of the State proceeded in healthy, vigorous, and united action,
while in France everything was in misery and disorder, — " the offices
of justice sold, the treasury wasted, the people polled, the country
destroyed ;"^ and all through a few years of corrupt, violent, or feeble
administration. Just then Sir Amias Paulet was going out as am-
bassador to France, and Sir Nicholas resolved that his son, who had
seen at home the efficacy of a good regimen in keeping the body po-
litic sound, should go with him, and see the symptoms of disease pro-
duced in a similar subject by a bad one.

Sir Amias landed at Calais on the 25th of September, 1576, and
succeeded Dr. Dale as ambassador in France in the following Feb-

* Notet on the Present State of Chriitendom, printed in the next chapter.

1560-80.] RESIDENCE IN FEANCE. 7

ruary.^ With the particulars of his employment we need not trouble
ourselves, as it is not probable that Francis, though he is said to
have been once sent home with a message to the Queen,^ had much
to do with them. But the general aspect of affairs on the continent
of Europe would naturally engage the attention of an intelligent boy,
and the house of the English ambassador in France would give him
the best opportunities of understanding the movements of the diffe-
rent powers, and their bearing upon the interests of his own country.
The period of his residence there was full of great matters. It in-
cluded the short, aspiring, and dangerous career of Don John of
Austria; his "perpetual edict of peace" pretended and broken; his
victory at Gemblours ; his practices by secret help from the Pope to
marry the Queen of Scots and invade England ; his death " in no ill
season.*' It included the treaty of mutual assistance between Eng-
land and the states of Holland ; the ineffectual effort made by Eng-
land, France, and Austria to compose the troubles of the Nether-
lands ; the beginning and the end of the sixth civil war in France ;
the opening of the negotiation for a marriage between Elizabeth and
the Duke of Anjou ; the preparation and accidental diversion of a
design for invading Ireland, under Sebastian King of Portugal and
Thomas Stukley the English fugitive, supported by the Pope and the
King of Spain. And in the middle of these alarms and great dis-
turbances, the business of the mission to which he was attached took
him in the wake of the Court through several of the French provinces,
— from Paris to Blois, from Blois to Tours, from Tours to Poitiers,
where in the autumn of 1577 he resided for three months. So that
he had excellent opportunities of studying foreign policy. Of the
manner in which he spent his time however we have no information,
except what we may gather from a few casual allusions dropped by
himself in his later life, which only show that his observation was
active and his memory retentive ; and something, perhaps, from the
inscription on a miniature painted by Hilliard in 1578, which indi-
cates the impression made by his conversation upon those who heard
it. There may be seen his face as it was in his eighteenth year, and
round it may be read the significant words — the natural ejaculation,
we may presume, of the artist's own emotion — Si tabula daretur
digna^ animum mallem : if one could but paint his mind !

He was still at Paris, and was already wishing to be at home
again,* when about the 17th February, 1578-9, from one of those
vague presentiments of evil which make no impression upon the
waking judgment but so often govern the dream, he dreamed that

* Burghley*8 Diary : Murdin, pp. 778, 779. * Bawley ^ Life, vol. i. p. 4.

' See hifl own Btatement to Mr. Fa ant, chap. ii. § 4.

8 LErrERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. I.

his father's house in the country was plastered all over with black
mortar.* And certain it was that about that time his father, having
accidentally fallen asleep at an open window during the great thaw
which followed a great snow,^ was seized with a sudden and fatal
illness of which he died in a few- days. It was a critical conjuncture
for Francis. The question whether he was to be an independent or
a dependent man, — a man who might " live to study," or a man who
must " study to live," — was then trembling in the balance ; and this
accident turned the scale against him. Sir Nicholas, having pro-
vided for the rest of his sons, had at that time (so Dr. Bawley was
informed) laid by a considerable sum of money, which he meant to
employ in purchasing an estate for Francis. His sudden death pre-
vented the purchase, and left Francis with only a fifth part of the
fortune intended for him. An accident of great moment ; which
perplexed the problem of his life by a new and most inconvenient
condition. Like a general who after laying out the design of his
campaign suddenly finds his commissariat fail, he must now readjust
his plans, combining with them some kind of employment which
will pay. There was no help for it however, and the less time lost
the better. The law was his most obvious and on many accounts
his most promising resource ; and being already an ancient of Gray's
Inn,' he sate down at once to make himself a working lawyer. If
the accidents should prove favourable, he might even find an advan-
tage in it ; if not, he would at least find a subsistence. He left Paris
for England on the 20th of March, 1678-9, bearing a despatch from Sir
Amias Faulet to the Queen, in which he was mentioned as '* of great
hope, endued with many good and singular parts," and one who, " if
God gave him life, would prove a very able and sufficient subject to
do her Highness good and acceptable service."* Soon after (probably
in Trinity Term, but I cannot be sure) he commenced his regular
career as a student at law ; and for the next year, during which we
have no further news of him, we may suppose him to be sufficiently
occupied with his new studies ; as wishing to push himself on with
all speed, that he may be the sooner ripe for auy worthier or more
congenial employment that may ofiTer. And this brings us up to the
date of his first letter.

^ See Sylva Sylrarum, vol. ii. p. 666. * See Apophthegms, toI. vii. p. 183.

' He had al?o been admitted during liia absence " of the grand company.*' See
Book of Orders, p. 59, under date 2l8t Nov. 19 Eliz. : " It is further ordered that
all his [Sir Nicholas Bacon's] sons, now admitted of the house, viz. Nicholas, Na-
thaniel, Edward, Anthony, and Francis, shall be of the grand company, and not to
be bound to any vacations."

^ State Paper Office : French Correspondence.

CHAPTER II.
A.D. 1580-1584. iBTAT. 20-24.

1.

The first letter of Bacon's which I have met with was written, as I
said, from Gray's Inn in his twentieth year. It is dated the 11th of
July 1580, and addressed to a Mr. Doyly, in Paris. It has little in-
terest for us, except as being the earliest of his writings that has come
down to us ; and the less because we know nothing either of the per-
son to whom it was addressed or the circumstances to which it alludes.
It seems that Francis had reported to his brother something which
he had heard about Doyly : that Doyly had written two letters of
explanation, and sent them to Francis to be forwarded to their desti-
nation if he thought fit : that Francis, thinking that he was under
some false impression and that the explanation would do more harm
than good, determined not to deliver the letters, and wrote to tell him
so. His advice being to let the matter drop, he studiously avoids
particulars, and means to be intelligible only to the person he is ad-
dressing. To the information which may be thus gathered from the
letter itself, I can only add that Anthony Bacon had set out on his
travels the year before, and resided for some time at Paris, and that
" Mr. D. Doyly began his travel with him," then went to Flanders
where he was " of long time resident at Antwerp, depending upon
Mr. Norris there," and returned to England in the spring of 1583.
" He hath been of late " (says the writer from whom I derive this
information) " extremely sick in those parts, and remaineth wonder-
fully altered since I see him in France, and having through ill
order (as some say) caused this change in himself, I think his time
not the best bestowed on the other side. I love the gentleman, and
therefore must not credit what I hear on this behalf."^

^ See letter from Nicholas Faunt to Anthony Bacon, May 6th, 1583 : Lambeth
M8S. 647, p. 72. Nicholas Faunt was one of Walsingham's secretaries, and an
intimate friend and constant correspondent of Anthony Bacon's. Tlieir acquaint-
ance had commenced at Paris. In the beginning of 1581 Faunt travelled into
Germany, where he spent three months and a half. The next six or seven he spent
between Geneva and the north of Italy. February and March, 1581-2, he passed at
Paris, whence he returned in the beginning of April to London. He sympathized
strongly with the Puritan party in religion, but was a diligent observer of public

10 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. II.

To Mr. Doylie.^

Mr. Doylie,

This very afternoon, giving date to these letters of mine, I
recteived yours by the hands of Mr. Winibank. To the which I
thought convenient not only to make answer, but also therein to
make speed ; lest upon supposition that the two letters enclosed
were according to their direction delivered, you should commit
any error, either in withholding your letters so much the longer
where peradventure they mought be looked for, or in not with-
holding to make mention of these former letters in any others of
a latter despatch. The considerations that moved me to stay
the letters from receipt, whether they be in respect that I take
this course to be needless, or insufficient, or likely to breed to
more inconvenience otherwise than to do good as it is meant, —
in sum, such they are that they prevail with my simple discre-
tion, which you have put in trust in ordering the matter, to per-
suade me to do as I have done. My trust and desire likewise
is, that you will repose and satisfy yourself upon that which
seemeth good to me herein, being most privy to the circum-
stances of the matter, and tendering my brother's credit as I
ought, and not being misafTected to you neither. By those at
whom you glance, if I know whom you mean, I know likewise
that you mean amiss ; for I am able upon knowledge to acquit
them from being towards this matter. For mine own part, truly
Mr. Doylie I never took it but that your joining in company and
travel with my brother proceeded not only of goodwill in you,

afTairs and an able Intelligencer. Copious extracts from his letters may be seen in
Birch's Memorials of Queen Elizabeth.

^ Lambeth MSS. 647, 14. The original letter in Bacon's own hand : probably
the earliest specimen remaining of his handwriting. Docketed by Anthony Bacon,
" My Bro : Fra : his Ire to Mr. Doylie, 1580." Addressed, " To my verye frend
Mr. Doylie del' these : at Parris."

All the letters for which I refer to the Lambeth collection are printed from
copies made (or, if they had been printed before, collated with the originals) by
myself in 1843 or 1844 ; when Dr. Maitland was librarian, from whom no diligently
disposed student ever failed to reoeive aU possible assistance and encouragement,
ana to whom I in particular am indebted for facilities in studying the volumes
under his charge for which I cannot sufficiently thank him. The copies of some
of these letters lately published by Mr. Hepworth Dixon (Bsrsonal Hittory of
Lord Bacon. Murray, 1861) diflfer, I observe, very much from mine; most of
them in tlie words and sense, more or less ; and some in the name of the person
writing, or the person written to, or both. But as mine are more intelligible, and
were made with caro and at leisure and when my eyes were better than they are
now, I do not suspect any material error in them, and have not thought it worth
while to apply for leave to compare them again with tlie originals.

1580-84.] VIEWS AND HOPES. 11

but also of his motion^ and that your mind was always rather by
desert than pretence of friendship to earn thanks than to win
them ; neither would I say thus much to you if I would stick to
say it in any place where the contrary were enforced ; and in
that I certified my brother of this matter being delivered unto
me for truth, I had this consideration, that between friends
more advertisements are profitable than true. My request unto
you is that you will proceed in your good mind towards my
brother's well-doing, and although he himself can best both
judge and consider of it, yet I dare say withal that his friends
will not be unthankful to misconstrue it, but ready to acknow-
ledge it upon his liking ; and as for this matter, if you take no
knowledge at all of it, I will undertake it upon my knowledge
that it shall be the better choice. Thus betake I you to the
Lord. From Gray's Inn, the xi^ of July, 1580.

Your very friend,

Fe. Bacon.

2.

From the foregoing letter we learn that Bacon was now living at
Gray's Inn. From the three next we may partly gather what his
views and hopes were with regard to the ordering of his studies and
life. His intention was to study the common law as his profession ;
but at the same time it was his wish and hope to obtain some employ-
ment in it which should make him independent of ordinary practice
at the Bar. What.the particular employment was for which he hoped
I cannot say ; something probably connected with the service of the
Crown, to which the memory of his father, an old and valued Ser-
vant prematurely lost, his near relationship to the Lord Treasurer,
and the personal notice which he had himself received from the
Queen, would naturally lead him to look. It seems that he had
spoken to Burghley on the subject, and made some overture ; which
Burghley undertook to recommend to the Queen; and that the
Queen, who though slow to bestow favours was careful always to
encourage hopes, entertained the motion graciously and returned a
favourable answer. The proposition, whatever it was, having been
explained to Burghley in conversation, is only alluded to in these
letters. It seems to have been so far out of the common way as to
require an apology, and the terms of the apology imply that it was
for some employment as a lawyer. And this is all the light I can
throw upon it.

12 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. II.

To Lady Burghley.^

My singular good Lady,

I was as ready to show myself mindful of my duty by waiting
on your Ladyship at your being in town as now by writing, had
I not feared lest your Ladyship's short stay and quick return
mought well spare one that came of no earnest errand. I am
not yet greatly perfect in ceremonies of court, whereof I know
your Ladyship knoweth both the right use and true value. My
thankful and serviceable mind shall be always like itself, how*
soever it vary from the common disguising. Your Ladyship is
wise and of good nature to discern from what mind every action
proceedeth, and to esteem of it accordingly. This is all the
message which my letter hath at this time to deliver, unless it
please your Ladyship further to give me leave to make this re-
quest unto you, that it would please your good Ladyship in your
letters wherewith you visit my good Lord to vouchsafe the
mention and recommendation of my suit ; wherein your Lady-
ship shall bind me more unto you than I can look ever to be
able sufficiently to acknowledge. Thus in humble manner I
take my leave of your Ladyship, committing you as daily in my
prayers so likewise at this present to the merciful providence of
the Almighty. From G. Inn, this 16 September, 1580.

Your Ladyship's most dutiful and bounden nephew,

B. Fra.

To Lord Burohley.^

My singular good Lord,

My humble duty remembered and my humble thanks pre-
sented for your Lordship's favour and countenance, which it
pleased your Lordship at my being with you to vouchsafe me
above my degree and desert, my letter hath no further errand
but to commend unto your Lordship the remembrance of my
suit which then I moved unto you, whereof it also pleased your
Lordship to give me good hearing so far forth as to promise to
tender it unto her Majesty, and withal to add in the behalf of

» Lansd. MSS. 31. 14. Copy : no addrew.

' Lansd. MSS. 31. 14. Copy in the same hand : also without address. Dock-
eted B. Fra.

1580-84.] LETTERS TO LORD BURGHLEY. 13

it that which I may better deliver by letter than by speech,
which is, that although it must be confessed that the request
is rare and unaccustomed, yet if it be observed how few there
be which fall in with the study of the common laws, either being
well left or friended, or at their own free election, or forsaking
likely success in other studies of more delight and no less pre-
ferment, or setting hand thereunto early without waste of years ;
upon such survey made, it may be my case may not seem ordi-
nary, no more than my suit, and so more beseeming unto it. As
I force myself to say this in excuse of my motion, lest it should
appear unto your Lordship altogether undiscreet and unadvised,
so my hope to obtain it resteth only upon your Lordship's good
affection toward me and grace with her Majesty, who methiuks
needeth never to call for the experience of the thing, where she
hath so great and so good of the person which recommendeth
it. According to which trust of mine, if it may please your
Lordship both herein and elsewhere to be my patron, and to
make account of me as one in whose well-doing your Lordship
hath interest, albeit indeed your Lordship hath had place to
benefit many, and wisdom to make due choice of lighting-places
for your goodness, yet do I not fear any of your Lordship's
former experiences for staying my thankfulness borne in heart,^
howsoever God's good pleasure shall enable me or disable me
outwardly to make proof thereof. For I cannot account your
Lordship's service distinct from that which I [owe] ^ to God
and my Prince ; the performance whereof to best proof and pur-
pose is the meeting point and rendezvous of all my thoughts.
Thus I take my leave of your Lordship in humble manner, com-
mitting you, as daily in my prayers, so likewise at this present,
to the merciful protection of the Almighty. From G. Inn, this
16 of September, 1580.

Your most dutiful and bounden nephew,

B. Fra.

To Lord Burgh ley.^

My singular good Lord,

Your Lordship's comfortable relation of her Majesty's gra-

* So in MS. I suppose the transcriber has missed oat some words.
» MS. omits "owe.**

* Lansd. MSS. 31. 16. Copy in the same hand : no address. Docketed JB. Fra,
Another docket in a more modern hand describes it as a transcript by Sir Michael
Hickes of Fra. Bacon^s letter to the L. Treasurer Burghley.

14 LETIERS AND LIFE OF FKANCIS BACON. [Chap. II.

cious opinion and meaning towards me^ though at that time your
leisure gave me not leave to show how I was affected therewith,
yet upon every representation thereof it entereth and striketh
so much more deeply into me, as both my nature and duty press-
eth me to return some speech of thankiulness. It must be an
exceeding comfort and encouragement to me, setting forth and
putting myself in way towards her Majesty's service, to encounter
with an example so private and domestical of her Majesty's,
gracious goodness and benignity ; being made good and verified
in my father so far forth as it extendeth to his posterity, ac-
cepting them as commended by his service, during the non-age,
as I may term it, of their own deserts. I, for my part, am well
content that I take least part either of his abilities of mind or
of his worldly advancements, both which he held and received,
the one of the gift of God immediate, the other of her Majesty's
gift : yet in the loyal and earnest affection which he bare to her
Majesty's service, I trust my portion shall not be with the least,
nor in proportion with my youngest birth. For methinks his
precedent should be a silent charge upon his blessing unto us
all in our degrees, to follow him afar off, and to dedicate unto
her Majesty's service both the use and spending of our lives.
True it is that I must needs acknowledge myself prepared and
furnished thereunto with nothing but a multitude of lacks and
imperfections. But calling to mind how diversly and in what
particular providence God hath declared himself to tender the
estate of her Majesty's affairs, I conceive and gather hope that
those whom he hath in a manner pressed for her Majesty's ser-
vice, by working and imprinting in them a single and zealous
mind to bestow their days therein, he will see them accord-
ingly appointed of sufficiency convenient for the rank and stand-
ing where they shall be employed : so as under this her Majesty's
blessing I trust to receive a larger^ allowance of God's graces.
As I may hope for these, so I can assure and promise for my
endeavour that it shall not be in fault ; but what diligence can
entitle me unto, that I doubt not to recover. And now seeing it
hath pleased her Majesty to take knowledge of this my mind, and
to vouchsafe to appropriate me unto her service, preventing any
desert of mine with her princely liberality; first, [I am moved]*
humbly to beseech your Lordship to present to her Majesty my
* longer in MS. • The words no longer legible in the original.

1580-84.] PROQRKSS AT GRAY'S INN. 15

more than most humble thanks therefore, and withal having
regard to mine own unworthiness to receive such favour, and
to^ the small possibility in me to satisfy and answer what her
Majesty conceiveth, I am moved to become a most humble suitor
unto her Majesty, that this benefit also may be affixed unto the
other; which is, that if there appear not in me such towardness
of service as it may be her Majesty doth benignly value me and
assess me at, by reason of my sundry wants, and the disadvan-
tage of my nature, being unapt to lay forth the simple store of
these inferior gifts which God hath allotted unto me most to
view ; yet that it would please her excellent Majesty not to ac-
count my thankfulness less for that my disability is great to
show it ; but to sustain me in her Majesty^s gracious opinion,
whereupon I only rest, and not upon expectation of any desert
to proceed from myself towards the contentment^ thereof. But if
it shall please God to send forth an occasion whereby my faithful
afiection may be tried, I trust it shall save me labour for ever
making more protestation of it after. In the meantime, howso-
ever it be not made known to her Majesty, yet God knoweth it
through the daily solicitations wherewith I address myself unto
him in unfeigned prayer for the multiplying of her Majesty's
prosperities. To your Lordship, whose recommendation, I know
right well, hath been material to advance her Majesty's good
opinion of me, I can be but a bounden servant. So much may
1 safely promise and purpose to be, seeing public and private
bonds vary not, but that my service to God, her Majesty, and
your Lordship draw in a line. I wish therefore to show it with
as good proof, as I say it with good faith. From G. Inn, this
18 Oct. 1580.

Your lordship's dutiful and bounden nephew,

B. Fea.

3.

From this time we have no further news of Francis Bacon till the
15th of April, 1582^; but as we find that he was then re8iding as
before in Gray's Inn, where he was admitted Utter Barrister on the
27th of June following/ we may suppose that he had been going on

* in in MS. ' eiUeriainment in MS. ' Birch's MemorialB, i. 22.

< See Order Book, under date 27 June, A« R. xxiv*. " Mr. Francis Bacon, Mr.
Edward Morrison, Mr. Roger Wilbraham, and Mr. Lawrence Washington, utter
barristers at this pension."

16 LEITEBS AND LIFE OP FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. U.

quietly with his legal studies. His correspondence with his brother,
who was travelling and gathering political intelligence on the Con-
tinent, would at the same time naturally keep up his interest in
foreign affairs ; and if that paper of notes concerning '* The State of
Europe," which was printed as his in the supplement to Stephens's
second collection in 1734, reprinted by Mallet in 1760, and h&s been
placed at the beginning of his political writings in all editions since
1763, be really of his composition, this is the period of his life to
which it belongs. I must confess, however, that I am not satisfied
with the evidence or authority upon which it appears to have been
ascribed to him.

Stephens unfortunately did not live to superintend the publication
of his collection. The letters and papers contained in the first 231
pages (the volume consists of 515) had been committed by him to
the press before his last illness, and he had written a preface and an
introductory memoir. The rest were selected firom his papers under
the superintendence of his friend John Locker, and with this ad-
dition (which 1 have called the supplement) the whole volume was
published after his death by Mary Stephens, the widow. The notes
on the state of Europe are in the supplement.

Of the collection generally, Stephens in his preface gives the fol-
lowing account : —

" Having many years past transcribed from the originals several letters
and memoirs of the Lord Bacon, which had never been made public, and
disposed them with others in a series of time, I then engaged myself to
make a supplement thereto, if 1 might be obliged with other of his Lord-
ship's genuine writings. And to that end a gentleman, long since deceased,
gave me the opportunity of copying some other of his Lordship's genuine
letters which had been a part of the former collection : but not having a
sufficient number, and being soon concerned in affairs of another nature, I
laid aside all thoughts of troubling myself or others in the same kind, till
the Bight Honourable the Earl of Oxford was pleased to put into my hands
some neglected manuscripts and loose papers, to see whether any of the
Lord Bacon's compositions lay concealed there, that were fit to be pub-
lished. Upon the perusal 1 found some of them written and others amended
with his Lordship's own hand, and believed that all of them had been in
possession of Dr. Bawley, his Lordship's chaplain, and ftdthful editor of
many of his works. 1 found that several of the treatises had been pub-
lished by him, and that others, certainly genuine, which had not, were fit
to be transcribed, and so preserved, if not divulged." — ^Preface, p. iii.

Now I have little doubt that this paper on the state of Europe
was among those manuscripts or loose papers of which Stephens here
speaks ; for the editor of the supplementary pieces informs us that
they were " added from originals " found among Stephens's papers ;

.1580-84.] NOTES ON THE STATE OP CHRISTENDOM. 17

and the original of this tract, having no doubt been returned to Lord
Oxford, is now among the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum.
I do not find however that Stephens had left any note of his opinion
or the grounds of it concerning the authorship of this particular
paper ; and, whatever his opinion may have been, it is probable that
all the evidence upon which it rested is as accessible to us as it was
to him. To me this evidence does not appear strong enough to jus-
tify an editor in printing the tract as an undoubted work of Bacon's.
The Harleian MS. is a copy in an old hand, probably contemporary,
— ^but not Prancis Bacon's. Blank spaces have been left here and
there by the transcriber, as if for words which he could not decipher ;
and these words have been filled in by another hand, — but neither
does this hand resemble Prancis Bacon's. A few sentences have
been inserted afberwards by the same hand, and two by another,
which is very like Anthony Bacon's ; none in Prancis's. The blanks
have all been filled up, but no words have been corrected, though it
is obvious that in some places they stand in need of correction. Cer-
tain allusions to events then passing (which will be pointed out in
their place) prove that the original paper was written, or at least
completed, in the summer of 1582, at which time Prancis Bacon was
studying law in Gray's Inn, while Anthony was travelling in Prance
in search of politicid intelligence, and was in close correspondence
with Nicholas Paunt, a secretary of Sir Francis Walsingham's, who
had spent the previous year in Prance, Grermany, Switzerland, and
the north of Itfdy, on the same errand ; and was now living about
the English court, studying afiairs at home, and collecting and ar-
ranging the observations which he had made abroad, " having already
recovered all his writings and books which he had left behind him in
Italy and at Prankfort." (See Birch's Memoirs^ i. 24.) And it is
to be remembered that if this paper belonged to Anthony !Bacon,
it would naturally descend at his death to Prancis, and so remain
among his manuscripts, where it is supposed to have been found.

Thus it appears that the external evidence justifies no inference
as to the authorship, and the only question is, whether the stt/le can
be considered as conclusive. To me it certainly is not. But as this
is a point upon which the reader should be allowed to judge for him-
self, and as the paper is interesting in itself and historically valuable
and has always passed for Bacon's, it is here printed from the origi-
nal, though (to distinguish it from his undoubted compositions) in a
smaller type.*

^ It is of the less importance to ascertain who it was that filled up the blanks
left by the transcriber and added the sentences which have been inserted since the
transcript was made, because there is nothing either in the substance or manner
of the insertions to show that he was the author. He may have been merely com-

VOL. I. C

18 LETTEBS Am) LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. n.

Notes an the Present State of Christendom [1582] .^

In the consideration of the present estate of Christendom, depending on
the inclination and qualities of the princes governors of the same ; First the
person of the Pope, acknowledged for supreme of the princes Catholic, may
be brought forth.
Pope. Grregory XIII., of the age of seventy years, Jby surname Boncampagno,

bom in Bolonia of the meanest state of the people, his father a shoemaker
by occupation, of no great learning nor understanding, busy rather in prac*
tice than desirous of wars, and that rather to fWher the advancement of
his son and his house, (a respect highly regarded of all the Popes,) than of
any inclination of nature, the which yet in these years abhorreth not his
secret pleasures. Howbeit, two things especiaUy have set so sharp edge to
him, whereby he doth bend himself so vehemently against religion. The
one is a mere necessity, the other the solicitation of the King of Spain. For
if we consider duly the estate of the present time, we shaU find that he is
not so much carried with the desire to suppress our religion, as driven with
the fear of the downfall of his own, if in time it be not upheld and restored.

The reasons be these : he seeth the King of Spain already in years, and
worn with labour and troubles, that there is little hope in him of long life.
And he failing, there were likely to ensue great alterations of state in all
his dominions, the which should be joined with the like in religion, espe-
cially in this divided time, and in Spain already so forward as the fury of
the Inquisition can scarce keep in.'

In France, the state of that church seemeth to depend on the sole* life of
the king now reigning, being of a weak constitution, full of infirmities, not
like]y to have long life, and quite out of hope of any issue. Of the Duke of
Anjou he doth not assure himself; besides the opinion conceived of the
weakness of the complexion of all that race, giving neither hope of length
of life nor of children. And the next to the succession make already pro-
fession of religion, besides the increase thereof daily in France. England
and Scotland are already, God be thanked, quite reformed, with the better
part of Germany. And because the Queen's Majesty hath that reputation
to be the defender of the true religion and faith, against her Majesty, as
the head of the faithful, is the drift of all their mischiefs.

The King of Spain having erected in his conceit a monarchy, wherein
seeking reputation in the protection^ of religion, this conjunction with the
Pope is as necessary to him for the furtherance of his purposes, as to the
Pope behoveful for the advancing of his house, and for his authority ; the
King of Spain having already bestowed on the Pope's son degree of title and
of office, with great revenues. To encourage the Pope herein, being head

paring the copy with the original and correcting it. It may be worth while how-
ever to add, that if I oan trust my recollection of Nicholas Faunt's letters in the
Lambeth Library, where, some years since, I read a great number of them, the in-
sertions are all in his hand (except the tvro which I take to be Anthony Bacon's) ;
and that I suspect him to have been the purveyor, if not the author, of the paper.

» Ilarl. MSS. 7021. 1. Copy in an old hand. « So in MS.

' tollye in M.S. * protectors in MS.

1582.] [NOTES ON THE STATE OP CHRISTENDOM.] 19

of their church, they set before him the analogy of the name Gregory,
saying that we were first nnder a Gregory brought to the faith, and by a
Gregory are again to be reduced to the obedience of Eome.

A prophecy likewise is found out that foretelleth, the dragon sitting in
the chair of Peter, great things should be brought to pass.

Thus is the King of France solicited against those of the religion in
France ; the Emperor against those in his dominions ; divisions set in Grer-
many ; the Low Countries miserably oppressed ; and daily attempts against
her Majesty, both by force and practice. Hereto serve the seminaries,
where none are now admitted but take the oath against her Majesty.

The sect of the Jesuits are special instruments to alienate the people
from her Majesty, sow faction, and to absolve them of the oath of obedi-
ence, and prepare the way to rebellion and revolt.

Besides, for confirmation of their own religion they have used some re-
formation of the clergy, and brought in catechizing.

To go forth with the princes of Italy next in situation. The great duke Duke of
of Tuscany, Francesco de* Medici, son to Cosmo, and the third duke of that Tuioany.
family and province ; of the age of forty years, of disposition severe and
sad, rather than manly and grave ; no princely port or behaviour more than
a great justicer ; inclined to peace, and gathering money. All Tuscany is
subject unto him, wherein were divers commonwealths ; whereof the chief
were Florence, Siena, and Pisa, Prato, and Pistoia, saving Lucca, and cer-
tain forts on the sea-coast, held by the King of Spain.

He retaineth in his service few, and they strangers, to whom he giveth
pensions. Li all his citadels he hath garrisons of Spaniards, except at
Siena : in housekeeping spendeth little, being as it were in pension, agree-
ing for so much the year with a citizen of Florence for his diet : he hath a
small gu§rd of Swissers, and when he rideth abroad, a guard of forty light
horsemen. The militia of his country amounteth to forty thousand sol-
diers, to the which he granteth leave to wear their weapons on the holy
day, and other immunities. Besides, he entertaineth certain men of arms,
to the which he giveth seven crowns the month. He also maintaineth
seven galleys, the which serve under his knights, erected by his father in
iPisa, of the order of St. Stephano : of these galleys three go every year in
chase.

His common exercise is in distillations, and in trying of conclusions, the
which he doth exercise in a house called Cassino, in Florence, where he
spendeth the most part of the day ; giving ear in the mean season to mat-
ters of afiairs, and conferring with his chief officers. His revenues are es-
teemed to amount to a million and a half of crowns, of the which spending
half a million, he layeth up yearly one million. But certainly he is the
richest prince in aU Europe of coin. The form of his government is abso-
lute, depending only of his will and pleasure, though retaining in many
things the ancient offices and show. But those magistrates resolve nothing
without his express directions and pleasure. Privy council he useth none,
but reposeth most his trust on some secretary, ^d conferreth chiefly with

c 2

20 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. H.

his wife, as his father did with one of his secretaries. For matter of exa-
minations, one Corbolo hath the especial trust. He doth favour the people
more than the nobility, because they do bear an old grudge to the gentle-
men, and the people are the more in number, without whom the nobility
can do nothing. One thing in him giveth great contentment to the sub-
jects, that he vouehsafeth to receive and hear all their petitions himself.
And in his absence from Florence, those that have suit do resort to the
office, and there exhibit their bill indorsed ; whereof within three days ab-
solute answer is returned them, unless the matter be of great importance,
then have they direction how to proceed. He is a great justicer ; and for
the ease of the people, and to have the better eye over justice, hath built
hard by his palace a fair row of houses for all offices together in one place.

Two years since he married la Signora Bianca,^ his concubine, a Vene-
tian of Casa Capelli, whereby he entered straiter amity with the Venetians.
With the Pope he hath good intelligence, and some affinity by the mar-
riage of Signor Jacomo, the Pope's son, in Casa Sforza.

To the Emperor he is allied, his first wife being the emperor Maximilian's
sister.

With Spain he is in strait league, and his mother was of the house of
Toledo ; his brother likewise, D. Pietro, married in the same house. With
France he standeth at this present in some misliking.

With Ferrara always at jar, as with all the dukes of Italy for the pre-
seanoe, some controversy.

All his revenues arise of taxes and customs ; his domains are very small.

He hath by his first wife one son, of the age of four or five years, and
four daughters ; he hath a base child by this woman, and a base brother,
D. Joanni, sixteen years of age, of great expectation.

Two brothers, D. Pietro, and the Cardinal.

Ferrara. The Duke of Ferrara, Alfonso d'Este, the fifth duke, now about forty

years of age ; his first wife Lucretia, daughter to Cosmo de' Medici, whom
they say he poisoned ; his second, daughter to Ferdinand the Emperor ;
his third wife now living, Anne, daughter to the Ihike of Mantua. He hath
no child. The chief cities of his state are Ferrara, Modena, and Eeggio :
he is rich in money, growing, as the most of Italy, of exactions ; of all the
princes in Italy, alone inclineth to the French ; with the Pope hath some
jar about the passage of a river. The Venetians and he stiU in great
hatred ; with Florence hath enmity ; with Lucca little skirmishes every
year for a castle he buildeth on their confines, to raise a great toll in a
strait passage, by reason of his mother a Guise.

Mantua. William, of the house of Gonsaga, the third duke of Mantua ; his wife

Barbara daughter to the Emperor Ferdinand, by whom he hath a son of
twenty-two years of age, and a daughter. His son is called Vincentio, his
daughter Anne married of late to the Duke of Ferrara ; his son likewise
married a year sithence to the Prince of Parma's daughter. The Duke
hisself very deformed and crook-backed, well in years. Monferrat like-

1 JSiana in MS.

1682.] [NOTES ON THE STATE OF CHBTSTENDOM.] 21

wise appertainetli to him. Divers of his house have pension always, and
serve the King of Spain ; his brother the Duke de Nevers remaincth in
France. He only seeketh to maintain his estate and enrich himself; his
greatest pleasure is in horses and building.

The Duke of IJrbin, Francesco Maria, of the house of Eover^, the se- ITrbin.
cond of that name ; a prince of good behaviour and witty. In his state
are seven reasonable fair cities : Pesaro, Augubio, Sinigaglia, Fossombrone,
Sanleo, Cagli, IJrbino. Pesaro and Sinigaglia are fortresses on the sea-
side, IJrbine and Sanleo on the Apennine, well fortified. He holdeth
three provinces, Montefeltro, Massa Trebaria, and Vicariato di Mondavio.

There have been good princes and valiant of that house, not so great
exactors as the rest of Italy, therefore better beloved of their subjects,
which love restored their house, being displaced by Pope Leo X.

His wife Leonora, sister [to] the Duke of Ferrara, by whom he hath no
children, and now is divorced. He hath two sisters, the one married to
the Duke of Gravina, the other to the Prince Bisignano, and a third is to
marry, whose name is Lavinia.

Ottaviano, first Duke of Castro, then of Camerino, and after of Parma Parma,
and Piacenza, with great trouble restored to his estate ; now is aged and
liveth quietly : his wife Marguerite dau^ter to Charles V., first wife to
Alexander de' Medici first duke of Florence. He hath one son, called
Alexander, now general for the King of Spain in the Low Countries ; his
daughter Yittdria was mother to the Duke of Urbin.

The Cardinal Famese his uncle, of great credit in that College, long time
hath aspired to be Pope, but withstood by the King of Spain ; on whom
though now that house depend, yet forgetteth not, as he thinketh, the
death of Pier Luigi, and loss of Parma and Piacenza, restored to their
house by the French.

The young princes of Mirandola, in the government of their mother .
Fulvia Correggio, and under the protection of the King of France, who
maintaineth there a garrison.

The Duke of Savoy, Carolo Emanuel, a young prince of twenty-one Savoy,
years, very little of stature, but well brought up and disposed. His terri-
tory is the greatest of any duke of Italy, having Piemont beyond the Alps,
and Savoy on this side. Divers fair towns and strongholds. Richly left
of his father, who was accounted a very wise prince. This Duke, as is
thought, is advised to remain always indifferent between Spain and France,
being neighbour to them both, unless some accident do counsel him to de-
clare himself in behalf of either. Therefore both those princes go about
by marriage to have him nearer allied to them. His mother was sister to
King Francis the Great ; his father being expulsed his dominions by the
French, was restored by the King of Spain, with whom while he lived he
had strait intelligence. As yet his inclination doth not appear ; he retain-
eth his father's alliances with Venice especially in Italy and with the Em-
peror. With Florence he hath question for pre-eminence.

22 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IL

HU revenues are judged to [be] a million of crowne yearly ; [now lie is
in arms against Greneva, and guarded against Bern.]'

Luooa. Of free estates, Lucca the least is under the protection of the King of

Spain : small in territory ; the city itself well fortified and provided, be-
cause of the doubt they have of the Duke of Florence.

Genoa. G«noa is recommended to the King of Spain ; their galleys serve under

him, and the chiefest of their city are at his devotion. Though there is a
faction for the French, whereto he doth hearken so weakly, that the Spa-
niard is there aU in all ; by whom that state in few years hath made a
marvellous gain. And the King of Spain hath great need of their friend-
ship, for their ports, where embark and land all men, and whatsoever is
sent between Spain and Milan.

They hold Corsica an island, and Savona a fair city, and the goodliest
haven in Italy, until it was destroyed by the Grenevois ; the which now
make no profession but of merchandise.

There is a dangerous faction amongst them, between the ancient houses
and the new, which were admitted into the ancient families.

St. George is their treasure-house and receiver, as at Venice St. Mark.

Yenioe. Venice retaining still the ancient form of government, is always for it-

self in like estate and all one ; at this time between the Turk and the King
of Spain, in continual watch, seeming to make more account of France,
not so much in hope of any great affiance at this present to be had in him,
but for the reputation of that nation, and the amity always they have had
with the same, and behoving them so to do. They use it with good fore-
sight, and speedy preventing, sparing for no charge to meet as thoy may
with every accident. Of late they have had some jar with the Pope, as well
about the Inquisition as title of land. With Ferrara and the Venetians is
ancient enmity, specially because he receiveth all their banished and fugi-
tives. They make* most account of the Duke of Savoy amongst the princes
of Italy. They maintain divers ambassadors abroad, with the Turk, the
Emperor, France, Spain, and at Bome : with them is an ambassador of
France and Savoy always resident, and an agent of Spain, because they
gave the preseance to France.

In this it seemeth all the potentates of Italy do agree to let all private
grudges give place to foreign invasion, more for doubt of alteration in reli-
gion than for any other civil cause.

There is none among them at this day in any likelihood to grow to any
greatness. For Venice is bridled by the Turk and Spain. The Duke of
Tuscany seeketh rather title than territory, otherwise than by purchasing.
Savoy is yet young. The rest of no great force of themselves. France

* Inserted Binoe the MS. was copied, in the same hand which filled the blanks.
This war was fresh news in England on the 1st of August, 1582. See Faunt's
letter to Anthony Bacon. Birch's Memoirs, i. 24.

' ttkide in MS., which seems to have been corrected into make.

1582.] [NOTES ON THE STATE OP CHRISTENDOM.] 28

haih greatly loet the reputation they had in Italy, by neglecting the occa-
sions offered, and suffering the !King of Spain to settle himself.

The Emperor Adolphe' of the house of Austriche, son to Maximilian, Emperor,
about thirty years of age ; no strong constitution of body, and greatly
weakened by immoderate pleasure ; no great quickness of spirit. In fa-
shion and apparel all Spanish, where he had his education in his youth.
He was most goyemed by his mother while she remained with him ;' and
yet altogether by his steward Dyetristan, and his great chamberlain
Bomphe, both pensionaries of Spain, and there with him maintained.

Of the empire he hath by the last imperial diet one milliDU of dollars
towards the maintenance of the garrisons of Hungary ; and, besides, his
guards are paid of the empire.

To the Turk he payeth yearly tribute for Hungary 40,000 dollars, be-
sides the charge of the presents and his ambassadors, amounting to more
than, the tribute ; in all 100,000 dollars.

The ordinary garrisons in Hungary are to the number of but

evil paid at this time.

The revenues and subsidies of Hungary do not pass 100,000 florins. The
last Emperor affirmed solemnly, that the charge of Hungary amounted to
oue million and a half.

The revenues of Bohemia, ordinary and extraordinary, amount to 50,000
dollars.

In the absence of the Emperor, the Baron of Bosemberg is governor of
Bohemia, who possesseth almost a fourth part of that country, and is a
Papist ; neither he nor his brother have children : he beareth the Emperor
in hand to make him his heir.

Of Silesia and Moravia, the Emperor yearly may have 200,000 florins.

Out of Austriche of subsidy and tribute 100,000 florins, fpr his domains
are all sold away and engaged.

Thus all his revenues make half a million of florins.

To his brothers Maximilian and Ernest he alloweth yearly, by agreement
made between them, 45,000 florins apiece, as well for Austriche, as that
might hereafler fall unto them by the decease of the Archduke Ferdinand
in Tyrol, the which shall come to the Emperor.

The Emperor altogether dependeth on Spain, as well in respect of his
house, as the education he received there, and the rule his mother hath over
him with the chief of his council. He is utter enemy to religion, having
well declared the same in banishing the ministers out of Vienna, and divers
other towns, where he goeth about to plant Jesuits.

Of his subjects greatly misliked, as his house is hateful to all Germany.

The Archduke Charles holdeth Stiria and Carinthia ; his chief abode is at
Gratz ; his wife is sister to the Duke of Bavyre, by whom he hath children.

' So in MS. It should be Sodolphe. Observe that this is not one of the names
for which a blank has been left by the transcriber.

' The old Empress left Germanj for Portugal in August, 15^1. Burch*s Mem.
L 16.

]

24 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. H.

The Archduke Ferdinand hath Tyrol, and retaineth the most part of
Usburg. For his eldest son he hath bought in Grermanj a pretty state,
not far from XJlms ; the second is a Cardinal. Now he is a widower, [and
said that he shall marry a daughter of the Duke of Mantua.]^

These are uncles to the Emperor : besides Maximilian and Ernest, he
hath two brothers, the Archduke Matthias, that hath a pension of the estates
of the Low Countries, and a Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo.

Germany. In Germany there are divers princes diversly affected. The Elector Pa-
latine Ludovic, a Lutheran ; his chief abode is at Heidelberg.

His brother, John Casimyre, Calvinist, at Keiserslautem, or Nieustadt.

Bichard their uncle at Symyers.

During the life of the last Elector, Ludoyic dwelt at Amberg in the
Higher Palatinate.

Philip Ludoyic dwelt at Norbourgh on tlie Danow, and is commonly
called Duke of .«

John dwelleth at Eypont, or Sweybourgh, or in Bergesaber ; the other
three brethren have no certain dwelling-place. Greorge John, son of Eu-
pert. Count Palatine, dwelleth at Lysselsteyn.

Princes of Augustus, Duke and Elector of Saxon, remaineth the most part at Dres-
Germany. ^^^ ^^^ ^^le Elbe ; sometimes at Torge on Elbe, a goodly castle fortified by
John Frederick. This elector is Lutheran, and great enemy to our pro-
fession ; of sixty years of age, half-frantic, severe, governed much by his
wife, greater exactor than the German princes are wont to be, and retain-
eth in his service divers Italians ; his eldest son married of late the daugh-
ter of the Duke of Brandebourg.

The sons of John Frederick, captive, and yet in prison, remain at Co-
burge in East Franconia, near the forest of Turinge.

T^ie sons of John William abide at Vinaria in Turingia.

Joachim Frederick, son of John George, Elector of Brandebourg, at
Hala, in. Saxony, on the river of Sala, as administrator of the archbishopric
of Magdebourge.

George Frederick, son of George, dwelleth at Orsbuche in East Fran-
conia, or at Blassenbourge, the which was the mansion of his uncle Albert
the warrior.

The Elector of Brandebourg, John George, remaineth at Berlin on the
river of Sprea : his uncle John dwelleth at Castryne beyond Odera, very
strong both by the situation and fortified.

William, Duke of Bavyre, a Papist, at Munich in Bavary, married the
daughter of the Duke of Lorrain.

His second brother, Ferdinand, remaineth most at Landshute.

The third, Ernest, is Bishop of Frysinghen and Hildesheim, and late of
Liege.

Julius, Duke of Brunswick, at the strong castle of Wolfenbettle on Oder.'

* Inserted since the transcript was made, by the hand which filled the blanks.
' A blank appears to be left for the name. ' Occar in MS.

158S.] [NOTES ON THE STATE OP CHBISTBNIK)M.] 26

Ericke of Brunswick, son to Magnus, uncle to Julius, remaineth at
Mynda, or where the rivers of Verra and Fulda do join, making the river
of Visurgis navigable.

William, Duke of Luneburge, hath his being at Cella, on the river Albera.

Henry his brother at Grysom, where before their unde Francis was
wont to dwell.

Otho their cousin, Duke of Luneburge, inhabiteth Harburge on this side
the Elbe, over-right against Hamburge.

1. The Duke of Pomerania, John Frederic, dwolleth at Stetim.

2. Bugslaus at Campena, some time an abbey in the county of Bar-
druse.

3. Ernest Ludovic at Wolgast, on the river of Panis that runneth into
the Baltick sea.

4. Barmin at Bagenwald in Further Pomerania, in the borders of Poland
and Prussia.

6. Cassimire at Camyn, which bishoprick he holdeth, either as admi-
nistrator, or in his own possession and right.

Ulricke, Duke of Meckelbourg, remaineth most at Gustrow : his brother
John Albert dwelleth at Sweme, whose two sons are in the court of the
Duke of Saxon.

Adolph, Duke of Hoist and Dy tmarch ; his chief s^at is at Gottorp in the
duchy of Sleswick.^

John his elder brother, unmarried, hath his abode at Haderborge.

John, son to Christiem, King of Denmark, and brother to the Duke of
Hoist, and to Frederick, now King of Denmark, is Bishop of Oeselya and
Courland in Livonia.

William, Duke of Juliers,' Cleve, and Bergen, hath his court at Dussel-
dorphe in the dukedom of Bergense.

1. William, Landgrave of Hesse, dwelleth at Cassels on Ulda.

2. Ludovic at Marpurge.

3. Philip at Brubache on the Beyne.

4. G«orge at Damstade.

Ludovic, Duke of Wirtenberge, bis chief house at Statgard.

Frederic at Montbelgard.

The Marquises of Bath : the elder Ernest, the second Jacob, the third
brother yet younger; their chief dwelling-place is at Forthsheim, or at
Durlache.

The sons of Philip at the Bath called Baden.

Ernest Joachim, Prince of Anhalt, at Zerbest, in the midway between
Magdebourge and Wittemberge : his other mansion is at Dessau on Mylda,
where he was bom, new built and fortified by his grandfather Ernest ; he
hath besides the castle of Cathenen, the which was the habitation of Wal-
fange. Prince of Anhalt, his great uncle. Ernest favoureth religion.

George Ernest, Prince and Earl of Henneberg, at Schlewsing, by the
forest called Turing.

George, Duke of Silesia and Bricke, of the family of the kings of Poland,

' Ootrope and Skadtwicke in MS. ' Jubyche in MS.

26 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IL

dwelleth at Bricke ; his eldest son, Joacliim Frederick, batH married the
daughter of the Prince of Anhalt ; his second son, John George.

Henry, Duke of Silesia and Lignitz, son to the brother of George, dwell-
eth at Lignitz ; he hath no children alive.

Frederic, brother to Henry, unmarried.

Charles, Duke of Minsterberg and 01s ; his wife the countess of Stem-
berge in Bohemia, where he maketh his abode.

Henry, brother to Charles, remained at 01s.

John Frederick, Duke of Teschen.

Charles, Duke of Lorrain ; his chief court at Nancy.

His eldest son Henry, of man*s estate.

Charles, Cardinal Archbishop of Mets.

A daughter in the French Court.

Besides, there are in Germany three Electors Bishops, and divers
Bishops of great livings.

The free towns of greatest importance are Norremberge, Auspurg, Ulmcs,
and Strassebourg : then the cantons of the Swisses, the Grisons, and Val-
loys.

The greatest trouble in Germany at this time is about the concordate,
furthered by the Duke of Saxon and the Count Palatine.

There is at this present no prince in Germany greatly toward or re-
doubted.

The Duke Casimir*s credit is greatly impaired, and his ability small.

The dyet imperial shortly should be held,^ where the concordate shall be
urged, collection for Hungary made, and a King of the Eomans named.

France. The French king, Henry III.,* of thirty years of age, of a very weak

constitution, and full of infirmities ; yet extremely given over to his wanton
pleasures, having only delight in dancing, feasting, and entertaining ladies,
and chamber-pleasures. No great wit, yet a comely behaviour and goodly
personage ; very poor, through^ exacting inordinately by all devices of his
subjects; greatly repining that revenge^ and hungry government. Ab-
horring wars and all action ; yet daily worketh the ruin of those he hateth,
as all of the religion and the house of Bourbon. Doting fondly on some
he chooseth to favour extremely, without any virtue or cause of desert in
them, to whom he giveth prodigally. His chief favourites now about him
are the Duke Joyeuse, La Valette, Monsieur D*Au.*

The Queen Mother ruleth him rather by policy and fear he hath of her,
than by his good will ; yet he always doth show great reverence towards
her.

The Guise is in as great favour with him as ever he was ; the house is
now the greatest of all France, being allied to Farrare, Savoy, Lorrayne,

' The Diet of Augsburg began on the 3rd of July, 1582. Burghley Papers,
p. 375.

' second in MS.

' So in MS. Query thouffh and ravening*

* This name is written in the margin by the corrector. No blank had been left
for it.

K82.] [NOTES ON THE STATE OP CHBISTENDOM.] 27

Scotland, and favoured of all the Papists; the French king haying his kins-
woman to wife, and divers great personages in that reabn of his house.

The chiefest at this present in credit in court, whose counsel he useth«
are Villeroye, Yillequyer, Bellievre, the chancellor and lord keeper, Birague
and Chivemy.

He greatly entertaineth no amity with any prince, other than for form ;
neither is his friendship otherwise respected of others, save in respect of
the reputation of so great a kingdom.

The Pope beareth a great sway, and the King of Spain by means of his
pensions ; and of the Queen Mother with the Guise ; she for her two
daughters, he for other regard, can do what he list there, or hinder what
he would not have done.

The division in his country for matters of religion and state, through
miscontentment of the nobility to see strangers advanced to the greatest
charges of the realm, the offices of justice sold, the treasury wasted, the
people polled, the country destroyed, hath bred great trouble, and like to
see more. The faction between the house of Guise against that of Mont-
morancy, hath gotten great advantage. At this present the King is about
to restore Don Antonio, King of Portugal, whereto are great levies and
preparation.'

Francis, Duke of Anjou and of Brabant,'.for his caUing and quality greatly Buke of
to be considered as any prince at this day living, being second person to Brabant,
the king his brother, and in likelihood to succeed him. There is noted in
the disposition of this prince a quiet mildness, giving satisfaction to all
men ; facility of access and natural courtesy ; understanding and speech
great and eloquent ; secrecy more than commonly is in the French ; from
his youth always desirous of action, the which thing hath made him al^ ays
followed and respected. And though hitherto he hath brought to pass no
great purpose, having suffered great wants and resistance both at home and
abroad, yet by the intermeddling is grown to good experience, readiness,
and judgment, the better thereby able to guide and govern his affairs, both
in practice, in treaty, and action. Moreover, the diseased estate of the
world doth so concur with this his active forwardness, as it giveth him
matter to work upon. And he is the only man to be seen of all them in
distress, or desirous [of] alteration. A matter of special furtherance to all
such as have achieved great things, when they have found matter disposed
to receive form.

And there is to be found no other prince in this part of the world so
towards and forward as the Duke, towards whom they in distress may turn
their eyes. We do plainly see in the most countries of Christendom so un-
sound and shaken an estate, as desireth the help of some great person, to
set together and join again the pieces asunder and out of joint. Where-
fore the presumption is great, and if this prince continue this his course,

' A French naval armament was going to his assietance in June, 1582. See
Lansd. MSS. 35. fo. 43.

' Created Duke of Brabant at Antwerp, in February, 1581-2 ; prospered during
all the year 1582 ; overthrown at Antwerp, January 7tli, 1582-3. See Stow.

28 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. II.

he is likely to become a miglity potentate : for, one enterprise failing, other
will be offered, and still men evil at ease and desirous of a head and cap-
tain, will ran to him that is fittest, to receive them. Besides, the French,
desiroos to shake off the civil wars, must needs attempt somewhat abroad.
This Duke first had intelligence with the Count Ludovic in Eing Charles's
days, and an enterprise to escape from the court, and in this king's time
joined with them of the religion and the malcontents : after was dyrried
against them ; seeketh the marriage with her Majesty, so mighty a prin-
cess, as it were to marry might with his activity.

He hath had practice in Germany to be created King of Eomans, made
a sudden voyage with great expedition into the Low Countries, now is
there again with better success than so soon was looked for. '

Spain. The Xing of Spain, Philip, son to Charles V., about sixty years of

age, a prince of great understanding, subtle and aspiring, diligent and
cruel. This king especially hath made his benefit of the time ; where his
last attempt on Portugal^ deserveth exact consideration, thereby.as by the
workmanship to know the master.

The first success he had was at St. Quintin, where he gat a notable
hand of the French. He sought to reduce the Low Countries to an abso-
lute subjection.

He hath kept France in continual broil, where, by his pensions, tbe
favour of the house of Guise, by the means of the Queen Mother in con-
templation of her nieces, he beareth great sway. With the Pope he is so
linked, as he may do what him list, and dispose of that authority to serve
his purposes : as he hath gotten great authority in pretending to protect
the Church and religion.

He possesseth the one half of Italy, comprehending Sicily and Sardinia,
with Naples and Milan ; the which estates do yield him little other profit,
save the maintenance of so many Spaniards as he keepeth there always.

The Duke of Florence relieth greatly upon him, as well in the respect of
the state of Siena, as of the ports he holdeth, and of his greatness. Lucca
is under his protection. G^noa, the one faction at his devotion, with their
galleys : at his pension is most of the greatest there.

Besides the Low Countries, he holdeth the Franche Countye, the best
used of all his subjects, and Luxembourg : the West Indies famish him
gold and silver, the which he consumeth in the wars of the Low Countries,
and in pensions, and is greatly indebted, while he worketh on the founda-
tion his father laid, to erect a monarchy, the which if he succeed in the
conquest of Portugal, he is likely to achieve, unless death do cut him off.

He hath one son of the years of five by his last wife, two daughters by
the French king's sister, two base sons.

He hath greatly sought the marriage of the Queen's daughter of France,
sister to his last wife, and cousin german removed.

' That he had been " proclaimed King of Portugal by the consent of the whole
realm," was sent as news to Lord Burghley from St. Laucaa on the 11th of June,
1582. Wright's Eliz. ii. 175.

1582.] [NOTES ON THE STATE OP CHBISTKNDOM.] 29

His reyenues are reckoned to amount to [sixteen millions.] ^ [TheTurk'g

The chief in credit with him of martial men and for counsel are . . . rerOTuea

aro thottffht
He maketh account to have in continual pay 60,000 soldiers. to be equal

He maintained! galleys to the number of [140, whereof there are sixty ^^ ***^]

in Portugal, the rest are at Naples, and other plaoes].i Now is on league

with the Turk.

D. Antonio, elect King of Portugal, thrust out by the King of Spain, of FortugaL
forty-fi?e years of age, a mild spirit, sober and discreet : he is now in
France, where he hath levied soldiers, whereof part are embarked, hoping
by the favour of that king, and the good will the Portugals do bear him,
to be restored again. He holdeth the Torges, and the East Indians yet
remain well affected to him. A case of itself deserving the considering
and relief of all other princes. Besides in his person, his election to be
noted with the title he claimeth very singular, and seldom the like seen,
being chosen of all the people ; the great dangers he hath escaped likewise
at sundry times.

The King of Poland, Stephen Batoaye,' a baron of Hungary, by the Poland,
favour of the Turk chosen King of the Pollacks, after the escape made by
the French King ; a prince of the greatest value and courage of any at
this day, of competent years, sufficient wisdom, the which he hath shewed
in the siege of Danske, and the wars with the Moscovite. •

The Hungarians could be content to exchange the Emperor for him.
The Bohemians likewise wish him in the stead of the other. He were
like to attain to the Empire, were there not that mortal [enmity] ' between
those two nations as could not agree in one subjection.

Straight upon his election he married the Infant of Poland, somewhat
in years and crooked, only to content the Pollacks, but never companied
with her. He doth tolerate there all religions ; himself heareth the mass,
but is not thought to be a Papist : he had a great part of his education in
Turke, after served the last Emperor.

Frederic 11., of forty-eight years. King of Denmark and Norway ; Denmark,
his wife Sophia, daughter to XJlricke, Duke of Mechelebourg, by whom
he hath six children, four daughters and two sons, Christianus and Ulricus,
the eldest of five years of age.

The chiefest about him, Nicolas Cose his chancellor, in whose counsel he
doth much repose.

He hath always 800 horse about his court, to whom he giveth ten dollars
the month.

His father deceased in the year 1559, after which he had wars ten years
space with the Swede, which gave him occasion to arm by sea. His navy
is six great ships of 1500 ton, and fifteen smaller, ten galleys with sail to
pass the Straits.

> The worda within brackets haye been inserted since the transcript was made, in
a hand very like Anthony Bacon's.
3 So in MS. The name is commonly written Batary, ' Omitted in MS. ^

80 LETTEES AND LIFE OP FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. H.

His revenues grow cbieflj in customs, and such living as were in the
hands of the abbeys, and bishops, whereby he is greatly enriched : his
chief haven is Copenhagen,^ where always his navy lieth.

His brother John, Duke of Hoist in Jutland, married to the daughter
of the Duke of Inferior Saxony.

Magnus, his other brother. Bishop of Cnrland, married the daughter of
the Moscovite*s brother.

The chiefest wars that the King of Denmark hath is with Sweden, with
whom now he hath peace. The Duke of Hoist is uncle to the king now
reigning ; they make often alliances with Scotland.

Sweden. John, King of Sweden, son of Gustavus.

This Gustavus had four sons, Erick, John, Magnus, and Charles.

Erick married a soldier's daughter, by whom he had divers children,
and died in prison.

John, now king, married the sister of Sigismond late King of Poland.

Magnus bestraught of his wits.

Charles married a daughter of the Palsgrave.

Five daughters of Gustavus.

Catherine married to the Earl of East Friseland.

Anne to one of the Palsgraves.

Cicilia to the Marquis of Baden.

Sophia to the Duke of Inferior Saxonye.

Elizabeth to the Duke of Mecleburge.

This prince is of no great force nor wealth, but of late hath increased
his navigation by reason of the wars between him and the Dane, the which
the wars ceasing they hardly maintain.

The Moscovite Emperor of Eussia, John Basill, of threescore years of
age, in league and amity with no prince, always at war with the Tartarians,
and now with the PoUake.

He is advised by no council, but govemeth altogether like a tyrant.
He hath one son of thirty years of age. Not long sithence this prince
deposed himself and set in his place a Tartare, whom he removed again,
of late sent an an^bassador to Eoome, giving some hope to submit himself
to that see. Their religion is nearest the Greek Church, full of supersti-
tion and idolatry.

In May of this year, 1682, Anthony Bacon obtained a licence of
absence for three years longer, intending to visit Italy. But the
war between Savoy and Geneva, which broke out in the summer,
together with a persecution of the Protestants, made this imprac-
ticable ; and his friends in England grew very anxious that he should
come home. Faunt continued to correspond with him regularly, and
it is from his letters that we derive what little information we have

^ Coppenhanen in MS.

U80-84.] OCCUPATIONS AT GRAY'S INK. 81

with regard to Francis's proceedings from this time to the autumn
of 1584. From them we gather little more than that he remained
studying at Oray's Inn, occasionally ybiting his mother at Gorham-
bury, or going with her to hear Travers lecture at the Temple,^ and
occasionally appearing at the Court. What particular studies en*
gaged him we are not told ; but when we hear (August 6th, 1583)
that he used then to be " seen in his outward barrister's habit
abroad in the city, and therefore must needs do well;" and when
we remember that (if his own report forty years after may be de-
pended on) his first essay on the Instauration of Philosophy, which
he called Temporis Partus Maximus, was composed about this time,
we need not doubt that between Law and Philosophy he found
enough to do ; nor need we seek so far as Mr. Faunt does for his
motive in secluding himself on the following occasion.

"I was yesterday" (says he, writing on the last of May, 1583), "at
6ray*8 Inn upon occasion, when I would not fail (as heretofore I have not
when I passed that way) to call in, and know whether your brother will
write unto you by my means of conveyance, or whether he hear more
lately than myself of your being, as one that is desirous to procure you
the most contentment I may from your best friends here, as I should be
glad to have the like courtesy used in my behalf when I am, as you are
now, absent and far distant from them. But I was answered, by his ser-
vant, that he was not at leisure to speak with me, and therefore you must
excuse me if I cannot tell you how your mother and other friends do at
this present ; only I perceive by your brother's boy that he was but newly
come from St. Alban*s, where I take it my Lady now is, and well. I was
asked where you were and what I heard lately from you, but I could say
little that he knew not, neither was I so simple to say all to a boy at the
door, his master being within. This strangeness which hath at other times
been used towards me by your brother, hath made me sometimes to doubt
that he greatly mistaketh me, for I do these offices both towards you and
him upon no base respect or for insinuation, but only of good affection
to either for the best considerations, and yet, in truth, the rather unto
him by reason of the good acceptation it hath pleased you to yield of the
poor acquaintance and mutual amity that is between us, and I hope shall
not be lessened hereafter : whereof thus much to yourself alone, which I
trust you shall only take knowlege of, and in your discretion use it ac-
cordingly."

Francis seems to have been as anxious as any one for his brother's
return at the end of his three years.

" Yet by the way, in a word or two, he hath showed his earnest desire
to have you return at your time limited by your licence, wishing me to be
a persuader thereof, and saying that he marvelled how those that keep
» Faunt to A. B., Nov. 20th, 1583. Lamb. MSS. 647.

82 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FBANCTS BACON. [Chap. IL

abroad more than that time could li^e to their contentment, seeing that
himself was more than weary of his being forth, and that the home life is
to be thought upon as of the end in due season." — (May 8th, 1582.)

And again (May 6th, 1583) —

" Whensoever we talk but three words together, two and a half of them
contain a most hearty wish for your speedy return."

Besides the general disadyantages of expatriation, and the disturbed
state of the Continent, which threatened to make Anthony Bacon's
stay there dangerous, and the suspicions which might be excited by
too much intercourse with Papists, about which his mother was
growing extremely anxious, one main objection to his absence was
the expense which it entailed, and the difficulty of raising money
upon his property in England, which was not large, to defray it. For
this it became necessary at last to resort either to sale or mortgage,
and the following draft of a deed of attorney for that purpose may
be most conveniently introduced here. It is written entirely in
Francis Bacon's hand, and requires no further explanation. It bears
no date, nor does it contain any allusion which enables me to deter-
mine the date positively. I find however that in the beginning of
1584 Anthony Bacon had taken some step by which he seemed " to
be resolutely providing for his longer stay abroad." I find also that
in April, 1855, Mr. Mantell (Anthony Bacon's steward, who is here
spoken of as being " very sick ") had been for twelve months past
" greatly troubled with diseased legs." If therefore we suppose this
draft to have been sent over to him in the spring of 1584, the cir-
cumstances will suit, so far as we know them.^

A LETTEE OF ATTOKNEY OE DEED OF AUTHOEITY, &c.«

Be it known to all men by these presents, that I, Anth. Bakon,
of Gorhambiry, in the county of Hartford^ Esq., have made and
constituted my well beloved ( ) my true and lawfiil

Attornies in this behalf, that is to say, to bargain, sell, aliene,
and assure, and also to let and demise any my lands, tenements,

' There is one circumBtance, it is true, which would better suit a later date. It
will be seen that, to save his attorneys harmless, it was thought necessary, '* in re-
spect of the collateral penalties they might enter into," that he shoold give them a
bond for not less than £3000. Now I find Mantell writing to him on the 25th of
May, 1585 (Lambeth MSS. 647), that his charges for five years' residence in
France, putting all together, will extend to £2525. ]8«., or thereabouts.'* The
two sums agree well ; but the agreement is not oonclusiye, and the paper stands
better where it is.

^ Lamb. MSS. 653. fo. 113. All in Francis Bacon's own hand. No date, sig-
nature, address, or seal. Docketed in another, or rather in two other hands, ** A
Letter of Attorney or Deed of Authority of Mr. Anth. Bacon."

1580-84.] LETTEB OP ATTORNEY FOR ANTH. BACON. 33

reversions, remainders^ leases^ rents, and woods, within the realm
of England, to such persons^ at such prices, and with such war-
ranties, covenants, reservations, limitations, conditions, and bonds
collateral as they shall think good ; as also to levy, receive, em-
ploy, and dispose all such sums of money as shall come to their
hands upon such bargains, alienations, demises, or any the means
aforesaid, unto my use at their liking and discretion, and upon
account to me to be thereof made. And to this end I do autho-
rize my said Attorneys, for me and in my name, or in their own
name, by virtue of these presents, to make any writing or deed,
and the same to seal, deliver, or enrol, to levy and knowledge
any fine, to sue or suffer any recovery, to make any livery of
seisin, to make or knowledge any bond, recognisance, or statute,
as also to take and receive any deed, knowledge, or assurance to
mine use, or any sums of money, and thereof to give acquittance,
and to ordain any person my attorney for to sue or to be sued,
lease or recover, or to execute any act concerning the premises.
And also I do authorize my said Attorneys to bring, use, sue
forth, and pursue any action, suit, claim, or remedy against or
towards any person, which may grow by occasion of any such
alienation or any the matters aforesaid, and to do, perform, and
execute all acts and things which may be requisite for the alien-
ation or demise of my said lands or other the premises, or for
the receiving or employing of the money thereof to grow and be;
giving and granting to my said Attorneys my full power and
authority by these presents to do and execute all and singular
the premises as fully, lawfully, and surely, and in as large and
ample manner as I the said Anth. Bacon mought or could have
done. And this my authority I will and grant shall continue
unto them until my return into the realm of England, and after
that, until such time as I shall by my deed and declaration in
writing call back the same. And I do further covenant with my
said Attorneys by no act to revoke, interrupt, or make void this
my authority or any parts thereof until my said return, and then
to make good, ratify, and strengthen, by any assurance on their
part reasonably to be devised, all and every act which they shall
lawfully perform and do by the virtue of this my deed. In wit- After our
ness -whereof I have set to my hand and seal : such a place, such wmpuu-
a day and year. IJeTJ""

VOL. I. D

84 XETTERS AKD LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. II.

Md. You must remember to seal it, for that is of substance;
and in that respect your authority sent to my mother, signed
and recorded there without seal, was of no effect ; for still you
must remember that you are not to make such an authority as
we should credit (for to that end your word would serve) but for
others strangers to deal upon.

Md. If you make more attorneys than two, you shall do well
to make it to run to them or any two of them.

Besides, because perhaps notwithstanding all this authority
men will be so scrupulous in buying that they will press your
attorneys to enter bonds of their own for the warranting your
sales and theirs against you and that you shall perfite anything
at your return, therefore it is meet you make and seal unto your
attorneys a bond for saving them harmless in form following : —

A bond to save yo* Attomies harmless.

NovERiNT universi per prsesentes me Anthonium Bacon de Gor-
hamburie in Com. Hartford Armig., teneri et firmiter obligari
( ) ii^ ( ) libris boni et legalis monetae Angliae,

solvend. sen solvi faciend. eisdem ( ) vel eorum certo

attumat. aut executor, vel administrat. suis ; ad quam quidem
solutionem bene et fideliter faciend. oblige me, hsered. et execu-
tor, meos, firmiter per prsesentes sigillo meo sigillat. such a day
and year.

Md. The sum had need be three thousand pounds in respect
of the collateral penalties they may enter into.

The condition followeth :

The condition of this obligation is such, that whereas the alx)ve
bounden Ant. Bacon hath by his deed bearing date ( )

constituted and made the above-named ( ) his true and

lawful Attorneys to sell, let, and demise his lands and other his
interests, and to do many other acts as in the same deed more
plainly doth appear; Now therefore if the said ( ) his

Attorneys, for the better performing and executing of any the
acts whereunto they shall be by his said deed enabled and au-
thorized, shall enter into any bonds, statutes, covenants, mort-
gages, in their own name and right, if then the said Anth. Bacon

1580-84.] LETPEB OF ATTORNEY FOR ANTH. BACON. 35

shall sufficiently discharge and save harmless the said ( )

from the said bonds or other the premises, and from all actions,
snits, and molestations by reason [of] or concerning the same,
that then this obligation shall be void and of none effect, or else
to stand in full strength.

Your attorneys would be men of some credit, that men may be
more content to deal with them upon their security. My brother
Nathanaell, I think, were meet, and Mr. Sergeant Puckering.
Mr. Barker is altogether from London. Mr. Mills you may
think of. Mr. Gierke is dead. Mr. Mantell is very sick. For
myself I will afford any care in it ; but I had rather be spared.
Mr. Fant, if he be not too mean. Mine uncle Kyligrew I think
also fit, because he is ever about London, and Henry Maynard
or my cousin Kempe. My mother through passion and grief
can scant endure to intermeddle in any your business. These I
thought to put you in mind of: the choice is yours.

The autumn of this year introduces Francis Bacon upon a new
stage, in which he is destined to play hereafter a prominent part,
and therefore we will here open a new chapter.

D 2

3G

CHAPTER III.
A.D. 1584-1586. iETAT. 24-26.

1.

The occasion upon which Bacon commenced what may be called his
public life desen'es particular notice, as well fitted to feed and sti-
mulate that interest in questions of Church and State w^hich I sup-
pose to have been excited in him bj the accidents of his boyhood and
encouraged by his residence in France.

In November, 1584, a new Parliament was called, under circum-
stances of a highly agitating character. The Bull cf Excommunica-
tion which had been issued against Elizabeth in 1569 having failed
to frighten England out of its Protestantism, and the experience of
the next twelve years having shown that, so long as she lived, there
was little chance of overthrowing the reformed religion by open me-
thods, the hopes of the Catholic world turned thenceforward towards
her death ; in the event of which (no provision liaving been made for
the succession) Mary of Scotland would have claimed the crown ; her
claim would have been supported by the Pope, by Spain, by a con-
siderable party in Scotland, and (what was perhaps of still more im-
portance) by the natural right of inheritance ; and thereupon would
probably have ensued either the re-establishment of the Catholic
religion in England, or a civil war, or both. Such an apprehension
was sufficient of itself to unite all Protestants in emulous devotion
to Elizabeth ; and this devotion was warmed into enthusiasui by the
detection of several secret conspiracies against her life, together with
her own magnanimous contempt for personal danger. Upon this
point therefore all varieties of Protestant opinion met. Whoever
regarded the Reformed Church as God*8 cause ; whoever believed the
anointed head to be under God's especial protection ; whoever ab-
horred murder and treachery; whoever feared civil war; whoever
valued national independence ; whoever felt his blood run warmer at
the sight of a woman who in the face of perils so secret and imminent
could exhibit all majesty and no fear, — all fell in alike with the, po-
pular sentiment of the time, and swelled the flood of loyalty. During

1584-86.] PARLIAMENT OF 1584. 37

the twelve months immediately preceding, three several plots for the
assassination of Elizabeth had been detected ; plots undertaken in-
deed bj individuals, but all certainly Popish, and all supposed to be
countenanced by the Popish Powers, and to have in view the placing
of a Popish queen on the throne. Hereupon a voluntary association
had been entered into by subjects of all degrees,^ the members of
which bound themselves to defend the Queen against all her enemies,
foreign or domestic ; to prosecute to the death any person by whom
or for whom violence should be offered to her life, and to hold such
person for ever incapable of the crown. This was in October, 1584.
On the 23rd of November, in the midst of the general fervour and
alarm, the Houses met ; and Francis Bacon, now in his twenty-fifth
year, took his seat for Melcombe, in Dorsetshire.^ The causes of their
meeting were explained by Sir Christopher Hatton, then Vice- Cham-
berlain, with unprecedented frankness. " His speech," says Fleet-
wood, Eecorder of London, writing to Burghley, " tended to particu-
larities and special actions, and concluded upon the Queen's High-
nesses safety. Before this time I never heard in Parliament the like
things uttered; and especially the things contained in the latter
speech. They were magnolia regni,^^ ^ Of the debates which followed
we have no record ; but they ended in the sanction of the ** associa-
tion" by Parliament, in the creation of a new tribunal for the trial
of conspirators against the Queen's life, and the enactment of new
laws, more severe than ever, against priests and Jesuits. With such
antecedents therefore, such an entrance, and such a conclusion,
we may presume that they were warm, and that the first breath of
Bacon's public life was drawn in a very contagious atmosphere of
loyalty and anti-popery.

2.

But if the debates on this question were impressive and exciting
from the ardour and unanimity of concurrence, — a unanimity which
was proved and strengthened rather than disturbed by the single
opposition of Dr. Parry, whose vehement protest against the Jesuit
Bill was treated as a contempt of the House, and who was himself
apprehended and executed not long after for a design to assassinate
the Queen, — there were others which must have been not less so
from the very opposite cause. Upon a question no less vital than

» Burghley to Lord Cobham, Oct. 27th, 1584 : Lodge, vol. ii. p. 250.

' He had been also returned for Gatton, by the interest of Burghley, to whom,
as Master of the Wards, the nomination, during the minority of the one constituent,
at that time belonged. £llis*s Letters, 3rd series, iv. p. 52.

' Wright's Eliz. ii. 244. Lansd. MSS. 41. fo. 45.

38 LErXEES AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. III.

the govemment of the Church and the proceedings of the bishops, a
majority, and apparently a very considerable majority, of the Lower
House was in direct opposition to the Queen. And this difference
was the more formidable, because it arose out of no accidental or
transitory occasion, but had its root in the very nature of Protes-
tantism, and went to the heart and conscience of the nation. If the
will of God was not confided exclusively to Pope or priest, but re-
vealed in the Scriptures to all men, it was the duty of all men to
seek it there. Those who for that purpose searched and studied the
Scriptures must come to their own conclusions. Those conclusions
must be binding upon their consciences, not only to hold, but to
preach. It was God*s cause and work. To tell men to seek, and yet
to prescribe limits to what they should find, was to set human autho-
rity above the Word, — the very thing against which Protestantism
protested. Now the first Eeformers, being themselves Protestants
in the true sense of the word, — that is to say, dissenters on grounds
of conscience from a creed enjoined by authority, — understood this
part of the fact, and left room enough within the pale of the esta-
blishment for all the varieties of opinion which their own time was
likely to breed. Their successors inherited their work, but not their
policy. They accepted the creed of the first Protestants, but would
have no more protesting. Standing in place of authority, they were
for using their power to stop the progress of what they considered
to be error, and enforce an outward uniformity of doctrine and dis-
cipline. Thus upon the pedestal from which the idol of the Papacy
had been cast down the idol of Orthodoxy was set up ; and the power
of the keys, which had been taken from the Pope as a power not en-
trusted to human hands, was transferred to a set of commissioners
appointed by the Crown, who took upon themselves to suspend or
silence or remove from office all ministers who preached what they
did not approve. And they made the fatal mistake of exercising this
power not merely against incompetent and turbulent fanatics, over
whom with opinion on their side they might have prevailed, but
against men as learned, as moderate, as earnest, and quite as well
qualified to interpret the Scriptures as any of themselves, and who
had popular opinion moreover running strongly in their favour. For
at this time the proceedings of tlie Catholics, threatening as they did
the overthrow of Church and State both, had naturally made the
people more Protestant than ever, and engaged their hearty sympa-
thies in favour of the new reformers, who, with Cartwright and
Travers at their head, had come to be known as the Nonconformist
party. This party, far from being necessarily in opposition to the
Govemment, were for the present in the same boat, and well dis-

1584-86.] NONCONFORMIST PARTY. 39

posed, had reasonable liberty of action been allowed them, to be
among its most zealous and effectual supporters. Their importance
as a party may be understood from the fact that Leicester, the fa-
vourite, was content to put himself at their head ; that Walsingham,
Secretary of State, was known to sympathize with them; that
Burghley, Lord Treasurer, though restrained by oflScial caution and
reserve, was believed to wish them well ; that Grindal, the late Pri-
mate, had been for some time out of favour with the Queen for
giving too much countenance to some of their opinions ; and that
they had a large majority in the present House of Commons. Whe-
ther this party was to be in alliance with the State or in opposition,
was the question now at issue; and to this particular Parliament,
more distinctly perhaps than to any other period, must be assigned
the determination of it.

I doubt whether there has been a more important crisis in English
history, or whether the Queen ever made a greater mistake than in
choosing this moment to stop the tide and put herself in direct op-
position to this party. She succeeded indeed : she carried her point
and stood her ground during her own life ; but it was at the expense
of creating a division among the Protestant party, which ended in
the overthrow of the monarchy itself for a time, and in making the
existence of a national English Church, in any true sense of the word
national, an impossibility to this day. The Church of England
emerged from the storm with the name and legal rights and temporal
attractions, but without the moral and spiritual authority, of a na-
tional church, to be thenceforward only one of many Protestant
sects^ into which the English people are divided. But so it was to
be. Grindal was dead ; and Whitgift, known as the uncompromising
foe of the Nonconformists, had been advanced to the Primacy, with
the avowed purpose of enforcing uniformity by silencing and puuish-

* To prevent misconceptions I may mention that I use the word '* sect " in exactly
the same sense in which Paley uses it in the following passage : — ** If in deference
then to these reasons it be admitted that a legal provision for the clergy, compul-
sory upon those who contribute to it, is expedient, the real question will be, whether
this provision should be confined to one sect of Christianity, or extended indiffe-
rently to all. Now it should be observed that this question never can offer itself
where the people are agreed in their religious opinions, and that it never ou^ht to
arise where a system may be framed of doctrines and worship wide enough to com-
prehend their disagreement, and which might satisfy all by uniting all in the
articles of their common faith, and in a mode of Divine worship that omits every
subject of controversy or offence. Where such a comprehension is practicable, the
comprehending religion ought to be made the religion of the State.'* This is
exactly what I mean by " a national Church in the true sense of the word national."
Tlie rest of Paley's argument proceeds upon the supposition that such a Church is
to be despaired of, that " separate congregations and different sects must unavoid-
ably continue in the country," and that the only practicable form of national reli-
gion is the establishment by law " of one sect in preference to the rest." (Mor. and
PoL Philos. ch. X.)

40 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. III.

ing dissentients. The severity of his proceedings was now taken ap
by the Commons as a national grievance, and the complaints of the
people were embodied in a petition to the Queen, the substance of
which may be seen in Fuller's Church History* (ix. 16. 7), and the
entire document, together with the answers, in D'Ewes's Journals,
pp. 367-361.

The particulars and progress of the quarrel will be noticed more
conveniently a little further on, in connexion with Bacon's tract on
Church Controversies. But I thought it better to introduce the
subject in this place, because of the great impression which it must
have made upon his mind, and some influence which it probably had
upon his career. What his judgment was upon the matters in con-
troversy we shall see hereafter. What his prejudices and predispo-
sitions were likely to be may be partly inferred from a letter ad-
dressed at the time by his mother to Burghley. The opinions of a
man of twenty-five are rarely so independent of domestic influences
ns not to be partly explained by those of his nearest relatives under
whose eye he has been brought up. And as I shall have to make
frequent mention of Lady Bacon in connexion with her sons* affairs
during the next ten years, I may as well take this opportunity to
introduce her in person.

During the Christmas recess a conference had taken place at Lam-
beth between the Bishops and the Nonconformists — or Preachers, as
they were called, — upon the questions raised in the Petition ; and
it seems that the Bishops were thought to have had much the best
of the argument. Lady Bacon, believing that the Preachers had not
had fair play, in the abundance of her zeal sought an interview with
Burghley to urge their cause, and the next day reinforced her argu-
ments in the following letter : —

" I know well, mine especial good Lord, it becometh me not to be trou-
blesome unto your Honour at any other time, but now chiefly at this sea-
son of your greatest affairs and small or no leisure ; but yet because yes-
terday's morning speech, — as, in that I was extraordinarily admitted, it
was your Lordship's favour, — so, fearing to stay too long, I could not so
plainly speak, nor so well perceive your answer thereto as I would truly
and gladly in that matter, — I am bold by this writing to enlarge the same
more plainly and to what end I did mean.

" If it may like your good Lordship, the report of the late conference at
Lambeth hath been so handled to the discrediting of those learned that
labour for right reformation in the ministry of the Gospel, that it is no
small grief of mind to the faithful preachers, because the matter is thus by
the other side carried away as though their cause could not sufficiently be

^ Misplaced under the year 1587.

1584-86.] BISHOPS AND NONCONFORMISTS. 41

warranted by the Word of God : for the which proof they have long been
sad Buiton, and woold most hnmbly crave still, both of God in heaven,
whose canse it is, and of her Majesty their most excellent sovereign here
on earth, that they might obtain quiet and convenient audience either be-
fore her Majesty herself, whose heart is in G^ his hand to touch and to
turn, or before your Honours of the Council, whose wisdom they greatly
reverence ; and if they cannot strongly prove before you out [of] the Word
of God, that reformation which they so long have called and cried for to
be according to Christ his own ordinance, then to let them be rejected with
shame out of the Church for ever. And that this may be the better done
to the glory of €rod and the true understanding of this great cause,' they
require first leave to assemble and to consult together purposely, which
they have forborne to do, for avoiding suspicion of private conventicles.
For hitherto, though in some writing they have declared the state of their,
yea God his cause, yet were they never allowed to confer together, and so
together be heard fully; but now some one, and then some two, called
upon a sudden unprepared to foreprepared to catch them, rather than
gravely and moderately to be heard to defend their right and good cause.
And therefore for such weightv conference they appeal to her Majesty and
her honourable wise Council, whom God hath placed in highest authority
for the advancement of his kingdom ; and refuse the bishops for judges,
who are parties partial in their own defence, because they seek more
worldly ambition than the glory of Christ Jesus.

" For mine own part, my good Lord, I will not deny, but as I may hear
them in their public exercises as a chief duty commanded by God to
widows, and also I confess as one that hath found mercy, that I have pro-
fited more in the inward feeling knowledge of God his holy will, though
but in a small measure, by such sincere and sound opening of the Scrip-
tures by an ordinary preaching within these seven or eight years, than I
did by hearing odd sermons at Paul's wellnigh twenty years together. I
mention this unfeignedly the rather to excuse this my boldness towards
your Lordship, humbly beseeching your Lordship to think upon their
suit, and as God shall move your understanding heart to further it. And
if opportunity will not be had as they require, yet I once again in humble
wise am a suitor unto your Lordship that you would be so good as to
choose two or three of them, which it likes best, and licence them before
your own self, or other at your pleasure, to declare and to prove the truth
of the cause, with a quiet and an attentive ear. I have heard them say or
now, that they will not come to dispute and argue to breed contention,
which is the manner of the bishops' hearing, but to be suffered patiently
to lay down before them that shall command (they excepted), how well and
certainly they can warrant by the infallible touchstone of the Word the
substantial and main ground of their cause. Surely, my Lord, I am per-
suaded you should do God acceptable service herein. And for the very
entire affection I owe and do bear unto your Honour, I wish from the very
heart that to your other rare gifts sundry-wise, you were fully instnicted
and satisfied in this principal matter, so contemned of the great Babbis,

42 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACON. [Chap.IIL

to the dbhonoaring of the Grospel so long amongst as. I am so much bound
to your Lordship for your comfortable dealing towards me and mine, as I
do incessantly desire that by your Lordship's means God his glory may
more and more be promoted, the grieved godly comforted, and you and
yours abundantly blessed. None is privy to this. And indeed, though I
hear them, yet I see them very seldom.

" I trust your Lordship will accept in best part my best meaning.
" Li the Lord, dutifully and most heartily,

"A. Bacok.">

The day before this letter was written, the House of Commons had
received the answer of the Bishops to their petition, and the Noncon-
formists had learned that they must either abandon their cause, or
work it against the Grovemment by the help of popular sympathy
and alliance.

It is not probable that Bacon took any conspicuous or active part
in any of these proceedings. Indeed his name occurs only twice in
any records of this session that I have met with. He is mentioned
in D'Ewes's Journals as one of the Committees^ to whom a bill " for
redress of disorders in Common Informers" was referred on the 9th
of December, 1584. And from some short notes of speeches made
during this Parliament, in the hand I believe of Eecorder Fleetwood,
it appears that at a later period of the session he made a speech. It
was upon some clause in '' a bill against fraudulent means used to
defeat wardships, liveries, and premier seisins," which had been in-
troduced in the House of Lords, was referred to a Committee of the
House of Commons on the 12th of March, 1584-5, and after a good
deal of discussion, conference, and alteration, was at last rejected. Of
the character of the bill we know nothing, and the sorry memoran-
dum which remains of Bacon's speech deserves preserving only as
evidence that his reputation did not come into the world full-grown.
It is but a careless note, made for the writer's own memory or amuse-
ment ; and his own impatient comments are mixed up in it with what
are meant for fragments of the speech. I give it as it stands, only
distinguishing the comments by italics.

" Bacon. Many rather mislike of jealousy, and are timorous of that they
conceive not.

** I will open plainly to you that this Bill is hard in some points.
" If he had as substantially answered it as he coirfessed it plainly.

* Lansd. MSS. 43. fo. 118, original : own hand.

' This is the form and the spelling always adopted by D'Ewes ; to be pronounced,
I suppose, Committees. What wo should call '* a member of the Committee/' he
calls ** one of Ihe Committto.'*

1684-86.] LETTER OP ADVICE TO THE QUEEN. 43

" Speaking of the Queen : worthy to be respected, for his father had re-
ceired by her ability to leave a fifth Bon to live upon : but that is nothing
to the matter. J^n you should have let it alone. "^

So ends the memorandum, and whether this was all that Mr. Re-
corder Fleetwood found worth noting in what Bacon said upon the
occasion, or whether as the speech proceeded he left off noting and
began to listen, must be left to conjecture.

4.

About the time of this Parliament, a letter of advice was addressed
to the Queen, which, liad it never been attributed to any other baud,
I should have thought it right to print here, as being possibly and
not improbably an early composition of Bacon's. And since I am
fully persuaded that it was not the composition of the writer to whom
it has been attributed, the reasons which would otherwise have led
me to print it remain unaffected by the fact ; except in so far as a
longer story must be told in explanation.

The external evidence which connects the paper in question with
Bacon may be thus stated.

In a list of " unpublished works of the L. Bacon," sent by Tenisou
to Bancroft,* on the 18th of December, 1682, 1 found the following
title : — " Advice to K, James how to prevent recusants from growing
either desperate or formidable*^ In the catalogue of the Harleian
MSS. in the British Museum, vol. iii. No. 6867, I found the fol-
lowing : — " Counsel concerning behaviour to the Boman Catholics^ ad-
dressed to the King,^' Upon referring to the manuscript thus de-
scribed, I found that it answered precisely to the title given in
Tenison's list, except in one point ; and in that point — namely, that
it was addressed to Queen Elizabeth and not to King James — it
answered no better to the description in the catalogue. There being
nothing however on the face of the manuscript to decide what '' sove-
reign " or whose " majesty " it was addressed to, it was easy to con-
ceive that two different catalogue-makers might have fallen into the
same mistake. And I have in fact no doubt that this Harleian MS.
is the same (or a copy of the same) paper which was indicated in
Tenison's list. Now on questions regarding the authenticity of
writings imputed to Bacon, Teuison, though not an absolute autho-
rity, is one of the best we have ; and if the case ended here, there
would be good ground for admitting this among his putative works.

It happens however that this same tract had been previously as-

1 Lansd. MSS. 43. fo. 175.

^ Bodleian Library : Tanner MSS., vol. xxxv. p. 252.

44 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap.IIL

cribed in print (though upon what ground or upon whose authority
nobody knows) to another hand ; and popular opinion in such a mat-
ter is generally carried by the first claim. In the year 1651 a small
12mo volume appeared, with the following title : — " The Felicity of
Queen Elizabeth and her times ^ with other things^ by the Right fib-
nourable Francis Lord Bacon, Viscount St, Alban*;^* printed by T.
Newcomb for George Latham ; and containing among some other
short pieces, all either by Bacon or immediately relating to him,^ one
entitled " ITie Lord Treasurer Burleighy his advice to Queen Eliza-
beth in matters of Religion and State ;*^ which is this same tract, only
printed incorrectly from an incorrect manuscript. It has been since
reprinted in Soraers's Collection (with some additional errors, arising
apparently from the editor's endeavours to make sense of some cor-
rupt passages), and has been quoted and referred to by our best
writers as a work of Burghley's, But I am not aware that the ques-
tion of the authorship has ever been examined, and I conceive that it
has been given to Burghley on the sole evidence of that anonymous
volume, the publisher of which says not a word in his preface as to
the character or condition of the manuscripts from which he made his
book, or how he came by them.

Now I need hardly say that on a question of authorship, the evi-
dence of a book printed nearly seventy years after, of the contents of
which no account is given, and for which no editor makes himself re-
sponsible, — especially if the name of the imputed author be one
which will help to advertise the book, — is worth nothing. Setting
this evidence aside therefore, I have taken some pains to ascertain
whether this tract was ever ascribed to Burghley in his own time, or
near it. But I find no such thing. This Harleian MS. (which is
probably either the original transcript or a contemporary copy) is
anonymous. The well-known collector Balph Starkey, whose au-
thority upon such a point would have been of some value, had a copy
of it, but did not know whom it was by : for in a list in his own
handwriting of MSS. in his possession (Harl. MSS. 637, 84), I find
the following entry: — "A discourse written by unto Queen

* The contents are —

1. The Felicity of Queen Elizabeth (an English translation of Bacon's Latin
tract).

2. The Apology of Francis Bacon in certain imputations concerning the late Earl
of Essex.

8. A Letter of the Lord Bacon's to Prince Charles (the letter accompanying the
History of Henry VII.).

4. The present tract.

5. Some Verses addressed to Lord Bacon, tlien falling from favour.

6. A Letter to Bishop Andrews (the letter accompanying the Dialogue on a Holy
War).

7. Some Latin Verses on Lord Bacon's death.

1584-86.] LETTER OP ADVICE TO THE QUEEN. 45

Elizabeth, advising her Majesty to hold a more strict course against
the Papists of England ; jet to frame the oath of allegiance to a more

milder sort, and to oppose herself to the King of Spain. An® ;"

which is an exact description of its contents. And in Harl. MSS.
35, 412, 1 find a copy of the tract itself in Halph Starkey's hand,
with the same title, and still without any name. It is true that I have
seen many other copies, in which it is attributed to Burghley ; but
they are all of much later date, and some of them bear evidence on
their very face that the name had been assigned upon vague con-
jecture by some one quite ignorant of the matter. For instance,
there is a copy in the Cambridge University Library (L. 1. iii. 10),
and another in the Inner Temple, headed, *' An excellent treatise
against Jesuits and Eecusants, written by the Earl of Salisbury, or
rather the Lord Trecaurer Burghley, to Queen Elizabeth." And there
is one in the Lansdowne collection (213, 1) in which it is described
as " an excellent treatise against Papists, by Burghley, afterward*
Earl of Salisbury.** I suppose the fact was that in the later days of
diaries I., when popular rage ran strong against priests and Jesuits,
this paper was hunted out and circulated widely in manuscript ; and
being evidently the advice of a statesman to Queen Elizabeth, was set
down, to give it the greater authority, as the production of her most
famous councillor ; — only the difference between the father and the
son having worn out of memory, some confusion was made between
Burghley and Salisbury. The evidence of these manuscripts therefore,
as ^ell as that of the editor, whoever he was, of the printed volume of
1651, of the editor of Somers's Tracts, and of all subsequent writers
who have quoted the paper as Burghley*s, (there being no reason to
suppose that any of them had any other or better ground than one
of the said MSS. to go upon,) I reject as worth literally nothing.

External evidence therefore for ascribing the tract to Burghley,
there is in my judgment none at all ; and when I turn to consider
the internal evidence, I find it impossible to believe that he had any-
thing to do with it. It is evidently the production of some young
unauthorized adviser, who feels it necessary to offer an apology for
volunteering his advice ; whereas Burghley had now been for more
than twenty-five years the Queen's principal minister and adviser,
and must have been consulted over and over again upon the questions
to which this paper refers. Moreover many of Burghley's memorials
of advice have been preserved, and they have no resemblance to this
in form, style, method, or character.

Now if Burghley's claim be set aside, Bacon's may seem (on the
strength of Tenison's list and of the fact that this paper had somehow
got mixed up with his writings — a fact to which the contents of the

46 LETTERS AST) LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. HI.

Tolume of 1651 equally bear witness) to stand next. And though
I am far from thinking the evidence conclusiye, yet I do think it
suflScient to justify the insertion of the paper here as being possibly
and not wiprobabUf his composition. Certainly the tone and manner
of it suits his relation to the Queen perfectly well ; and we know
that, not many years after, she used to encourage him to deliver his
mind on such matters.^ The opinions also are in all respects such as
might have been expected from him, and the style, though it has some
small peculiarities that strike me as alien,^ is in its larger and more
general features very like his ; so much so indeed that when I first
met with it as an anonymous paper (having at that time no reason
for supposing it to be in any way connected with him), I was so
struck with the resemblance that I took a copy of it on speculation,
thinking that it might probably turn out to be his. But these are
points upon which it is fit the reader should judge for himself. If
Bacon was really the author of it, it is one of the most interesting
of his occasional writings ; if not, it will at least contribute to the
secondary object of this work, which is to present a picture of the
time as seen by those who lived in it. Besides, the paper is valuable
enough, whoever were the author, to be worth printing correctly ;
which it has not been either in Somers or in the volume of 1651.*

The manuscript from which 1 have taken it (Harl. 6867, 42) has
no title, address, date, docket, or other explanation. It is fairly
written, on bad paper of the quarto size, in the hand (I should
think) of a copyist or secretary, and looks like an original paper
rather than a coUector's copy. But, though not quite accurate, it
shows no traces of correction. It may be described as a letter of
advice to Queen Elizabeth touching the course to be taken for pro-
tection against her enemies at home and abroad ; and was probably
written about the end of 1584, — certainly before the death of Pope
Gregory XIII., which took place on the 10th of April, 1585.

> " Thus have I played the ignorant stateBman ; which I do to nobody but your
Lordship, except I do it tx> the Queen sometimes, when she trains me on" — Letter
to Essex, 1598.

' It is not to be forgotten however that it was written earlier by four or five years
than any formal composition of his that has come down to us, and therefore it
would naturally exhibit some peculiarities of manner not to be found in his other
writings. All young writers begin by affecting the approved style of the day ; as
they find their own strength, they mould their own style.

' It mav be worth while to add that this is not the only one of Bacon's writings
(if Baoon^s it be) which has been attributed to Burghley. Strype (Annals of the
Beformation, vol. vi. p. 49), having occasion to quote an anonymous manuscript
which he found in the Ck>tton Library, entitled " Prooeedinffs between EngUmd
and Spain," says he " verily believes it was of the Lord Burleigh's own composing."
It is in feet a portion of Bacon's * Observations on a Libel,* printed by Rawley
in the * Eesuscitatio ;' and one of the best-known of his occasional works. Had it
not been so, how natural for any one possessing a copy of the paper to write " By
Lord Burghley " on the titlepage, and for any publisher to print it!

1584-86.] [LBTTEB OP ADVICE TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.] 47

To THE Queen.

Most Gracious Sovereign

and most worthy to be a Sovereign.

Care^ one of the natural and true-bred children of unfeigned
aflfection, awaked with these late wicked and barbarous at-
tempts, would needs exercise my pen to your sacred Majesty, en-
couraging me not only therewith that it would take the whole
faults of boldness upon itself, but also that even the words should
not doubt to appear in your Highnesses presence in their kindly
rudeness, for that if your Majesty with your voice did vouchsafe
to read them, that very reading would give them the grace of
eloquence.

Therefore laying aside all self-guilty conceits of ignorance
(knowing that the sun is not angry with the well-meaning astro-
nomers though they hap to miss his course), I will with the same
sincerity display my humble conceits, wherewith my life shall be
among the foremost to defend the bleteing^ which God in you
hath bestowed upon us.

As far then (dread Sovereign) as I may judge, the happiness
of your present estate can no way be encumbered but by your
strong factious subjects and your foreign enemies. Your strong
factious subjects be the Papists : strong I account them, because
both in number they are (at the least) able to make a great army,
and by their mutual confidence and intelligence may soon bring
to pass an uniting : factious I call them, because they are discon-
tented ; — of whom in all reason of state your Majesty must deter-
mine, if you suffer them to be strong, to make them better con-
tent, or if you will discontent them, to make them weaker : for
what the mixture of strength and discontentment engender, needs
no syllogisms to prove.

To suffer them to be strong, with hope that with reason they
will be contented, carries with it in my opinion but a fair enamel-
ling of a terrible danger.

For first, man's nature being not only to strive against a pre-
sent smart but to revenge a passed injury, though they be never
so well contented hereafter, what can be a sufiScient pledge to
your Majesty but that, when opportunity shall flatter them, they
will remember not the after-slacking but the former binding ? so

1 biesse in MS.

48 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. III.

much the more as they will imagine this relenting rather to pro-
ceed from fear than favour ; which is the poison of all govern-
ment, when the subject thinks the prince doth anything for fear.
And therefore the Romans would rather abide the uttermost
extremities than by their subjects to be brought to any condi-
tions.

Again, to make them contented absolutely, I do not see how
your Majesty either in conscience will do it or in policy may do it,
since you cannot throughly content them but that you must of ne-
cessity throughly discontent your faithful subjects : and to fasten
a reconciled love with the loosing of a certain, is to build houses
with the sale of lands. So much the more in that your Majesty is
embarked into the Protestant cause, as in many respects by your
Majesty it cannot with any safety be abandoned, they having been
so long the only instruments both of your counsel and power.

To make them half-content, half-discontent, methinks carries
with it as deceitful a shadow of reason, since there is no pain so
small but if we can we will cast it off; and no man loves one the
better for giving him a bastinado with a little cudgel.

But the course of the most wise, most politic, and best go-
verned estates hath ever been either to make an assuredness of
friendship or to take away all power of enmity.

Yet here must I distinguish between discontentment and de-
spair : for it sufiBceth to weaken the discontented ; but there is no
way but to kill the desperate, which in such a number as they
arc, were as hard and difficult as impious and ungodly.

And therefore though they must be discontented, yet I would
not have them desperate : for among many desperate men, it is
like some one will bring forth a desperate attempt.

Therefore considering that the urging of the oath must needs
in some degree beget despair, since therein he must either think
as without the especial grace of God he cannot think, or else be-
come a traitor (which before some act done seems somewhat
hard), I humbly submit this to your excellent consideration,
whether, with as much security of your Majesty's person and state,
and more satisfaction of them, it were not better to frame the oath
to this sense : that whosoever would not bear arms against all fo-
reign princes, and namely the Pope, that should any way invade
your Majesty's dominions, he should be a traitor.

For hereof this commodity would ensue ; that those Papists

1584-86.] [LETTER OF ADVICE TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.] 49

(as I think most Papists would) that did take this oath^ should be
divided from that great mutual confidence which now is betwixt
the Pope and them, by reason of their affliction for him. And
such priests as would refuse that oath^ no tongue could say for
shame did suffer for religion.

And whereas it may be objected that they would dissemble^ so
might they then dissemble in the present oath ; or that the Pope
would then dispense with them in that case^ and so might he
now likewise dispense with them in this present oath.^

But this is certain, that whom the conscience or fear of break-
ing of an oath doth bind, him would that oath bind.

And that they make conscience of an oath, the troubles, losses,
and disgraces that they suffer for refusing the same do suffi-
ciently testify ; and you know the perjury of either oath is equal.

So then the furthest point to be sought of their contentment
being but to avoid their despair, how to weaken their discontent-
ment is the next consideration.

Weakened they may be by two means, the first whereof is by
lessening their number, the second by taking away from them
their force.

Their number will easily be lessened by the means of careful
and diligent preachers in each parish to that end appointed, and
especially by good schoolmasters and bringers up of their youth ;
the former by converting them after their fall, the later by pre-
venting the same.

For preachers, because thereon grows a great question, I am
provoked to lay at your Highness' feet my opinion touching the
preciser sort ; first protesting to God Almighty and your sacred
Majesty that I am not given over, no nor so much as addicted, to
their preciseness ; therefore till I think that you think otherwise,
I am bold to think that the bishops in this dangerous time take
a very evil and unadvised course in driving them from their
cures ; and that for two causes.

First because it doth discredit the reputation and estimation of
your power, when other princes shall perceive and know, that even
in your Protestant subjects, in whom all your force and strength

^ In the printed copy (1651) this paragraph stands as follows : — " But here it
may he objected, they would dissemble and equiyocate with this oath, and that
the oath {sic) would dispense with them in that case. Even so may they with the
present oath both dissemble and equivocate, and so hare the Pope^s dispensation
for the present oath as weU as for the other."

VOL. I. E

50 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. HI.

and power consisteth, there is so great and heart-burning a divi-
sion ; — and how much reputation swayeth in these and all other
worldly actions there is nobody so simple as to be ignorant ; and
the Papists themselves^ though there be4nost manifest and appa-
rent discords and dissensions between the Franciscans and the
Dominicans^ the Jesuits and all other orders of religious persons^
especially the Benedictines^ yet will they shake off neither^ be-
cause in the main points of Popery they agree and hold together,
and so may they freely brag and vaunt them of their unity.

The other reason is, because in truth, in their opinions though
they are somewhat over-squeamish and nice, and more scrupulous
than they need, yet with their careful catechizing and diligent
preaching they bring forth that fruit which your most excellent
Majesty is to wish and desire ; namely, the lessening and dimin-
ishing of the Papistical number.

And therefore in this time your gracious Majesty hath especial
cause to use and employ them, if it were but as Frederick II.,
that excellent Emperor, did use and employ Saracen soldiers
against the Pope, because he was well assured and certainly
knew that they only would not spare his Sanctity.

And for those objections, what they would do when they gat
once a full and entire authority in the Church, methinks [they]
are inter remota et incerta mala, and therefore vidua et certa to
be first considered.

As for schoolmasters (the lamentable and pitiful abuses of
whom are easy to be seen, since the greatest number of Papists
is of very young men), your Majesty may use therein not only a
pious and godly mean in making the parents of each shire to
send their children to be virtuously and religiously brought up
at a certain place for that end appointed ; but you shall also, if it
please your Majesty, put in practice a notable stratagem used by
Sertorius in Spain, which coming to my mind I am bold to pre-
sent to your Majesty, by choosing such fit and convenient places for
the same as may surely be at your devotion ; and by this means
you shall, under colour of education, have them as hostages of all
the parents^ fidelity that have any power in England.

And by these ways will their number be lessened : for no way
do I account death to lessen or diminish them : since we find
by experience that death works no such effects, but that, like
Hydra's heads, upon one cut oflT, seven grow up ; persecution

1584-86.] [LETTER OP ADVICE TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.] 51

beuig ever accounted as the badge of the Church ; and therefore
they should never have the honour to take any pretence of mar-
tyrdom, especially in England, where the fullness of blood and
greatness of heart is such that they will even for shameful things
go bravely to death, much more when they think they climb
heaven ; and that vice of obstinacy, proximitate boni, seems to
the common people a divine constancy.

But for my part, I wish no lessening of their number but by
preaching.

The taking away of their force is as well of peace authority
as of war provision.

Their peace authority standeth either in Offices or Tenantries.

For their Offices, their credit will soon quail if order be taken
that from the highest counsellor to the lowest constable, none
have any charge but such as will pray and communicate accord-
ing to the doctrine received generally in the realm.

For their Tenantries, this conceit I have thought upon, which
I submit to your far further piercing judgment, that your Majesty
in every shire should give strict order to some that are indeed trusty
and religious gentlemen, that whereas your Majesty are given
to understand that divers Popish landlords do hardly use all
such of your people and subjects as being their tenants do em-
brace and live after the authorized and true religion ; that there-
fore you do constitute and appoint them to deal both with
entreaty and authority, that paying as others do, they be not
thrust out of their livings nor otherwise unreasonably molested.

This care will greatly bind the Commons' hearts unto you,
on whom indeed the power and strength of your realm of
England consisteth, and it will make them much the less or no-
thing at all depend upon their landlords.

And although thereby may grow some wrong that the tenants
upon that confidence may offer unto their landlords, yet those
wrongs are very easily even with one wink of yours redressed,
and arc nothing comparable to the danger of having so many
thousands depend upon the adverse party.

Their war provision I account men and munition ; of whom^
in sum, I would wish that no one man, either great or small,
should so much as be trained up in your musters, except his
parishioners would answer for him that he orderly and duly re-
ceived the Commimion ; and for munition, not one should have

£ 2

52 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. III.

or keep in his house so much as a halbert without the same con-
dition.

And then your Majesty may set your heart at rest^ that one
thousand of your Protestant subjects will make ten thousand^
yea twenty thousand^ of them^ untrained and unfurnished^ to do
such services^ even against themselves^ as you shall appoint. Yet
should they contribute as much ; nay, if such order were taken
that, considering they should not be put to the pain of mustering
and training, that therefore their contribution should be more nar-
rowly looked into, it would breed a chilliness unto their fervour
of superstition ; especially in popular resolutions, who if they
love Egypt, it is chiefly for the fleshpot. So that methinks this
temper should well agree with your wisdom and the mercifulness
of your nature.

For, as compel them you would not, kill them you would not,
so in reason trust them you would not ; trust being in no case to
be claimed but where the trusted is of one mind with the trust-
ing ; reason ever commanding every wise man to fly and avoid
that evil shamefacedness which the Greeks call Bvawirla, which
is, not to seem to doubt them who give just occasion of doubt.

That ruined Hercules, son to the great Alexander : for although
he had most manifest reasons and evident arguments to induce
him to suspect his old servant Polyperchon, yet out of the con-
fidence he had of him and the experience he had had of his
former loyalty, he would not make provision accordingly, because
he would not seem so much as to misdoubt or suspect him, and
so by that means he was murthered by him.

But this [is] the knot of this discourse, that if your Majesty
find it reasonable, of the one side by relenting the rigour of
the oath, and of the other by disabling the unsound, you shall
neither execute any but very traitors in all men's constructions
and opinions, nor yet put faith and confidence in those that even
for their own sakes must be faithful.

The second point remains ; which is of your foreign enemies.

Your foreign enemies able and willing to hurt you, I account
Scotland for his pretence and neighbourhood, and Spain for his
religion and power. For as for France, I see not why it should
not rather be made a friend than an enemy. For though he
agree not with your Majesty in matter of conscience and reli-

1584-86.] [LETTEB OP ADVICE TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.] 53

gion, yet in hoc tertio he doth agree, that he fears the greatness
of Spain ; and therefore that may solder the link which religion
hath broken, and make him hope by your Majesty's friendship to
secure himself of so potent an adversary.

And though he were evil affected towards your Majesty, yet I do
not think it greatly to be feared, considering the present condi-
tion of his estate ; himself being a prince who hath paid very dear
assurances to the world that he loves his ease much better than
victories ; and a prince that is not beloved nor feared of his
people ; and the people themselves being of a very light and in-
constant disposition, and besides altogether unexperienced and
undisciplined how to do their duties either in war or peace ; be-
ginning or ready to begin and undertake any enterprise before
they enter into an advised and deliberate consideration thereof,
and yet weary of it before it be fully begun ; generally poor and
weak, and subject to sickness at sea; divided and subdivided
into sundry heads and several factions, not only between Hugue-
nots and Papists, but between the Memorianciers,^ Ouiscardes,
and Mignonins ; the people oppressed by all and hating all : — so
as truly in my opinion, for a well settled and established govern-
ment and commonwealth, as is your Majesty's, why to misdoubt
or fear them 1 see not ; but only so far forth as the Guiscards
may hap to serve for boute-feux in Scotland : and while it shall
please your Majesty but with reasonable favour to support the
King of Navarre, I do not think the French King will suffer you
to be from thence annoyed.

Therefore for France, your Majesty may assure yourself of one
of these two, either to make with him a good alliance in respect
of the common enemy of both kingdoms, or at the least so to
muzzle him, as that he shall have little power to bite you.

As for Scotland, if your Majesty help those noblemen that are
suspected by him from perishing, your Majesty may be sure
of this ; that while he is a Protestant no foreign prince will
throughly help him ; and of himself you know he is not able
much to harm or annoy you; and if in time he should grow to
be a Papist, your Majesty shall always have a strong party at
his own doors in his own kingdom to bridle and restrain his
malice, who, since they do depend upon your Majesty, are in all
policy by the same never to be abandoned.

* So MS. Montmorencians, I presume.

54 LETTKBS AKD LIFE OP FRiNCIS BACON. [Chap. III.

For by that resolution the Romans anciently, and the Spaniards
presently, have most of all prevailed ; and on the contrary side,
the Macedonians in times past, and the French in our age, have
lost all without themselves, because of their aptness to neglect
them who of them only depended.

But if your Majesty could by any means possible devise to
bring in again the Hambletons, he should then be stricken with
his own weapon, and should have daily more cause to look to his
own succession.'

But Spain, Spain it is, in which, as I conceive, all causes do
concur to give a just alarum to your excellent judgment.

First, because in religion he is so much the Pope's, and the
Pope in policy so much his, as what the mind of Pope Gregory*
and the power of King Philip will or can compass or bring forth,
is in all probability to be expected; himself being a prince whose
closet hath brought forth greater victories than all his father's
journeys, absolutely ruling his subjects, a people one-hearted in
religion, constantly ambitious, politic, and valiant ; the King rich
and liberal, and, which of all I like worst, beloved amongst all the
discontented party of your subjects.

A more lively proof whereof one could never see, than in the
poor Don Anthonio's being here, who though he were as mass-
hungry a man as any liveth, yet did there not one Papist in
England give him any good countenance, so factious affection is
borne to the other party.

Of him therefore, as the chief cause of doubt is, so must the
chief care be had of providence.

But this offers a great question, to wit. Whether it be better
to procure his amity or stop the course of his enmity .? as of a
mighty lion, whether it be more wisdom to trust to the taming
or tying of him.

I confess this requires a longer and larger discourse, and a better
discounter than myself, and therefore I will stay myself from run-
ning over so large a field, but only with the natural presumption
of love yield this to your gracious consideration.

^ " If GK}d should call him [the young king],. . . Hamilton upon his death should
succeed."— Earl of Sussex to Cecil, 22nd Oct., 1568 : Lodge, i. 4^8.

" May, 1584. The lords of Scotland, Lord John Hamilton, Earl of Angus, Earl
of Marr, fled into England." ** Sept. 1585. The banished lords of Scotland, Earls
Argyle and Marr, with the Lord of Glames remain still in London." — Burghley's

PiaiT.
2Gr

regory XIII. died 10th April, 1585.

1584-86.] [LETTER OP ADVICE TO QUEEN ELIZABETH.] 55

Firsts if 70a have an intention of league^ you see upon what
assurance, or at least likelihood, you may trust that he will observe
the same.

Secondly, that in the parling season it be not as a countenance
unto him the sooner to overthrow the Low Countries, which
hitherto have been as a counterscarfe to your Majesty's kingdom.

But if you do not league, then your Majesty is to think of
means for strengthening yourself and weakening him.

Your own strength is to be tendered both at home and
abroad.

For your home-strength, with all reverence I leave it, as the
thing which contains in effect the universal consideration of go-
vernment.

For your strength abroad, it must be by joining in good con-
federacy, or at least intelligence, with those that would willingly
embrace the same.

Truly not so much as the Turk and the Moroccan but at a
time may serve your Majesty to great purpose. But of Florence,
Ferrara, and especially Venice, I think your Majesty might reap
great service : for undoubtedly they fear and abhor the King of
Spain's greatness.

And for these Dutch and northern princes, being in effect of
your Majesty's religion, I cannot think but that their alliance may
be firm, and their power not to be contemned ; even countenance
of united powers doing much in matters of estate.

For the weakening of him, I could (I must confess) from my
heart wish that your Majesty did not spare it, throughly and
manifestly both upon his Indies and Low Countries, which would
give themselves unto you, and rather take him now when he hath
one hand ^ bound, than when he shall have both hands &ee and
both sharply weaponed.

But if this seem foolish-hardy to your Majesty's wisdom, yet
do I not presume to counsel, but humbly beseech your Majesty,
that what stay without war your Majesty can give to the Low
Countries, you vouchsafe to do it : since as King of Spain, with-
out the Low Countries, he may trouble our skirts of Ireland,
but can never come to grasp with you ; but if he once reduce
the Low Countries to an absolute subjection, I know not what
limits any man of judgment can set unto his greatness.

1 ma», MS.

56 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. III.

Divers ways are not {sic) to be tried : among the rest one^ not of
the worst in my opinion^ might be^ to seek either the winning of
the Prince of Parma from the King of Spain^ or at the least to
have it handled so as a jealousy thereof might arise between them ;
as Pope Clement did by the notable Marquis of Pescara : for he
practised with him with offering the kingdom of Naples, not so
much with hope to win him, as to make his master suspect him.

For when I consider that he is a Roman of blood, a Prince
born, placed in the place he hath by Don John, and maintained in
it by the malcontents, whereunto the King hath rather yielded of
necessity than was an author : lastly when I remember the citadel
of Piacenza kept by the Spaniards, and the apparent title of his
son Ranuccio^ to the Crown of Portugal (things hardly to be di-
gested by an Italian stomach), I cannot see how such a mind in
such a fortune can sell itself to a foreign servitude.

The manner of dealing should be by some man of spirit with
the Venetian ambassador in Paris, and afterwards with his own
father in Italy, both which are in their hearts mortal enemies of
the greatness of Spain.

But these sheets of paper bear witness against me of having
offered too tedious a discourse to your Majesty ; divers of which
points yet, as of the mitigating of the oath, the school-hostages,
the heartening of tenants, and the dealing with this prince, would
require a more ample handling.

But it is first reason to know whether your Majesty like of
the stuff, before it be otherwise trimmed.

For myself, as I will then only love my opinions when your
Majesty likes them, so will I daily pray that all opinions may be
guided with as much faith to your Majesty, and then followed
with infinite success.

I see no difficulty in believing that Bacon, at the age of four-and-
twenty, may have written such a piece of counsel as this and ventured
to submit it to the Queen. He was young, but he was rising in re-
putation, as we shall see presently by his progress at Gray's Inn and

^ Jlemiccio in MS. This Banuccio was great-grandson to Manuel, King of Por-
tugal ; being the son of his second Bon*s ^dest daughter, and now (after the death
of Sebastian, in whom the eldest son's issue fieuled) heir to the crown.

1584-86.] FATE OF HIS FIBST SUIT. 57

bj the more frequent occurrence of his name in the records of the
proceedings of the House of Commons. Besides, the Queen was a
great encourager of young aspirants, and had begun to encourage him
when he was very young indeed. And it was of great consequence to
him at this time to give her some token of his ability in serious busi-
ness. For all this time, it seems, the suit (whatever it was) which he had
made to her through Burghley in 1580 remained in suspense, neither
granted nor denied ; and the uncertainty prevented him from settling
his course of life. From the following letter to Walsingham we may
gather two things more concerning it : it was something which had
been objected to as unfit for so young a man ; and which would in
some way have made it unnecessary for him to follow " a course of
practice," — meaning, I presume, ordinary practice at the Bar.

To THE Bight Honourable Sir Francis Walsingham^
Principal Secretary to Her Majesty.^

It may please your Honour to give me leave amidst your great
and diverse business to put you in remembrance of my poor suit^
leaving the time unto your Honour's best opportunity and com-
modity. I think the objection of my years will wear away with
the length of my suit. The very stay doth in this respect concern
me^ because I am thereby hindered to take a course of practice,
which by the leave of God, if her Majesty like not of my suit, I
must and will follow : not for any necessity of estate, but for my
credit sake, which I know by living out of action will wear. I
spake when the Court was at ThebaH's to Mr. Vice-Chamberlain,^
who promised me his furderance ; which I did lest he mought be
made for some other. If it may please your Honour, who as I
hear hath great interest in him, to speak with him in it, I think
he will be fast mine. Thus desiring continuance of your Honour's
favour, I wish you all good, and myself occasion to do you service.
Gray's Inn, this 25th of August, 85.

Your Honour's in all duty,

Fr. Bacon.

6.

This is the last we hear of this suit, the nature and fate of which
must both be lefl to conjecture. With regard to its fate, my own

1 S. P. O. Domeetio, 1585. Original : own hand.
' This was Sir ChriBtopher Hatton.

58 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. III.

conjecture is that he presently gave up all hope of success in it, and
tried instead to obtain through his interest at Court some further-
ance in the direct line of his profession. It is ci^rtain that about
this time or soon after he made another application to Burghley, the
precise nature of which we are again left to guess, but which was to
facilitate his "coming within bars;*' that is, as I suppose (for the
meaning of the phrase is doubtful), his admission to practise in the
Courts. By the regulations then in force an utter barrister had to
continue in " exercise of learning " for five years, before he was per-
mitted to plead at any of the Courts at Westminster or to subscribe
any plea.^ Bacon, having been admitted to the Utter Bar on the
27th of June, 1582, had still more than two years to wait ; and if,
according to the intention intimated in the last letter, he was now
ready and resolved " to take a course of practice," he would naturally
wish to have his term of probation shortened. In what precise way
this was to be done I do not know, but I presume that between
Burghley and the Queen means might have been found, and that he
now submitted to Burghley some proposition with that view.

We need not assume that his pretensions were really unreasonable
or liis manners justly offensive, to account for the fact which appears
from the next letter, that they had by this time exposed him to some
unfriendly criticism, that complaints reached Burghley of his nephew's
arrogance, and that Burghley thought it expedient to give him some
good advice on the subject. The solid grounds on which Bacon's
pretensions rested had not yet been made manifest to the apprehen-
sion of Bench and Bar ; his mind was full of matters with which they
could have no sympathy, and the shy and studious habits which we
have seen so offend Mr. Faunt would naturally be misconstrued in the
same way by many others. The temper in which Mr. B^corder Fleet-
wood listened to his maiden speech (p. 42) is but a fair sample of that
incredulous disdain with which the English public greets every young
aspirant who proclaims himself or is proclaimed by his friends as any-
thing out of the common way. It can hardly be avoided, but speedily
disappears if the pretensions be made good ; as we shall see that in
Bacon's case it very soon did. To any one who would understand
his position and follow his career in the world, the little glimpse re-
vealed by the next letter of the feelings with which some of his con-
temporaries regarded him, now in his twenty-sixth year, will prove
very instructive.

' See ** Orders necessary for the government of the Inns of Court, established by
commandment of the Queen's Majesty, etc. etc., in Easter Term, A° £lizabeilis9
Regina 1574." Harl. MSS. 89. f. 272.

1584-86.] BEPLY TO CHARaE OF ARROGANCK. 59

To Lord Burghley.^

My very good Lord,

I take it as an undoubted sign of your Lordship's favour
unto me that being hardly informed of me you took occasion
rather of good advice than of evil opinion thereby. And if your
Lordship had grounded only upon the said information of theirs,
I mought and would tndy have upholden that few of the matters
were justly objected; as the very circumstances do induce in
that they were delivered by men that did misaffect me and be-
sides were- to give colour to their own doings. But because
your Lordship did mingle therewith both a late motion of mine
own and somewhat which you had otherwise heard, I know it
to be my duty (and so do I stand affected) rather to prove your
Lordship's admonition effectual in my doings hereafter, than
causeless by excusing what is past. And yet (with your Lordship's
pardon humbly asked) it may please you to remember that I did
endeavour to set forth that said motion in such sort as it mought
breed no harder effect than a denial. And I protest simply be-
fore God that I sought therein an ease in coming within Bars,
and not any extraordinary and singular note of favour. And
for that your Lordship may otherwise have heard of me, it
shall make me more wary and circumspect in carriage of myself.
Indeed I find in my simple observation that they which live as
it were in umbrd and not in public or frequent action, how
moderately and modestly soever they behave themselves, yet
laborani invidia. I find also that such persons as are of nature
bashful (as myself is), whereby they want that plausible familia-
rity which others have, are often mistaken for proud. But once
I know well and I most humbly beseech your Lordship to believe,
that arrogancy and overweening is so far from my nature, as if I
think well of myself in anything it is in this that I am free from
that vice. And I hope upon this your Lordship's speech I have
entered into those considerations as my behaviour sliall no more
deliver me for other than I am. And so wishing unto your
Lordsliip all honour and to myself continuance of your good

> Lansd. MSS. 61. f. 9 : original. A good specimen of Bacon's careful hand-
writing at this time of his life.

60 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. III.

opinion with mind and means to deserve it, I humbly take my
leave. Gray's Inn, this 6th day of May, 1586.

Your Lordship's most bounden Nephew,
Fr. Bacon.

If a speedier progress through Gray*s Inn was what this 'late
motion * aimed at, it seems to have had some success ; for in the fol-
lowing February he was advanced to the Headers' table, though not
himself a Header, in some unusual way. But before that time he
had to witness another immense national excitement, and to be a
spectator, though happily not an actor, in one of the great tragedies
of the world.

61

CHAPTER IV.
A.D. 1585-1589. JKTAT. 26-29.

I HATB spoken of tbe agitations into which all England was thrown
bj the conspiracies of 15Sd and 1584, and of the expression which it
found in Parliament. The violence of the popular storm maj be
judged of bj the tenor of the Act which was then passed, and passed
unanimously bj both Houses — (the Lower House being at that time
not at all remarkable for subserriencv, but quite prepared in a po-
pular cause to take courses most distasteful to the Crown) — ^for the
purpose of giving a legal sanction to the voluntary association for the
defence of the Queen's life. This Act not only authorized the trial by
a new tribunal — (a body of not less than twenty-four Lords and Privy
Councillors appointed for the purpose by the Queen, with Judges to
assist) — of any pretender to the Crown by whom or for whom any
attempt should be made against her life ; not only empowered a ma-
jority of these Commissioners, upon proof that such attempt had
been made with the privity of the persons accused, to pass sentence
of death upon them : but actually made it lawful, as soon as such
sentence had been passed and duly proclaimed, for any of the Queen's
subjects " by virtue of this Act and her Majesty's direction in that
behalf" to '' pursue them to death." So much at least the words of
the Act strictly construed seem to imply ;^ and I see no reason to
doubt that they truly expressed the deliberate wish and intention of
the alarmed and irritated Protestantism of England.

Whatever may be thought of its equity in other respects, the Act
had one merit. It was at least a fair warning to all men, with due
notice of the consequences, not to engage in any such attempt upon
their peril. It had not been in force however for much more than a

^ 27 Eliz. c. 1. "And that thereupon all her Highness* subjects shall and mav
lawfiUlj, by yirtue of this Act and her Majesty^s direction in that behalf, by aU
forcible and possible means pursue to death erery of such wicked persons, by whom
or by whose means, assent, or privity, any such invasion or rebellion shall be
in form aforesaid denounced to nave been made, or such wicked act attempted,*'
etc. The clause may perhaps have been intended to provide against the chance
of rescue or escape.

62 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

tvrelvemoDth, when the nation was again alarmed by news of a fresh
conspiracy, more desperate than any of the former, with the threefold
object of assassinating Elizabeth, raising an insurrection in England,
and inducing an invasion from abroad. That such a conspiracy was ac-
tually on foot, and that to liberate Mary of Scotland and place her on
the throne was the main and express end of it, — therefore that it was
in that sense an attempt on Elizabeth's life made^br her, — did not ad-
mit of a doubt. Whether she knew of it or was otherwise accessary,
is a question upon which modern historians, knowing some things
which nobody knew then and ignorant probably of many things
which everybody knew then, may reasonably differ. But the unani-
mous verdict of forty noblemen and privy councillors, duly appointed
under the late Act to try the case, would no doubt be accepted by
that generation as decisive. Before this verdict had been pronounced,
and while the history of the whole plot, fully confirmed by the con-
fession of the parties, was yet fresh news in the land, a new Parlia-
ment had been summoned. The general election and the trial of
Mary before the Commissioners must have been going on at the
same time ; and on the 29th of October, 1586, only four days after
their sentence had been declared, the Houses met. The case was at
once laid before them, was eagerly taken up, vehemently debated
(though the speakers seem to have been all on one side), and con-
cluded by a unanimous confirmation of the sentence, accompanied
by addresses to the Queen from both Houses, earnestly praying for
the publication and speedy execution of it. And though it must be
owned that their language and arguments, when looked back upon
out of the security of settled times, seem to savour more of fear and
fury than of judgment and deliberation, yet perhaps if a man could
really understand the case, — if he could carry his imagination back
into the time, so as truly to conceive the beliefs, the hopes, the fears,
which then ruled in men's minds, — the vast interests at stake, the
solid grounds of alarm, the universal conviction of Mary's acqui-
escence in the whole plot, — he would think that this Parliament was
not more extravagant in its humour than Parliaments are apt to be
in seasons of popular excitement even now, and that the practical
conclusion to which it came admits of a fair defence. Certainly, if we
might but assume that the trial before the Commissioners was fairly
conducted and the verdict just (which I have no doubt everybody be-
lieved then), the vote might be justified. The outrageous clauses of
the statute under which Mary was tried were not in question ; she had
been found guilty of being an accessary to the projected assassination ;
and whatever had seemed to justify her detention in captivity must
have seemed much more to justify her trial and execution for such
an act, especially after such a warning.

158ft-89.] EXECUTION OF MABY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. 63

In this Parliament, Bacon sat for Taunton in Somersetshire. His
name is mentioned by D'Ewes (4th NoTember) as one of the speakers
on '^ the Great Cause ;" also as one of the committees to whom it
was referred, and who were continually occupied with it until the 2nd
of December ; on which day the House was adjourned. But of what
he said, or the part he took (more than that he spoke on the popular
side), no record remains ; nor is there any allusion in any of his
writings, that I know of, from which his opinion upon this case can be
inferred. Upon a case so rare, and so full of matter to strike the ima-
gination, to touch the feelings, and to exercise the judgment, he must
doubtless have had many thoughts ; but whatever the conclusion, they
can hardly have been other than painful ; painful for the conflict of
feelings involved in the case itself, more painful for the reflexion it
cast upon the character of Elizabeth ; whose conduct after the pass-
ing and couflrmation of the sentence, — showing as it did a disposi-
tion not only to evade herself, but to shift upon others, the responsi-
bility of that which was to be done, — could not even to the most fa-
vourable interpreter but seem unworthy of her. I say a disposition,
not a determination : because those inconsistencies in her conduct at
this juncture which are commonly imputed to cold-blooded hypocrisy
and deliberate double-dealing, may in my opinion be more probably
explained as the result of a real struggle between strength of will and
irresolution of judgment. I believe that she was really perplexed in
her mind, and did not know what to do ; and as she never troubled
herself to conceal from her councillors those hesitations and variations
of purpose which almost always preceded her final determinations, I
conceive that many of the speeches upon which the charge of hypo-
crisy most rests, were in fact the expression of thoughts half made up,
— conclusions which were still in the balance, which she had not de-
cided to act upon, and did not intend her councillors to adopt as di-
rections. They on their part had a difficult task to perform. Not
liking to ask for more distinct resolutions on a subject on which the
very difficulty of resolving made her irritable, they had to ffuess what
hints they were meant to act upon without further orders, and what
not ; in which it was easy for them to make mistakes, especially hav-
ing a strong bias of their own in favour of the shortest way. Some such
misunderstanding might account for that doubtful message on the
strength of which the warrant against Mary was at last executed ;
which Elizabeth disavowed ; and for delivering which Davison was pro-
secuted in the Star Chamber and ruined. Such may also be the true
explanation of a blacker transaction ; I mean the joint letter addressed
to Sir Amias Paulet by Walsingham and Davi8on(see Heame, Eob. of
Glouc. p. 673) signifying the Queen's surprise, apparent by " speech

64 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IT.

lately uttered," that none of her loyal subjects should have found a
way to relieve her from her embarrassment, namely by pursuing
Mary to death (for the words can bear no other meaning), as their
oaths bound and the statute warranted them to do. That such a so-
lution of the question would have been convenient to Elizabeth, was
true ; that in the agitations of irresolution such a thought should
present itself to her mind, was natural ; that in talking with her con-
fidential councillors it found its way to her tongue, is not impro-
bable ; that her councillors, not daring on so delicate and dangerous
a subject to ask more directly what she meant, should seek to shifb
the difficulty from themselves by passing the hint on to those who
were about Mary's person, may be easily supposed. But that she
really intended them to do so, is to me, considering her character and
ways, less easy to believe, than that they thought she did and were
mistaken. When all is said however, her behaviour throughout the
business, read it as favourably as we may, was not such as any loyal
subject could have thought upon without regret. It showed the
worse, too, by contrast with that of her victim. Mary, whatever else
was in her, possessed in full measure all those qualities which have
so often turned the scaffold into a scene of public triumph, in which
the memory of the sufferer is cleared from all its stains, and every
harsher thought is lost for ever in reverence and pity. It was on the
7th of February, 1586-7, that she received notice to prepare to die
the next morning. It seems she did not need even that short notice.
She was ready on the instant to meet death with a composure and a
dignity such as neither martyr nor philosopher ever surpassed. Even
the dry official report of the day's proceedings, made by the Commis-
sioners to the Council, reads, in spite of its formal phraseology and
impassive tone, like a leaf out of the closing scene of some majestic
tragedy —

High actions and high passions best describing :

whereas Elizabeth, — who, if she had proceeded to the execution with
the same openness, directness, and solemnity with which she had
conducted the trial, would have seemed, in the eyes of her own people
at least, like the minister of God's justice, — contrived by her delays,
uncertainties, and ambiguous directions, to seem like one sacrificing
justice to state policy, and doing what she was ashamed of.

2.

While the " great cause " was proceeding to this tragical issue.
Bacon's " mootings and exercises of learning" as an utter barrister
of Gray's Inn were earning their proper reward. On the 10th of

1586-89.] PARLIAMENT: BENEVOLENCE OFFERED. 65

February, 1585-6, a pension was beld, at which (whether upon the
mere motion of the Benchers or by the help of interest at Court I
do not know) he was admitted " to have place with the Headers at the
Beaders' table ; but not to hare any roice in pension, nor to win an-
cienty of any that was his ancient, or should read before him."^ And
this must have been speedily followed by full admission to the Bench.
For in a list of his honours, as given in a book which seems to have
been transferred by some accident from Gray's Inn to the British
Museum (Harl. MSS. 1912), he is stated to have become a Bencher
in 1586. And this I presume gave him that entrance •* within bars,"
with liberty to plead in the Courts of Westminster, for which he had
been seeking.

The Parliament did not meet again for work till the 22nd of
February ; on which day the perilous condition of the Protestant
cause in Europe was set forth at large to the House by Sir Christopher
Hatton, and urged as a motive for granting a subsidy, — to be em-
ployed mainly in supporting the Netherlands against Spain. A
committee, including the first knight of every shire as well as all the
privy councillors that were of the House, was immediately appointed
in the usual form, " to set down articles for the subsidy." And they
appear to have entered on the business with more than usual alacrity.
If the Journals are not too imperfect to ground a conjecture upon,
they agreed at once to offer more than was asked. But a difficulty
arose. On the one hand, a single subsidy was thought insufficient
for the exigency ; on the other hand, to grant a double subsidy (which
had never been done yet) would create a precedent which might be
abused. In order to avoid the precedent, and yet not to withhold
the necessary supply, it was proposed to increase the grant by " a
loan or voluntary contribution," to be offered to the Queen by both
Houses. Such at least seems to be the most probable explanation of
an entry in the Journals of the 23rd of February (the day after the
appointment of the Subsidy Committee), which deserves to be quoted
both for the proposal itself — a novel one as originating in such a
quarter — and for the prominent position in which it exhibits Bacon's

' Lansd. BiSS. 51. 6. The paper from which I quote appears to be an extract
from the register, and underneath are written some notes m Burghley's hand, not
easily legible, but, as well as I can make out, to this effect : —

" Specially admitted to be out of commons ; sending for beer, Tictuals, wine,

'* Admitted of the Gbund Company, whereby he hath won aneienty of forty, being
but of three years* continuance.

** Utter Barrister upon three years* study.

" Admitted to the high table, where none are but Beaders.*'
VOL. I. P

66 LETTERS AND LIEE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

name. It runs thus : — " The Committees appointed for conference
touching a loan or benevolence to be offered to her Majesty are, Mr.
Francis Bacon, Mr. Edward Lewkenor, and others."^ And I quote it
the rather because in the two next Parliaments we shall find Bacon's
name equally prominent in connexion with motions which, though
pot the same, were for the same object. The result in this case is not
distinctly stated. It may be inferred however from the silence of
the Journals, that it was judged best not to proceed further in the
matter till the Subsidy Bill had been framed and passed in the ordi-
nary way. But as soon as this was done, — as soon as a bill for one
Subsidy and two fifteenths and tenths had passed through its three
readings and gone to the upper House (which was on the 7th of
March^), — the subject was taken up again ; and on the 11th a Com-
mittee was appointed to confer with the Lords, and invite them to
join " in a Contribution or Benevolence for the charges of the Low
Countries' wars, which they of the House of Commons meant to offer
unto her Majesty."* The Lords declined the proposal, and it was
resolved that each House should proceed by itself. "What the Lords
did further, or whether they did anything, is not stated ; but the
Commons, being informed on the I8th that the Queen, " understand-
ing of their great love unto her in regard of the charges sustained in
the Low Countries," would give audience that afternoon to some
convenient number of them, appointed a Committee to wait on her -^
and as we hear no more of the matter, I conclude that at this audi-
ence the offer was made and declined: a circumstance to which
Bacon probably alludes in his * Discourse in praise of his Sovereign'
(written about the year 1592), where he says, — " There shall you find
no new taxes, impositions, nor devices ; but the benevolence of the
subject freely offered by assent of Parliament, according to the an-
cient rates, and with gre^L moderation in assessment: and not so
only, but some new forms of contribution offered likewise by the sub-
ject in Parliament, and the demonstration of their devotion only ac-
cepted, but the thing never put in ure :" a passage of which the sub-
stance is repeated in his * Observations on a Libel.'

For the rest, this session was chiefly remarkable for an ineffectual
attempt to revive the question concerning ecclesiastical government
so much discussed in the last Parliament, and to raise a question
concerning the right of free speech in that House ; both which mo-
tions were summarily answered by the removal to the Tower of the
members who stirred them ; — also for the quiet way in which the

1 D'Ewee, p. 410. In the MS. the rest of the names are given ; more than thirty,
and of all degrees.

2 D'Ewes, p. 412. ' D'Ewes, p. 386. « D'Ewes, p. 416.

1586-89.] DISCOURSE ASCBIBEB TO BAOON. 67

Hoiue took the matter ; the majority being content, it seems, when it
was proposed to petition for the restitution of their missing mem-
bers, to suppose that " they might perhaps be committed for some-
what that concerned not the business or privileges of the House." ^
But the times were too full of danger to aUow of a quarrel between
the Queen and the Commons just then.

Parliament was dissolved on the 23rd of March, 1586-7 : and from
this time we have no more news of Bacon (unless it be worth while
to mention that he assisted in getting up the masque which was pre-
sented to the Queen by the gentlemen of Gray's Inn on the 28th
of February following) till after the defeat of the Spanish Armada ;
an event which I need only name, that its significance in relation
to all the political questions of the time may be sufficiently appre-
ciated.

I must not, however, omit to state that among the Additional MSS.
in the British Museum (vol. 754), there is a political tract belonging
to this period, which is entered in Ayscough's catalogue (p. 94) as
Bacon's, with the following title : — " A brief discourse touching the
Low Countries, the King of Spain, the King of Scots, the French
King, and Queen Elizabeth, with some other remarkable passages of
State." The paper thus described in the catalogue is a collector's
transcript, and wants one or more leaves at the beginning, including
the title. It is a paper of considerable historical value, as containing
the views of some man of learning, experience, and sagacity, writing
at the time. But upon a careful examination of it, I am convinced
that it was not written by Bacon. It wants his order, clearness, and
conciseness ; and is distinguished by a certain mannerism and trick
of style not to be found in any of his acknowledged writings. It
must have been written after the execution of Mary and before the
arrival of the Spanish Armada ; and the writer's object is to show
the hazardous position in which England then stood from the com-
binations and temper of the several European powers; from the
policy which she had pursued abroad, especially towards Spain, — a
policy calculated, he says, to provoke his resentment without weaken-
ing his force ; and also (which one is less prepared to bear) from the
defenceless condition of England herself. The passage t^hich relates
to this last point is worth transcribing, because it gives the true and
sufficient explanation of the conduct of the patriots of that time in

> B'Ewes, p. 412 : 4th March.

F 2

68 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

suspending the prosecution of all internal disputes between the
people and the Crown.

'* Contrariwise is it," says the writer, " touching ourselyes : all things
being in suspicion : the realm full of hatred and emulation : the people
naturally inclined to commotion and noTelty : the treasure not sufficient to
maintain any wars of moment and continuance : since all things by war
and tumults would be [so] disordered, that the reyenues, imposts, forfeits,
conmiodities, and the very wealth and possessions of every private man or
person would convert into nothing in a short time : assured of the friend-
ship of few : having been at some times in a manner grievous unto all,
either by arms, sowing of discords, or other injuries ; for our strength is*
more mighty in opinion than in true force ; the number of our commanders
and leaders, to be required for an army royal, unskilful : our soldiers and
people without discipline ; the defence of a kingdom not consisting in a
multitude confused and without order : for great is the difference between
the virtue of soldiers exercised and trained in war, and armies newly and
hastily levied, and compounded of the multitude more wilful than skilful,
and by so much the less apt to be drawn under discipline by how much
more by their nature and custom they are seldom conformable unto any
good order ; making themselves most notable examples of ignorance and
confusion : grounding their doings upon fallible hopes and vain expecta-
tions ; furious when the danger is far off, and very irresolute when the
peril approacheth ; full of fears and causeless conjectures, in such sort as it
maketh them forgetful above shame and all other observances ; and when
the calamity is general, it leaves every one to his fortune ; impression for
the most part amazing more than the peril itself."

The sudden and utter overthrow of the Spanish Armada within a
few months after this was written, together with the frustration of all
subsequent attempts at invasion, has made us forget that the possi-
bility of losing our national independence while grasping too eagerly
at securities for civil liberty was ever really in question. But we
shall form a very imperfect judgment of the motives and conduct of
the men of those times if we do not bear always in mind that in the
latter days of Queen Elizabeth such fears as these were both seriously
entertained, and not altogether unreasonable.

On the 20th of July, 1688, the Spanish Armada appeared in the
British Channel, while the Prince of Parma waited with a large army
in the Low Countries ready to form a junction at Calais. By the
middle of August the wreck of the Armada was making its way home
round the shores of Scotland and Ireland, and the Prince of Parma

* So in MS. Query, " for our strength, it is," etc. ?

1585-89.] PARLIAMENT: FIRST DOUBLE SUBSIDY. 69

was drawing his forces awaj from the coast. But though baffled for
the season, Spain was neither disabled bj this disaster, nor perhaps
(considering in how great part it was owing to accidents of weather) verj
much discouraged ; and next spring was looked forward to with great
and just apprehension. Bj way of preparation, Elizabeth summoned
a new Parliament for November, 1588 ; which did not however meet
for business till the 4th of February following. The cause for which
they were called was explained by Sir Christopher Hatton, now Lord
Chancellor, — namely, to take measures for provision of arms, soldiers,
and money, against the future attempts of the King of Spain. The
Commons were as prompt as before to meet the extraordinary occasion
by an extraordinary supply ; but not less jealous than before of set-
ting an example which other Parliaments might be expected to follow
on occasions less urgent, or by sovereigns less frugal, less disinterested,
and less in sympathy with the people. How they attempted to escape
this dilemma in the last Parliament, I have already explained. They
then voted a single subsidy to be levied in the usual way, but offered
at the same time to sanction the collection of a benevolence or vo-
luntary contribution. To this however the Queen herself objected
(graciously, I suppose, yet so as to forbid the renewal of a similar
offer), and contented herself for that time with the simple subsidy.
There was now nothing left for them (having a due regard to the
exigencies of the State) but to grant a double subsidy, leviable ac-
cording to the ancient usage; and to provide as far as might be
against its passing into a precedent for the future, by introducing a
clause for that express purpose into the preamble of the bill. Whether
the precaution originated with Bacon in either case, I cannot say ;
but here again his name stands foremost in connexion with it. The
suggestion had been made and approved in the Committee, and " one
of the Committees, to wit Mr. Francis Bacon, had for that purpose
set down a note in writing;"^ which having been read and approved
by the House, it was agreed that the Speaker should deliver it to her
Majesty's learned counsel, who were charged with the preparation of
the Bill ; and that " the said Mr. Bacon should also repair unto them
for the further proceeding therein with them."

No objection seems to have been made ; for the preamble of the
Act, after reciting in the customary manner the occasion of the pre-
sent grant, adds, — " and for that we do perceive that the granting
only of such an ordinary subsidy to he levied as hath been commonly
used in former times of smaller dangers, is in no wise sufficient and
answerable to the unusual and great charges sustained and to he sus-
tained by your Majesty for these so great actions," etc., and so pro-
» D*Ewe8, p. 433 : 17th February, 1588-9.

70 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. lY.

ceeds to grant two entire subsidies and four fifteenths and tenths.^
The bill, after some slight opposition (in which it is worth observing
that the tendency of so large a grant to interfere with a Benevolence^
should such a measure be required, was urged as an objection on the
popular side ^) was passed by the Commons on the 8th of March,
by the Lords on the 17th, and was presented to the Queen by the
Speaker on the 29thy together with a request from both Houses that
she would denounce open war against the King of Spain ; after which
the Parliament was dissolved.

Bacon, who had just completed his twenty-eighth year, and was
now a " Eeader " in Gray's Inn,* sate in this Parliament for Liverpool.
The more frequent appearance of his name in the Journals, both as a
member of Committees, and as reporter of their proceedings to the
House, attests his rising importance. But the other proceedings of
this Session have little interest for us. A bill to reform certain
abuses \)y purveyors, and another concerning process and pleadings in
the Couri of Exchequer, did indeed at one time threaten to bring
Privilege into collision with Prerogative ; the discussion being inter-
rupted by a message from the Queen; but through a conciliatory
demeanour on both sides, the occasion passed off quietly. Eor the
rest, the House appears to have been chiefly occupied with questions
of Privilege in which the Crown did not care to meddle ; questions
concerning elections, attendance of members, the reporting of speeches
out-of-doors, and the like ; important in the history of the House of
Commons, but throwing no light upon the character or career of
Bacon ; whom we are now to follow into a new subject, the interest
of which is unhappily not yet worn out.

6.

The great question between the High Church and the Nonconform-
ists (now beginning to be called Puritans) was no longer agitated in

* Subsidy. — "An aid to be levied of every aubject of hia lands or gooda, after the
rate of 4i. in the pound for landa and 2.?. Sd. for goods, to such ends, . . . and to
be paid at such times, as by the Acts thereof do appear." " k. fifteen is a tem>
porary aid granted to the King by Parliament, which without further inquiry is
certain. ... Of ancient time, the fifteenth part of goods movable ; but in 8 Ed. III.,
all the cities, boroughs, and towns in England were rated certainly at the fifteenth
part of the value at that time generally upon the whole town." ..." There is a
decima part of the laity, and for the most part of cities and boroughs, by their
goods, which proportionably is secundum decimam qviniam partem^ ..." In for-
mer times . . . the Commons never gave above one subsidy of this kind and two
fifteens (and sometimes less) ; one subsidy amounting to £70,000, and each fifteen
to £29,000, or near thereabouts. Nor above one subsidy, which did rise to £20,000,
the Clergy gave not. ... In 31 Ellz. the Commons gave two subsidies and four
fifteens, which first brake the circle." (Coke's Inst, part iv. c. 1.)

3 See Strype, * Annals of the Reformation,' vol. iii. (2) p. 666.

» Harl. MSS. 1912. -• D'Ewes, pp. 432, 3, 7, 8, 9.

1586-89.] PEOGBESS OF CHITRCH CONTBOYEBSISS. 71

Parliament ; the qoarrels between the two being suspended for the
time by the common danger which threatened both. But it was
further than ever from being settled. The suppressive and exclusiye
policy pursued by the authorities was already yielding its natural
fruits. The leaders of the reform, being denied a hearing in the
great council of the nation, had fallen back for support upon the
ranks of their own party. The preachers, being forbidden to preach
openly, met in secret synods and conventicles. The licensed press
being closed to their writings, a secret and movable printing appa-
ratus, evading the vigilance of Government by shifting rapidly from
place to place, scattered anonymous publications all over the land, —
the more licentious because published in defiance of authority, and
the more eagerly sought after because forbidden. Hence to mode-
rate projects of reform, framed to avoid reasonable objections on the
part of the Government, succeeded sweeping propositions framed to
conciliate the sympathy and satisfy the desires of an extreme party :
to grave discussion of principles, fairly urged and fairly answered,
succeeded bitter and scurrilous personalities : to the fruits of gradual
reform, the seeds of a nolent revolution.

Of all this Bacon had been an attentive and anxious observer. He
had heard at Cambridge the beginnings of the controversy between
the High Churchmen and the most eminent of the Nonconformists.
He had seen in France the desolating effects of religious dissension
in its later stages. He had listened in the Parliament of 1584, to
debates concerning the abuses of our own church-government ; had
heard the particulars of those abuses amply set forth and vehemently
disputed; had heard of parishes served by ministers unlearned and
incompetent, or not served at all ; of men of the greatest learning
and the purest lives suspended from their ministry for objecting to
wear a surplice, or for refusing to subscribe articles newly devised,
not imposed by the statutes of the realm, not touching any vital or
essential points of doctrine ; of the gravest functions of bishops dele-
gated to officials and commissaries ; of ministers compelled to answer
on oath to any questions which the bishops might think fit to ask
either out of their own vague suspicions or out of the suggestions of
common rumour; of excommunication abused into an ordinary in-
strument for enforcing slight points of discipline or exacting fees ; of
the suppression by authority of those conferences and exercises among
the clergy which were best fitted to instruct and practise them in the
duties of their calling; of non-residents and pluralists; and much
else of the kind. He had heard measures for the redress of these
abuses proposed and argued in no immoderate or unreasonable spirit ;
had seen the grounds upon which the authorities resisted them ; bad

72 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

seen all free discussion of them peremptorily suppressed ; and had
no doubt formed his own opinion upon the merits of the controversy
and the issues to which it was inevitably leading. He had seen that,
though the principal demands of the main body of reformers were as
yet moderate and just and involved no violent alteration, the ex-
tremes were already beginning to assail the very constitution of the
Church, and to erect within it a government by synods, — thaf is to
say, a government essentially democratical within a government es-
sentially monarchal (a proceeding full of peril, because, as the two
could never have gone at the same pace, one must before long have
overthrown the other) ; and it must have been clear enough to such
a judgment as his, that unless the Church could distinguish and de-
tach the moderate from the immoderate, they would be continually
drawing closer together, and making a common cause of it.

The authorities of the Church, indeed, saw nothing of this. To
them the Puritans were but a turbulent faction, which was to be sup-
pressed in its beginnings, for concessions would but embolden them
to make further demands. But Bacon knew better. He knew by
the example of his own mother, who sympathized with the cause of
the reformers from the bottom of her soul, with what depths of reli-
gious emotion it was allied, and that, however poor and narrow the
creed, there burned at the centre of that cause a fire of authentic
faith, which an attempt to suppress by denying it vent might raise
into a conflagration, but could never put out. He saw (or if I may
not assume that he saw, he at least took the course which such fore-
sight would have suggested) that the one chance fur the Church was
to understand this herself, and to understand it in time, and there-
upon to seek, by casting out all that was evil in herself, to assimilate
and draw into her system all that was good in them ; — a course which,
had it been commenced soon enough, and judiciously followed out,
would probably have converted the stream which not many years
after burst in upon her like a torrent and flooded all her chambers,
into a source of continual supply, health, and refreshment : and he
resolved to try whether a word spoken in season might not do some-
thing to guide her into this course.

The particular occasion which moved him to take a part in the
dispute was the Marprelate controversy ; that disgraceful pamphlet-
war which raged so furiously in 1588 and 1589, between the revilers
of the bishops on the one side, and the revilers of the Puritans on
the other, and in which the appeal was made by both parties to the
basest passions and prejudices of the vulgar. Though this was the
natural result of an attempt to suppress all legitimate demonstration
of opinion through Parliament, pulpit, or press, it was not the less

1586-89.] MABTIN MARPEELATE. 73

to be deplored, as tending to inflame animosities, deepen prejudices,
and bring both parties into contempt. The first attack, which came
from some anonymous and probably self-elected champion of the
Puritans, under the assumed name of Martin Marprelate, had been
gravely and temperately answered by Thomas Cooper, Bishop of
Winchester, in a pamphlet entitled " An Admonition to the People
of England;" but a cause must be very clear and unimpeachable
which can maintain itself before a popular auditory against a name-
less antagonist, who can use the full licence of slander and foul lan-
guage without any personal responsibility. The Admonition may
have done something to correct the impressions of reasonable men,
if any such there were, whose opinions had been influenced by Mar-
prelate ; but to the controversy it served only as fresh fuel, and was
quickly replied upon by fresh volumes of scurrility and abuse ; which
again brought forth to the rescue of the bishops a new kind of allies,
whose alliance would have disgraced the clearest cause, — men whose
best weapon was the vilest slang and ribaldry of the stage.

This scandalous contest was at its height in the summer of 1589,
and it seems to have been about that time that Bacon drew up (not
for publication apparently, but for circulation in manuscript) that
"Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of
England," which was first printed as a separate pamphlet in 1640,
when the Long Parliament was busy with these questions; after-
wards by Dr. Rawley in * The Eesuscitatio ' (1667), and again as a
separate pamphlet in 1663, when the question of toleration to Dis-
senters was raised under Charles 11. What use Bacon made of this
paper at the time, to whom he sent copies, or whether ho put his
name to it, 1 have not been able to discover. But there can be no
doubt that it faithfully expresses his earnest and deliberate judgment
upon the points in question : and when we consider the relation in
which he then stood towards the Queen and Government on one side,
and towards the party with which his mother so entirely sympathized
on the other, we may judge how deep must have been the interest
which impelled him to interpose between such disputants, in the
character, so often wanted but so seldom welcome, of a peace-maker
who has to remonstrate against the conduct of both sides. Of the
manner in which he performed the office, I need say nothing. The
paper explains itself; and the advice, though addressed especially to
the parties and events of the year 1589, may be read with advantage
by all parties in all times.

I have taken the text from a manuscript in the Bodleian Library
(E Mus. 56) ; the best I have met with ; though chargeable with two
or three errors or omissions, which will be noticed in their places.

74 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

AN ADVERTISEMENT
TOUCHING THE CONTROVERSIES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.

It is but ignorance if any man find it strange that the state of
religion (especially in the days of peace) should be exercised and
troubled with controversies. For as it is the condition of the
church inilitant to be ever under trials, so it cometh to pass that
when the fiery trial of persecution ceaseth there succeedeth an-
other trial, which as it were by contrary blasts of doctrine doth
sift and winnow men's faith, and proveth them whether they know
God aright, even as that other of aflSictions discovereth whether
they love him better than the world. Accordingly was it foretold
by Christ, saying, That in the latter times it should be said,Lo here,
lo there is Christ : which is to be understood, not as if the very
person of Christ should be assumed and counterfeited, but his au-
thority and pre-eminence (which is to be Truth itself) that should
be challenged and pretended. Thus have we read and seen to be
fulfilled that which followeth, Ecce in deserto, ecce in penefrali-
bus : while some have sought the truth in the conventicles and
conciliables of heretics and sectaries, and others in the extern
face and representation of the church ; and both sorts been se-
duced. "Were it then that the controversies of the Church of
England were such as did divide the unity of the spirit, and
not such as only do unswathe her of her bonds (the bonds of
peace), yet could it be no occasion for any pretended Catholic to
judge us, or for any irreligious person to despise us. Or if it be,
it shall but happen to us all as it hath used to do ; to them to
be hardened, and to us to endure the good pleasure of God. But
now that our contentions are such, as we need not so much that
general canon and sentence of Christ pronounced against heretics,
Erratis, nescientes Scripturas, nee potestatem Dei, as we need the
admonition of St. James, Let every man be swift to hear, slow to
speak, slow to wrath ; and that the wound is no way dangerous,
except we poison it with our remedies ; as the former sort of men
have less reason to make themselves music in our discord, so I
have good hope that nothing shall displease ourselves which shall
be sincerely and modestly propounded for the appeasing of these
dissensions. For if any shall be ofiended at this voice, Vos estis
fratres ; ye are brethren, why strive ye ? he shall give a great
presumption against himself, that he is the party that doth his
brother wrong.

1589.] ON THE CONTROVERSIES OF THE CHURCH. 75

The controversies themselves I will not enter into, as judging
that the disease requireth rather rest than aoy other cure. Thus
much we all know and confess, that they be not of the highest
nature ; for they are not touching the high mysteries of faith^
such as detained the churches after their first peace for many
years ; what time the heretics moved curious questions, and made
strange anatomies of the natures and person of Christ ; and the
Catholic fathers were compelled to follow them with all subtility
of decisions and determinations, to exclude them from their eva-
sions and to take them in their labyrinths ; so as it is rightly
said, illis temporilms ingeniosa reafuit ease Christianum; in those
days it was an ingenious and subtle matter to be a Christian,
Neither are they concerning the great parts of the worship of
God, of which it is true that non servatur unitas in credendo,
msi eadem adsit in colendo; there will be kept no unity in be-
lieving, except it be entertained in worshiping ; such as were the
controversies of the east and west churches touching images;
and such as are many of those between the Church of Bome
and us ; as about the adoration of the Sacrament, and the like.
But we contend about ceremonies and things indifferent ; about
the extern policy and government of the church. In which
kind, if we would but remember that the ancient and true bonds
of unity are one faith, one baptism, and not one ceremony, one
policy ; if we would observe the league amongst Christians that
is penned by our Saviour, he that is not against us is with us :
if we could but comprehend that saying, differentia rituum com^
mendat unitatem doctrina ; the diversity of ceremonies doth set
forth the unity of doctrine; and that habet religio qua sunt
atemitatis, habet qua sunt temporis ; religion hath parts which
belong to eternity, and parts which pertain to time : and if we
did but know the virtue of silence and slowness to speak, com-
mended by St. James; our controversies of themselves would
close up and grow together. But most especially, if we would
leave the over- weening and turbulent humours of these times,
and revive the blessed proceeding of the Apostles and Fathers of
the primitive church, which was, in the like and greater cases,
not to enter into assertions and positions, but to deliver counsels
and advices, we should need no other remedy at all. Si eadem
consults, frater, qtue affirmas, debetur consulenti reverentia, cum
non debeatur fides affirmanti ; brotlier, if that which you set

76 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

dotjm as an assertion, you would deliver by way of advice, there
were reverence due to your counsel, whereas faith is not due to
your affirmation. St. Paul was content to speak thus, Ego, nan
Dominus ; I, and not tlie Lord : Et, secundum consilium meum ;
according to my counsel. But now men do too lightly say, Non
ego, sed Dominus ; not I, but the Lord : yea, and bind it with
heavy denunciations of his judgments, to terrify the simple,
which have not sufficiently understood out of Salomon, that the
causeless curse shall not come.

Therefore seeing the accidents are they which breed the peril,
and not the things themselves in their own nature, it is meet the
remedies be applied unto them, by opening what it is on either
part, that keepeth the wound green, and formalizeth both sides
to a further opposition, and worketh an indisposition in men's
minds to be reunited. Wherein no accusation is pretended ; but
I find in reason, that peace is best built upon a repetition of
wrongs : and in example, that the speeches which have been made
by the wisest men de concordia ordinum have not abstained from
reducing to memory the extremities used on both parts. So
as it is true which is said, Qui pacem tractat non repetitis con-^
ditionibus dissidii, is magis animos hominum dulcedine pacisfallit,
quam aquitate componit.

And first of all, it is more than time that there were an
end and surseance made of this immodest and deformed manner
of writing lately entertained, whereby matters of religion are
handled in the style of the stage. Indeed, bitter and earnest
writing may not hastily be condemned ; for men cannot con-
tend coldly and without affection about things which they hold
dear and precious. A politic man may write from his brain,
without touch and sense of his heart, as in a speculation that
pertaineth not unto him; but a feeling Christian will express
in his words a character either of zeal or love.^ The latter
of which as I could wish rather embraced, being more fit for
these times, yet is the former warranted also by great examples.
But to leave all reverent and religious compassion towank
evils, or indignation towards faults, and to turn religion into a
comedy or satire ; to search and rip up wounds with a laughing
countenance; to intermix Scripture and scurrility sometime in
one sentence ; is a thing far from the devout reverence of a

1 either of hate or love: Harl. MSS. 3795.

1689.] ON THE CONTEOVERSIES OF THE CHUBCH. 77

Christian^ and scant beseeming the honest regard of a sober man.
Non est major conjusio, quam serii et joci ; there is no greater
confusioriy than the confounding of jest and earnest. The majesty
of religion^ and the contempt and deformity of things ridiculous^
are things as distant as things may be. Two principal causes
have I ever known of Atheism ; curious controversies, and pro-
fane scoffing. Now that these two are joined in one, no doubt
that sect will make no small progression.

And here I do much esteem the wisdom and religion of that
bishop which replied to the first pamphlet of this kind, who re-
membered that a fool was to be answered, but not by becoming
like unto him ; and considered the matter that he handled, and
not the person with whom he dealt. Job, speaking of the ma-
jesty and gravity of a judge in himself, saith, If I did smile, they
believed it not : as if he should have said. If I diverted, or glanced
unto conceit of mirth, yet men's minds were so possessed with a
reverence of the action in hand, as they could not receive it.
Much more ought this to be amongst bishops and divines dis-
puting about holy things. And therefore as much do I dislike
the invention of him who (as it seemeth) pleased himself in
it as in no mean policy, that these men are to be dealt withal
at their own weapons, and pledged in their own cup. This
seemed to him as profoimd a device, as when the Cardinal San-
sovino ' counselled Julius II. to encounter the Coimcil of Pisa
with the Council Lateran ; or as lawful a challenge as Mr. Jewel
made to confute the pretended Catholics by the Fathers. But
these things will not excuse the imitation of evil in another. It
should be contrariwise with us, as Csesar said, Nil malo, quam eos
similes esse sui, et me mei. But now, Dum de bonis contendimus,
in malis consentimus ; while we differ about good things, we re-
semble in evil. Surely, if I were asked of these men who were
the more to be blamed, I should piercase remember the proverb,
that the second blow maketh the fray, and the saying of an obscure
fellow. Qui replicat, multiplicat ; he that replieth, multiplieth.
But I would determine the question with this sentence; Alter
principium malo dedit, alter modum abstulit ; by the ontfs means
we have a beginning, and by the other's we shall have none end.
And truly, as I do marvel that some of those preachers which

1 A blank is left in the Bodleian MS. for this name, which is supplied from the
Besuscitatio and from Ad. MS. 4263, f. 127.

78 LETTEES AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IY.

call for reformation (whom I am far from wronging so far as to
join them with these scoffers) do not publish some declaration
whereby they may satisfy the world that they dislike their cause
should be thus solicited ; so I hope assuredly that my lords of
the clergy have none intelligence with this other libeller,^ but
do altogether disallow that their credit should be thus defended.
For though I observe in him^ many glosses, whereby the man
would insinuate himself into their favours, yet 1 find it to be
ordinary, that many pressing and fawning persons do miscon-
jecture of the humours of men in authority, and many times
Veneri immolant suem, they seek to gratify them with that which
they most dislike. For 1 have great reason to satisfy myself
touching the judgments of my lords the bishops in this matter,
by that which was written by one of them, which I mentioned
before with honour. Nevertheless I note, there is not an in-
different hand carried towards these pamphlets as they deserve.
For the one sort fiieth in the dark, and the other is uttered
openly ; wherein I might advise that side out of a wise writer,
who hath set it down that pumtis ingeniis glisctt auctoritas.
And indeed we see it ever falleth out that the forbidden writing
is thought to be certain sparks of a truth that fly up in the
faces of those that seek to choke it and tread it out; whereas
a book authorized is thought to be but temporis voces, the
language of the time. But in plain truth I do find (to my
understanding) these pamphlets as meet to be suppressed as
the other. First, because as the former sort doth deface the go-
vernment of the church in the persons of the bishops and pre-
lates, so the other doth lead into contempt the exercises of re-
ligion in the persons of sundry preachers; so as it disgraceth
an higher matter, though in the meaner person. Next, I find
certain indiscreet and dangerous amplifications, as if the civil
government itself of this estate had near lost the force of her
sinews, and were ready to enter into some convulsion, all things
being full of faction and disorder ; which is as unwisely ac-
knowledged as untruly aflSrmed. I know his meaning is to en-
force this unreverent and violent impugning of the government of
bishops to be a suspected forerunner of a more general contempt.
And I grant there is sympathy between the states ; but no such

1 of this inter-libelling : Ad. MS. 4268. * in one of them : Ad. MS. 4268.

1689.] ON THE CONTROVERSIES OF THE CHURCH. 79

matter in tlie civil policy, as deserveth so dishonourable a taxa-
tion. To conclude this point : As it were to be wished that these
writings had been abortive, and never seen the sun ; so the next
is, since they be comen abroad, that they be censured (by all that
have understanding and conscience) as the intemperate extrava-
gancies of some light persons. Yea further, that men beware
(except they mean to adventure to deprive themselves of all sense
of religion, and to pave their own hearts, and make them as the
highway) how they be conversant in them, and much more how
they delight^ in that vein ; but rather to turn their laughing into
blushing, and to be ashamed, as of a short madness, that they
have in matters of religion taken their disport and solace. But
this perchance is of those faults which will be soonest acknow-
ledged ; though I perceive nevertheless that there want not some
who seek to blanch and excuse it.

But to descend to a sincere view and consideration of the acci-
dents and circumstances of these controversies, wherein either
part deserveth blame or imputation ; I find generally, in causes
of church controversies, that men do oflTend in some or all of
these five points.

1. The first is, the giving of occasion unto the controversies:
and also the inconsiderate and ungrounded taking of occasion.

2. The next is, the extending and multiplying the controver-
sies to a more general opposition or contradiction than appeareth
at the first propounding of them, when men^s judgments are less
partial.

3. The third is, the passionate and unbrotherly practices and
proceedings of both parts towards the persons each of others, for
their discredit and suppression.

4. The fourth is, the courses holden and entertained on either
side, for the drawing of their partizants to a more strait union
within themselves, which ever importeth a further distraction of
the entire body.

5. The last is, the undue and inconvenient propounding, pub-
lishing, and debating of the controversies. In which point the
most palpable error hath been already spoken of; as that which
through the strangeness and freshness of the abuse first offereth
itself to the conceits of all men.

> So Reeuscitatio. The Bodleian MS. as well as Ad. MS. 4263, has to delight.

80 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

1. Now concerning the occasion of controversies, it cannot
be denied but that the imperfections in the conversation and go-
vernment of those which have chief place in the church have ever
been principal causes and motives of schisms and divisions. For
whilst the bishops and governors of the church continue full of
knowledge and good works ; whilst they feed the flock indeed ;
whilst they deal with the secular states in all liberty and resolu-
tion, according to the majesty of their calling, and the precious
care of souls imposed upon them ; so long the church is situate
as it were upon an hill; no man roaketh question of it, or seeketh
to depart from it. But when these virtues in the fathers and
leaders of the church have lost their light, and that they wax
worldly, lovers of themselves, andpleasers of men, then men begin
to grope for the church as in the dark ; they are in doubt whe-
ther they be the successors of the Apostles, or of the Pharisees ;
yea, howsoever they sit in Moses* chair, yet they can never speak
tanquam auctoritatem habentes, as having authority, because they
have lost their reputation in the consciences of men, by declining
their steps from the way which they trace out to others. So as
men had need continually have sounding in their ears this saying :
Nolite exire, go not out ; so ready are they to depart from the
church upon every voice. And therefore it is truly noted by one
that writeth as a natural man, that the hypocrisy^ offreres did for
a great time maintain and bear out the irreligion of bishops and
prelates. For this is the double policy of the spiritual' enemy,
either by counterfeit holiness of life to establish and authorize
errors; or by corruption of manners to discredit and draw in
question truth and things lawful. This concemeth my lords the
bishops, unto whom I am witness to myself that I stand affected

1 So all the MSS. ; and the word « counterfeit" in the next sentence supports and
explains the reading. In the ' Resuscitatio ' humility is substituted. The same
passugre is cited for another purpose in the * Advancement of Learning ' (Works, iii.
p. 275), and given thus : — " That the kingdom of the clergy had been long before
at an end, if the reputation and reverence towards the poverty of Friars had not
borne out the scandal of the superfluities and excesses of Bishops and Prelates."
The passage alluded to is in Machiavelli's * Discorsi * (iii. 1). ** Ma quanto alle
Sette, si vede ancora quest-e rinnuovazioni essernecessarie parTesempio aella nostra
Religione, la quale, se non fiisse stata ritirata verso il suo principio da San Fran-
cesco e da San Domenico, sarebbe al tutto spenta, perch^ questi, con la poverty
e con Tesempio della vita di Christo, la ridussono neua mente degU uomiui, chegi^
vi era spent-a ; e furono si potenti gU ordini lore nuovi, che ei sono cagione che la
disonestl de' Prelati e de* Capi deUa Religione non la rovini, vivendo ancora po-
veramente, e avendo tanto credito nelle confessioni con i popoU, enelle predicasiojii,
ch* h danno loro ad intendere come egli h male a dir male," etc. " Ha adunque
questa rinnuovazione mantenuto e mantiene queata Religione."

1589.] ON THE CONTROVEESIES OF THE CHURCH. 81

as I ought. No contradiction hath supplanted in me the re-
verence I owe to their calling; neither hath any detractation
or calumny embased mine opinion of their' persons. I know
some of them, whose names are most pierced with these accusa-
tions, to be men of great virtues ; although the indisposition of
the time, and the want of correspondence many ways, is enough
to frustrate the best endeavours in the edifying of the church.
And for the rest geirerally, I can condemn none. I am no
judge of them that belong to so high a master ; neither have I
two untnesses. And I know it is truly said of fame, Pariter
facta, atque infecta canebat. Their taxations arise not all from
one coast ; they have many and different enemies, ready to invent
slander, more ready to amplify it, and most ready to believe
it. And Magnes mendacii credulitas ; credulity is the adamant
of lies. But if any be, agahist whom the supreme bishop hath
not a few things but many things ; if any have lost his first love;
if any be neither hot nor cold ; if any have stumbled too foully at
the threshold, in sort that he cannot sit well which entered ill ;
it is time they return whence they are fallen, and cot^rm the
things that remain. Great is the weight of this fault; et eorum
causa abhorrebant homines a sacrificio Domini: and for their
cause did men abhor the adoration of God. But howsoever it
be, those which have sought to deface them, and cast contempt
upon them, are not to be excused.

It is the precept of Salomon, that the rulers be not reproached;
no, not in thought : but that we draw our very conceit into a
modest interpretation of their doings. The holy angel would
give no sentence of blasphemy against the common slanderer,
but said, Increpet te Dominus ; the Lord rebuke thee. The
Apostle St. Paul, though against him that did pollute sacred
justice with tyrannous violence he did justly denounce the judg-
ment of God, in saying Percutiet te Dominus ; the Lord unit strike
thee; yet in saying paries dealbate,^ he thought he had gone
too far, and retracted it : whereupon a learned father said, ipsum

* Harl. MS. 3796 gives a different reading, and perhaps the right one.— "The
Apostle St. Paul, though against him that did pollute sacred justice with tyrannous
riolence, in saying Percutiet te Dominus, the Lord will strike thee, he offended
not, yet in saying pariee decUhate" etc. The words "he offended not" are in-
serted in the margin. And it may be that, those words haying dropped out in
the copy and leaving the sentence imperfect, some one had supplied the words, " he
did justly denounce the judgment of God," by conjecture, to complete it.

VOL. I. G

82 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

quamvis inane nomen et umbram sacerdoiis cogitans expavil. The
ancient councils and synods (as is noted by the ecclesiastical
story), when they deprived any bishop, never recorded the of-
fence, but buried it in perpetual silence. Only Cham purchased
his curse with revealing his father's disgrace. And yet a much
greater fault is it to ascend from their person to their calling,
and draw that in question. Many good fathers spake rigorously
and severely of the unworthiness of bishops, as if presently it
did forfeit and cease their ofSce. One saith, Sacerdoies nomu
namur et non sumus ; we are called priests, but priests we are
not. Another saith. Nisi bonum opus amplectaris, episcopus esse
non pates ; except thou undertake the good work, thou canst not
be a bishop. Yet they meant nothing less than to make doubt of
their calling or ordination.

The second occasion of controversies, is the nature and
humour of some men. The church never wanteth a kind of
persons which love the salutation of Rabbi, master / not in cere-
mony or compliment, but in an inward authority which they
seek over men's minds, in drawing them to depend upon their
opinion, and to seek knowledge at their lips. These men are
the true successors of Diotrephes, the lover of pre-eminence, and
not lords bishops. Such spirits do light upon another sort of
natures, which do adhere to them; men quorum gloria in ob-
sequio ; stiff followers, and such as zeal marvellously for those
whom they have chosen for their masters. This latter sort, for
the most part, are men of young years and superficial imder-
standing, carried away with partial respect of persons, or with
the enticing appearance of goodly names and pretences. Patici res
ipsas sequuntur, plures nomina rerum, plurimi nomina magiS'
trorum; few follow the things themselves, more the names of the
things, and most the names of their masters. About these general
affections are wreathed accidental and private emulations and dis-
contentments, all which together break forth into contentions ;
such as either violate truth, sobriety, or peace. These generalities
apply themselves. The universities are the seat and continent of
this disease, whence it hath been and is derived into the rest of
the realm. There some will no longer be k numero, of the number.
There some others side themselves before they know their right
hand from their left. So it is true which is said, transeunt ab
ignorantia ad prcejudicium, they leap from ignorance to aprefudi-

1589.] ON THE CONTBOVERSIES OF THE CHCECH. 83

caie opinion, and never take a sound judgment in their way. But
as it is well noted^ inter juvenile judicium et senile prteftulicium,
omnis Veritas corrumpitur: when men are indifferent, and not
partial, then their judgment is weak and unripe through want of
years ; and when it groweth to strength and ripeness, by that time
it is forestalled with such a number of prejudicate opinions, as it
is made unprofitable : so as between these two all truth is corrupted.
In the meanwhile^ the honourable names of sincerity^ reforma-
tion^ and discipline are put in the foreward : so as contentions and
eril zeals cannot be touched^ except these holy things be thought
first to be violated. But howsoever they shall infer the solicita-
tion for the peace of the church to proceed from carnal sense^
yet I will conclude ever with the Apostle Paul, Cum sit inter
vos zelus et contentio, nonne camales estis? Whilst there is
amongst you zeal and contention, are ye not carnal? And how-
soever they esteem the compounding of controversies to savour
of man^s wisdom and human policy, and think themselves led by
the wisdom which is from above, yet I say with St. James, Non
est ista sapientia de sursum descendens, sed terrena, animalis,
diabolica : ubi enim zelus et contentio, ibi inconstantia et omne
opus pravum. Of this inconstancy, it is said by a learned
father, Procedere volunt non ad perfectionem, sed ad permu-
tationem ; they seek to go forward still, not to perfection, but to
change.

The third occasion of controversies I observe to be, an ex-
treme and unlimited detestation of some former heresy or cor-
ruption .of the church already acknowledged and convicted. This
was the cause that produced the heresy of Arrius,^ grounded
chiefly upon detestation of Oentilism, lest the Christians should
seem, by the assertion of the co-equal divinity of our Saviour
Christ, to approach unto the acknowledgment of more gods than
one. The detestation of the heresy of Arrius produced that of
Sabellius; who, holding for execrable the dissimilitude which
Arrius pretended in the Trinity, fled so far from him, as he fell
upon that other extremity, to deny the distinction of persons ;
and to say they were but only names of several ofSces and dis-
pensations. Yea, most of the heresies and schisms of the church
have sprung up of this root ; while men have made it as it were
their scale, by which to measure the bounds of the most perfect

1 Arriu$ in all the MSS.

Q 2

84 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

religion ; taking it by the furthest distance from the error last
condemned. These be posthumi fuBresium filii; heresies that
arise out of the ashes of other heresies that are extinct and amor-
tized. This manner of apprehension doth in some degree possess
many in our times. They think it the true touchstone to try
what is good and holy^ by measuring what is more or less oppo-
site to the institutions of the Church of Rome; be it ceremony^
be it policy or government, yea be it other institution of greater
"weight, that is ever most perfect which is removed most degrees
from that church ; and that is ever polluted and blemished
which participateth in any appearance with it. This is a subtle
and dangerous conceit for men to entertain, apt to delude them-
selves, more apt to seduce the people, and most apt of all to
calumniate their adversaries. This surely (but that a notorious
condemnation of that position was before our eyes) had long
since brought us to the rebaptising of children baptised accord-
ing to the pretended catholic religion. For I see that which is a
matter of much like reason, which is the re-ordaining of priests,
is a matter already resolutely maintained. It is very meet that
men beware how they be abused by this opinion ; and that they
know that it is a consideration of much greater wisdom and so-
briety to be well advised, whether in the general demolition of
the institutions of the Church of Rome there were not (as men's
actions are imperfect) some good purged with the bad, rather than
to purge the church, as they pretend, every day anew ; which
is the way to make a wound in her bowels, as is already begun.
The fourth and last occasion of these controversies (a matter
which did also trouble the Church in former times), is the partial
affectation and imitation of foreign churches. For many of our
men, during the time of persecution and since, having been con-
versant in churches abroad, and received a great impression of
the form of government there ordained, have violently sought to
intrude the same upon our Church. But I answer, Consentia-
mus in eo quod convenit, non in eo quod receptum est ; let us
agree in this, that every church do that which is convenient for
the estate of itself and not in particular customs. Although
their churches had received the better form, yet many times it
is to be sought, non quid optimum, sed i bonis quid proximum ;
not what is best, but of good things what is next and readiest
to be had. Our church is not now to plant ; it is settled and

1589.] ON THE CONTKOVERSIES OF THE CHURCH. 85

established. It may be^ in civil states^ a republic is a better
policy than a kingdom: yet God forbid that lawful kingdoms
should be tied to innovate and make alteration. Qui mala in-
trodiscit, voluntatem Dei oppugnai revelatam in verbo ; qui nova
introducit, voluntatem Dei oppugnat revelatam in rebus; he
thai bringeih in evil customs, resisteth the toill of God revealed in
his word; he that hringeth in new things, resisteth the will of
God revealed in the things themselves. Consule providentiam Dei,
cum verbo Dei;' take counsel of the providence of God, as well
as of his word. Neither yet do I admit that their form (though
it were possible and convenient) is better than ours, if some
abuses were taken away. The parity and equality of ministers
is a thing of wonderful great confusion ; and so is an ordinary
government by synods, which doth necessarily ensue upon the
other. It is hard in all causes, but especially in matters of re-
ligion, when voices shall be numbered and not weighed. Equidem
(saith a wise father) ut vere quod res est scribam, prorsus decrevi
fugere omnem conventum episcoporum ; nullius enim concilii bonum
exitum unquam vidi ; concilia enim non minuunt mala, sed augent
potius : To say the truth, I am utterly determined never to come
to any council of bishops : for I never yet saw good end of any
council; for councils abate not ill things, but rather increase them:
which is to be understood not so much of general councils, as
of synods gathered for the ordinary government of the church ;
as for deprivation of bishops, and such-like causes ;^ which mis-
chief hath taught the use of archbishops, patriarchs, and pri-
mates ; . as the abuse of them since hath taught men to mislike
them. But it will be said, Look to the fruits of the churches
abroad and ours. To which I say, that I beseech the Lord to
multiply his blessings and graces upon those churches an hun-
dredfold. But yet it is not good, that we fall on numbering of
them. It may be our peace hath made us more wanton : It may
be also (though I would be loath to derogate from the honour of
those churches, were it not to remove scandals,) that their fruits
are as torches in the dark, which appear greatest afar off. I know
they may have some more strict orders for the repressing of
sundry excesses. But when I consider of the censures of some

^ According to Biahop Thirlwall (Charge, 1851, p. 55) the remark applies pecu-
liarly, if not exclusiyelj, to synods convoked for the determination of controverted
points in theology.

86 LETTERS AND LIFE OF PBANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

persons^ as well upon particular men as upon churches^ I think
of the saying of a Platonist, who saith Certe vitia iraacibilis
partis aninkB sunt gradu praviora quam concupiscibilis, tametsi
occultiora ; a matter that appeared well by the ancient conten-
tions of bishops. Ood grant that we may contend with other
churches^ as the vine with the olive, which of us beareth best
fruit ; and not as the brier with the thistle, which of us is most
unprofitable. And thus much touching the occasion of these con-
troversies.

2. Now, briefly to set down the growth and progression of these
controversies ; whereby will be verified the wise counsel of Salo-
mon, that the course of contentions is to be stopped at the first ;
being else as the waters, which if they gain a breach, it will hardly
be ever recovered. It may be remembered, that on their part
which call for reformation, was first propounded some dislike of
certain ceremonies supposed to be superstitious; some complaint
of dumb ministers who possessed rich benefices; and some invec-
tives against the idle and monastical continuance within the uni-
versities, by those who had livings to be resident upon ; and such-
like abuses. Thence they went on to condemn the government
of bishops as an hierarchy remaining to us of the corruptions
of the Roman church, and to except to sundry institutions as
not sufficiently delivered from the pollutions of the former times.
And lastly, they are advanced to define of an only and perpetual
form of policy in the church ; which (without consideration of
possibility, or foresight of peril and perturbation of the. church
and state) must be erected and planted by the magistrate. Here
they stay. Others (not able to keep footing in so steep a ground)
descend further; That the same must be entered into and ac-
cepted of the people, at their peril, without the attending of the
' establishment of authority : and so in the meantime they re-
fuse to communicate with us, reputing us to have no church.
This hath been the progression of that side : I mean of the gene-
rality. For I know, some persons (being of the nature, not
only to love extremities, but also to fall to them without de-
grees,) were at the highest strain at the first. The other part,
which maintaineth the present government of the church, hath
not kept one tenor neither. First, those ceremonies which
were pretended to be corrupt they maintained to be things

1589.] ON THE CONTROVERSIES OF THE CHURCH. 87

indifferent^ and opposed the examples of the good times of the
church to that challenge which was made unto thcm^ because
they were used in the later superstitious times. Then were
they also content mildly to acknowledge many imperfections in
the church : as tares come up amongst the corn ; which yet (ac-
cording to the wisdom taught by our Saviour) were not with
strife to be pulled up^ lest it might spoil and supplant the good
corn, but to grow on together until the harvest. After, they
grew to a more absolute defence and maintenance of all the
orders of the church, and stifiSy to hold that nothing was to be
innovated ; partly because it needed not, partly because it would
make a breach upon the rest. Thence (exasperate through con-
tentions) they are fallen to a direct condemnation of the con-
trary part, as of a sect. Yea and some indiscreet persons have
been bold in open preaching to use dishonourable and derogative
speech and censure of the churches abroad ; and that so far, as
some of our men (as I have heard) ordained in foreign parts have
been pronounced to be no lawful ministers. Thus we see the
beginnings were modest, but the extremes are violent; so as
there is almost as great a distance now of either side from itself,
as was at the first of one from the other. And surely, though
my meaning and scope be not (as I said before) to enter into the
controversies themselves, yet I do admonish the maintainers of
the alone discipline to weigh and consider seriously and atten-
tively, how near they are unto those with whom I know they
will not join. It is very hard to affirm that the discipline which
they say we want is one of the essential parts of the worship of
God, and not to affirm withal that the people themselves upon
peril of salvation, without staying for the magistrate, are to gather
themselves into it. I demand, if a civil state should receive the
preaching of the word and baptism, and interdict and exclude
the sacrament of the supper, were not men bound upon danger
of their souls to draw themselves to congregations, wherein they
might celebrate that mystery, and not to content themselves
with that part of the worship of God which the magistrate hath
authorized ? This I speak, not to draw them into the raislike
of others, but into a more deep consideration of themselves :
Fortasse non redeunt, quia suum progressum non intelligunt.
Again, to my lords the bishops I say, that it is hard for them
to avoid blame (in the opinion of an indifferent person) in stand-

88 LETTERS AND LIFE 05 FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

ing 80 precisely upon altering nothing. Leges, novis legibus non
recreate, acescunt ; laws, not refreshed tvith new laws, waa sour.
Qui mala non permutat, in bonis non perseverat : tvithout change
of the ill, a man cannot continue the good. To take away abuses
supplanteth not good orders^ but establisheth them. Morosa
moris retentio res turbulenta est, ceque ac novitas ; a contentious
retaining of custom is a turbulent thing, as well as innovation.
A good husbandman is ever proyning and stirring in his vine-
yard or field ; not unseasonably (indeed) nor unskilfully. But
lightly he findeth ever somewhat to do. We have heard of no
offers of the bishops of bills in parliament; which (no doubt) pro-
ceeding from them to whom it properly pertaineth^ would have
everywhere received acceptation. Their own constitutions and
orders have reformed little. Is nothing amiss ? Can any man
defend the use of excommunication as a base process to lackey
up and down for duties and fees; it being the greatest judg-
ment next the general judgment of the latter day ? Is there
no means to train up and nurse ministers (for the yield of the
universities will not serve, though they were never so well go-
verned), — to train them, I say, not to preach (for that every
man confidently adventureth to do), but to preach soundly, and
handle the Scriptures with wisdom and judgment ? I know
prophesying was subject to great abuse, and would be more
abused now ; because heat of contentions is increased. But I say
the only reason of the abuse was, because there was admitted to
it a popular auditory, and it was not contained within a private
conference of ministers. Other things might be spoken of. I
pray God to inspire the bishops with a fervent love and care of
the people ; and that they may not so much urge things in con-
troversy, as things out of controversy, which all men confess to
be gracious and good. And thus much for the second point.

3. Now, as to the third point, of unbrotherly proceeding on
either part, it is directly contrary to my purpose to amplify
wrongs : it is enough to note and number them ; which I do
also to move compassion and remorse on the offending side, and
not to animate challenges and complaints on the other. And
this point (as reason is) doth chiefly touch that side which can
do most. Injuria potentiorum sunt : injuries come from them
that have the upper hand.

1589.] ON THE CONTROVEESIES OF THE CHURCH. 89

The wrongs of them which are possessed of the govemment of
the church towards the other, may hardly be dissembled or ex-
cused. They have charged them as though they denied tribute
io C(B8ar, and withdrew from the civil magistrate their obedience
which they have ever performed and taught. They have ever
sorted and coupled them with the Family of love, whose heresies
they have laboured to descry and confute. They have been
swift of credit to receive accusations against them from those
that have quarrelled with them but for speaking against sin and
vice. Their examinations and inquisitions have been strait.
Swearing men to J)lanks and generalities (not included within
a compass of matter certain, which the party that is to take
the oath may comprehend) is a thing captious and strainable.
Their urging of subscription to their own articles is but lacessere
et irritare morbos ecclesue, which otherwise would spend and
exercise^ themselves. .Non consensum qvuerit sed dissidium, qui
quod factia prastatur in verbis exigit: he seeketh not unity, but
division, which exacteth in words that which men are content to
yield in action. And it is true, there are some which (as I am
persuaded) will not easily offend by inconformity, who notwith-
standing make some conscience to subscribe. For they know this
note of inconstancy and defection from that which they have long
held shall disable them to do that good which otherwise they
wonld do : for such is the weakness of many that their ministry
should be thereby discredited. As for their easy silencing of
them, in such great scarcity of preachers, it is to punish the
people, and not them. Ought they not (I mean the bishops) to
keep one eye open to look upon the good that these men do, but
to fix them both upon the hurt that they suppose cometh by them ?
Indeed, such as are intemperate and incorrigible, God forbid they
should be permitted to teach. But shall every inconsiderate
word, sometimes captiously watched, and for the most part hardly
enforced, be a forfeiture of their voice and gift of teaching?
As for sundry particular molestations, I take no pleasure to re-
cite them. If a minister shall be troubled for saying in baptism,
do you believe ? for, dost thou believe ? If another shall be called
in question for praying for her Majesty without the addition of
her style ; whereas the very form of prayer in the book of com-
mon prayer hath Thy servant Elizabeth, and no more : If a

* So Beexisc. The Bodleian and the Ad. MS. have crUe : the Harleian, uxute.

90 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

third shall be accused^ upon these words uttered touching the
controversies^ toUatur lex et fiat certamen, (whereby was meant
that the prejudice of the law removed^ cither's reasons should be
equally compared) of calling the people to sedition and mutiny^
as if he had said^ Away with the law, and try it out by force : If
these and sundry other like particulars be true^ which I have
but by rumour^ and cannot afiirm ;. it is to be lamented that they
should labour amongst us with so little comfort. I know re-
strained governments are better than remiss ; and I am of his
mind that said^ Better is it to live where nothing is lawful, than
where all things are lawful. I dislike that l^ws be contemned^
or disturbers be unpunished. But laws are likened to the grape^
that being too much pressed yield an hard and unwholesome wine.
Of these things I must say : Ira viri non operatur justitiam Dei;
the wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of God,

As for the injuries of the other part, they be ictus inermium ;
as it were headless arrows ; they are fiery and eager invectives,
and in some fond men uncivil and unreverent behaviour towards
their persons. This last invention also, which exposeth them to
derision and obloquy by libels, chargeth not (as I am persuaded)
the whole side : neither doth that other, which is yet more odious,
practised by the worst sort of them, which is, to call in as it
were to their aids certain mercenary bands, which impugn
bishops and other ecclesiastical dignities, to have the spoil of
their endowments and livings. Of this I cannot speak too hardly.
It is an intelligence between incendiaries and robbers, the one to
fire the house, the other to rifle it. And thus much touching
the third point.

4. The fourth point wholly pertaineth to them which impugn
the present ecclesiastical government; who, although they have not
cut themselves off from the body and communion of the church,
yet do they affect certain cognizances and differences, wherein
they seek to correspond amongst themselves, and to be separated
horn others. And it is truly said, tarn sunt mores quidam schis-
matici, qtuim dogmata schismatica ; there be as well schismatical
fashions as opinions. First, they have impropered' to themselves
the names of zealous, sincere, and reformed; as if all others were

1 So tho Bodleian MS. Ad. MS. 4263 has impropried : the Resuscitatio, im-
fMropriaied,

1589.] ON THE CONTROVERSIES OP THE CHURCH. 91

cold, minglers of holy things and profane, and friends of abuses.
Yea, be a man endued with great virtues and fruitful in good
works, yet if he concur not with them, they term him (in dero-
gation) a civil and moral man, and compare him to Socrates or
some heathen philosopher: whereas the wisdom of the Scrip-*
tures teacheth us contrariwise to judge and denominate men
religious according to their works of the second table ; because
they of the first are often counterfeited and practised in hypo-
crisy. So St. John saith, that a man doth vainly boast of loving
God whom lie hath not seen, if he love not his brother whom he hath
seen. And St. James saith. This is true religion, to visit the
fatherless and the widow, etc. So as that which is with them
but philosophical and moral, is, in the phrase of the Apostle, true
religion and Christianity. As in afiection they challenge the said
virtues of zeal and the rest, so in knowledge they attribute unto
themselves light and perfection. They say, the Church of Eng-
land in King Edward^s time, and in the beginning of her Ma-
jesty's reign, was but in the cradle ; and the bishops in those
times did somewhat for daybreak, but that maturity and fullness
of light proceeded from themselves. So Sabinus, bishop of
Heraclea, a Macedonian, said that the fathers in the Council of
Nice taere but ir^ants and ignorant men ; and that the church
was not so to persist in their decrees as to refuse that further
ripeness of knowledge which the time had revealed. And as
they censure virtuous men by the names of civil and moral,
so do they censure men truly and godly wise (who see into the
vanity of their assertions) by the name of politiques ; saying that
their wisdom is but carnal and savouring of man's brain. So
likewise if a preacher preach with care and meditation (I speak
not of the vain scholastical manner of preaching, but soundly in-
deed, ordering the matter he handleth distinctly for memory,
deducing and drawing it down for direction, and authorizing it
with strong proofs and warrants), they censure it as a form of
speaking not becoming the simplicity of the Gospel, and refer it
to the reprehension of St. Paul, speaking of tlie enticing speech
of man's laisdom.

Now for their own manner of teaching, what is it ? Surely
they exhort well, and work compunction of mind, and bring
men well to the question, Viri, fratres, quid agemusF But
that is not enough, except they resojve that question. They

92 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV

handle matters of controversy weakly and obiter, and as before
a people that will accept of anything. In doctrine of manners
there is little but generality and repetition. The word (the
bread of life) they toss up and down, they break it not. They
draw not their directions down ad casus conscientue ; that a man
may be warranted in his particular actions whether they be law-
ful or not. Neither indeed are many of them able to do it, what
through want of grounded knowledge, what through want of
study and time. It is an easy and compendious thing to call for
the observation of the Sabbath-day, or to speak against unlawful
gain ; but what actions and works may be done upon the Sab-
bath, and in what cases ; and what courses of gain are lawful, and
what not ; to set this down, and to clear the whole matter with
good distinctions and decisions, is a matter of great knowledge
and labour, and asketh much meditation and conversation in
the Scriptures, and other helps which God hath provided and
preserved for instruction. Again, they carry not an equal hand
in teaching the people their lawful liberty, as well as their re-
straints and prohibitions : but they think a man cannot go too
far in that that hath a show of a commandment. They forget
that there are sins on the right hand, as well as on the left;
and that the word is double-edged, and cutteth on both sides,
as well the superstitious observances as the profane transgres-
sions. Who doubteth but it is as unlawful to shut where God
hath opened, as to open where God hath shut 7 to bind where
God hath loosed, as to loose where God hath bound ? Amongst
men it is commonly as ill taken to turn back favours as to dis-
obey commandments. In this kind of zeal (for example) they
have pronounced generally, and without difference, all untruths
unlawful; notwithstanding that the midwives are directly reported
to have been blessed for their excuse; and Bahab is said by
faith to have concealed the spies ; and Salomon^s selected judg-
ment proceeded upon a simulation ; and our Saviour, the more
to touch the hearts of the two disciples with a holy dalliance,
made as if he would have passed Emmaus.^ Further, I have
heard some sermons of mortification, which I think (with very
good meaning) they have preached out of their own experience
and exercise, and things in private counsels not unmeet; but

^ Tlie two last clauses are omitted in the Bodleian MS. and are supplied from
the others and from the * Besuscitatio.*

1589.] ON THE CONTROVERSIES OF THE CHURCH. 93

surely no sound conceits ; much like to Person's Resolution, or
not so good ; apt to breed in men rather weak opinions and per-
plexed despairs, than filial and true repentance which is sought.
Another point of great inconvenience and peril, is to entitle the
people to hear controversies and all points of doctrine. They
say no part of the counsel of God must be suppressed, nor the
people defrauded : so as the difference which the Apostle maketh
between milk and strong meat is confounded : and his precept
that the weak be not admitted unto questions arid controversies
taketh no place. But most of all is to be suspected, as a seed
of further inconvenience, their manner of handling the Scrip-
tures ; for whilst they seek express Scripture for everything ; and
that they have (in manner) deprived themselves and the church
of a special help and support by embasing the authority of the
fathers ; they resort to naked examples, conceited inferences, and
forced allusions, such as do mine into all certainty of religion.
Another extremity is the excessive magnifying of that which,
though it be a principal and most holy institution, yet hath it
limits as all things else have. We see wheresoever (in manner)
they find in the Scriptures the word spoken of, they expound
it of preaching. They have made it almost of the essence of the
sacrament of the supper, to have a sermon precedent. They
have (in sort) annihilated the use of litiirgies, and forms of
divine service,^ although the house of God be denominated of
the principal, domus orationis, a house of prayer, and not a
house of preaching. As for the life of the good monks and the
hermits in the primitive church, I know they will condemn a
man as half a Papist, if he should maintain them as other than
profane, because they heard no sermons. In the meantime,
what preaching is, and who may be said to preach, they make
no question. But as far as T see, every man that presumeth
to speak in chair is accounted a preacher. But I am assured
that not a few that call hotly for a preaching ministry deserve to
be of the first themselves that should be expelled. These and some
other errors and misproceedings they do fortify and entrench by
being so greatly addicted to their opinions, and impatient' to

^ In the Bodleian MS. the sentence ends here. The rest is supplied from the
other MSS. and the ' Resuscitatio.*

- So the Bodleian MS. The other copies haye " all which errors and mispro-
ceedings thej do fortify and entrench hy an addicted respect to their own opinions
and an impatience to hear'' etc.

94 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

hear contradiction or argument. Yea^ I know some of them that
would think it a tempting of God to hear or read what might
be said against them ; as if there could be a quod bonum est
tenete, without an omnia probate going before.

This may suffice to offer unto themselves a view and consider-
ation^ whether in these things they do well or no, and to correct
and assuage the partiality of their followers and dependants. For
as for any man that shall hereby enter into a contempt of their
ministry, it is but his own hardness of heart. I know the work
of exhortation doth chiefly rest upon these men, and they have
zeal and hate of sin. But again, let them take heed that it be
not true which one of their adversaries said, that they have but
two small wants, knowledge and love. And so I conclude this
fourth point.

5. The last point, touching the due publishing and debating of
these controversies, needeth no long speech. This strange abuse
of antics and pasquils hath been touched before. So likewise I
repeat that which I said before, that a character of love is more
proper for debates of this nature than that of zeal. As for all
indirect or direct glances or levels at men's persons, they were
ever in these cases disallowed. Lastly, whatsoever be pretended,
the people is no meet judge nor arbitrator, but rather the quiet,
moderate, and private assemblies and conferences of the learned.
Qui aptui incapacem loquitur, non disceptat, sed calumniatur.
The press and pulpit would be freed and discharged of these
contentions. Neither promotion on the one side, nor glory and
heat on the other, ought to continue those challenges and cartels
at the Cross and other places. But rather all preachers, espe-
cially all such as be of good temper, and have wisdom with
conscience, ought to inculcate and beat upon a peace, silence,
and surseance. Neither let them fear Solon's law, which com-
pelled in factions every particular person to range himself on the
one side; nor yet the fond calumny o{ neutrality ; but let them
know that is true which is said by a wise man, that neuters in
contentions are either better or worse than either side.

These things have I in all sincerity and simplicity set down,
touching the controversies which now trouble the Church of
England ; and that without all art and insinuation, and therefore

1589.] ON THE CONTEOVEBSIES OP THE CHUECH. 95

not like to be grateful to either part. Notwithstanding^ I trust
what hath been said shall find a correspondence in their minds
which are not embarked in partiality^ and which love the whole
better than a part. Whereby I am not out of hope that it may do
good. At the least I shall not repent myself of the meditation.

I have said that I do not know what use Bacon made of this paper •
but I can hardly doubt that he showed it to Burghley and Walsing-
ham, who would naturally concur in his views and wish to spread
them. And I think it probable that this led to the employment of
his pen in counteracting another evil consequence of these divisions ;
I mean the unfavourable interpretation which was hkely to be put
upon them abroad, especially in France, with regard to the stability
and constancy of the Government. The progress of the French con-
fusions had in the spring of 1589 thrown the King into the arms of
the Protestant party, and he was now at war with the League and
with Spain. " The world is marvellously changed," writes Burghley
on the 27th of May,^ " when we true Englishmen have cause, for our
own quietness, to wish good success to a French king and a king of
Scots ; and yet they both differ one from the other in profession of
Eeligion ; but seeing both are enemies to our enemies, we have cause
to join with them in these actions against our enemies ; and this is the
work of God for our good, for which the Queen and us all are most
deeply bound to acknowledge his miraculous goodness, for no wit
of man could otherwise have wrought it. At this time the French
King's party, by the true subjects of his crown, both Catholic and
Protestant, doth prosper in every place." The sympathy thus created
between England and France in the latter months of Henry III.'s
reign, ripened into a strict and cordial alliance when Henry of Na-
varre, himself a Protestant, succeeded to the throne ; which was in the
beginning of August, 1589. In this new crisis it was a matter of
great importance to the common cause, that no needless distrust or
prejudice should be excited against Elizabeth in the minds either of
the Protestant or of the more moderate Catholic party in France, by
her dealings with the religious parties in England ; and some com-
munication having been made to Walsingham on the subject from a
gentleman connected with the French Government, it was resolved
to improve the occasion by writing him a letter in which the true

1 Letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury.: Lodge, vol. ii. p. 873.

96 LETTKllS AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

course of her proceedings should be set forth and justified. Whether
Bacon had anything to do with the suggestion of this measure, I
cannot say ; but that he was employed to make a draught of the pro-
posed letter may be inferred from the circumstances which I am now
going to explain,

I find in the * Eesuscitatio ' the following letter from Bacon to
Archbishop Whitgift.

To MY Lord op Canterbury.^

It may please your Grace ;

I have considered the objections^ perused the statutes^ and
framed the alterations^ which I send ; still keeping myself within
the brevity of a letter and form of a narration ; not entering into
a form of argument or disputation : For in my poor conceit it is
somewhat against the majesty of princes^ actions to make too
curious and striving apologies; but rather to set them forth
plainly^ and so as there may appear an harmony and constancy
in them, so that one part upholdeth another. And so I wish
your Grace all prosperity. From my poor lodging, this, etc.

Your Grace's most dutiful

Pupil and Servant.

This letter is without date ; nor is there any note to explain the
occasion on which it was written, or the nature of the enclosure which
it seems to have conveyed. But upon a careful examination of the
words it clearly appears, —

1st, that Bacon had previously submitted to Archbishop Whitgift,
for consideration, the draft of some brief narrative in explanation of
some of the Queen's actions.

2ndly, that the object of it was to justify what she had done ; but
that the justification was implied in a plain statement of the facts,
without the help of arguments or apologies.

Srdly, that the justification rested upon the fact that her conduct
had been consistent.

4thly, that the narrative included a reference to certain statutes.

5thly, that the paper had been sent back to him with some objec-
tions, and was now returned by him with alterations made by himself
to meet them, but still in the same form.

' Besusoitaftio, Supplement, p. 113.

1586-89.] LETTER TO ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 97

If therefore a paper can be found answering this description in all
points, and written when Whitgift was Archbishop of Canterbury and
an active Privy Councillor, we may conclude (if not with absolute
certainty yet with a probability almost amounting to certainty) that
it was the paper referred to in the foregoing letter ; not perhaps in
exactly the same shape (for other alterations may have been intro-
duced afterwards), but the same substantially.

Now precisely such a paper I do find in the Scrinia Sacra ; that
is to say, a letter addressed by Sir Francis Walsingham to an ofBcial
person in France, containing an explanation in a narrative form
of the Queen's proceedings towards the Catholics on the one hand
and the Puritans on the other; framed expressly to show that her
course had been consistent throughout ; including a reference to two
statutes; and written before the 6th of April, 1590 (the date of
Walsingham's death), but not before 1589 (for it has an obvious
allusion to the Marprelate libels) ; the greater part of which letter, I
should add (as a circumstance which, taken along with the rest, may
be considered conclusive), is also found almost word for word in
Bacon's ' Observations on a Libel,' written in 1592. And here it
follows:—

Sir Francis Walsingham^ Secretary^ to Monsieur

Critoy, Secretary of France.^
Sir,
Whereas you desire to be advertised touching the proceed-
ings here in ecclesiastical causes^ because you seem to note in
them some inconstancy and variation^ as if we sometimes inclined
to one side and sometimes to another, and as if that clemency and
lenity were not used of late which was used in the beginning ; all
which you impute to your own superficial tmderstanding of the
affairs of this state^ having notwithstanding her Majesty^s doings
in singular reverence, as the real pledges which she hath given
unto the world of her sincerity in religion and of her wisdom in
government well meriteth ; I am glad of this occasion to impart
that little I know in that matter to you, both for your own satis-
faction and to the end you may make use thereof towards any
that shall not be so modestly and so reasonably minded as you
are.

^ ScriniA Sac^^ ed. 1654, p. 38. Collated with another copy in Burnet's * History
of the Reformation,* vol. iL p. 418, who describes it as a letter written by Walsing-
ham, in I^oh, to one Monsieur Critoy, a Frenchman ; " of which (he says) I
haye seen an English copy, taken (as is said) from the original" Both these
copies contain inaccuracies ; but each helps to correct the other.

VOL. I. H

98 LETTEES AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

I find therefore^ that her Majesty's proceedings have been
grounded upon two principles : —

1. The one, that consciences are not to be forced, but to be
won and reduced by the force of truth, with the aid of time and
the use of all good means of instruction and persuasion.

2. The other, that the causes of conscience, when they exceed
their bounds and grow to be matter of faction, lose their nature ;
and that sovereign princes ought distinctly to punish the practice
or contempt, though coloured with the pretence of conscience
and religion.

According to these principles, her Majesty at her coming to
the Crown, utterly disliking the tyranny of Borne, which had
used by terror and rigour to seek commandment of men's faiths
and consciences, though as a Prince of great wisdom and magnani-
mity she suflTered but the exercise of one religion, yet her pro-
ceeding towards the Papists was with great lenity, expecting the
good effects which time might work in them. And therefore her
Majesty revived not the laws made in the twenty-eighth and
thirty-fifth year of her Father's reign, whereby the oath of alle-
giance might have been offered at the King's pleasure to any sub-
ject, though he kept his conscience never so modestly to himself;
and the refusal to take the same oath without further circum-
stance was made treason. But contrariwise her Majesty, not
liking to make windows into men's hearts and secret thoughts
except the abundance of them did overflow into overt and express
acts or affirmations, tempered her law so as it restrainetb only
manifest disobedience, in impugning and impeaching advisedly
and maliciously her Majesty's supreme power, and maintainiug
and extolling a foreign jurisdiction. And as for the oath, it was
altered by her Majesty into a more grateful form ; the harshness
of the name and appellation of Supreme Head was removed, and
the penalty of the refusal thereof turned only into disablement
to take any promotion or to exercise any charge ; and yet with
liberty of being re-invested therein if any man should accept
thereof during his life. But after, when Pius Quintus had ex-
communicated her Majesty, and the Bulls of Excommunication
were published in London^ whereby her Majesty was in a sort

* The whole passage which follows, down to "adhere to her enemies," was after-
wards incorporated, with a few slight yariations and insertions, into Bacon's * Ob-
serrationt on a Libel,* 1592.

1586-89.] THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PAPISTS. 99

proscribed; and that thereupon as upon a principal motive or
preparative followed the rebellion in the North ; yet because the
ill humours of the realm were by that rebellion partly purged, and
that she feared at that time no foreign invasion, and much less
the attempt of any within the realm not backed by some potent
succour from without, she contented herself to make a law
against that special case of bringing in or publishing of any Bulls
or the like instruments; whereunto was added a prohibition,
upon pain not of treason but of an inferior degree of punish-
ment, against the bringing in of Agnus Dei, hallowed beads, and
such other merchandise of Rome, as are well known not to be
any essential part of the Bomish religion, but only to be used in
practice as love-tokens to enchant the people^s affections from
their allegiance to their natural Sovereign. In all other points
her Majesty continued her former lenity. But when about the
twentieth year of her reign she had discovered in the King of
Spain an intention to invade her dominions, and that a principal
point of the plot was to prepare a party within the realm that
might adhere to the foreigner, and that the seminaries began to
blossom and to send forth daily priests and professed men, who
should by vow taken at shrift reconcile her subjects from their
obedience, yea and bind many of them to attempt against her
Majesty's sacred person; and that by the poison which they
spread the humours of most Papists were altered, and that they
were no more Papists in conscience and of softness, but Papists
in faction ; then were there new laws made for the punishment of
such as should submit themselves to such reconcilements or re-
nunciations of obedience. And because it was a treason carried
in the clouds and in wonderful secrecy, and came seldom to
light, and that there was no presumption thereof so great as the
recusance to come to divine service ; because it was set down by
their decrees that to come to church before reconcilement was to
live in schism, but to come to church after reconcilement was
absolutely heretical and damnable ; therefore there were added
new laws containing a punishment pecuniary against such recu-
sants, not to enforce conscience, but to enfeeble and impoverish
the means of those to whom it rested indifferent and ambiguous
whether they were reconciled or no. And when, notwithstand-
ing all this provision, this poison was dispersed so secretly as that
there was no means to stay it but by restraining the merchants

H 2

100 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

that brought it in, then lastly there was added another law
whereby such seditious priests of the new erection were exiled,
and those that were at that time within the land shipped over,
and so commanded to keep hence upon pain of treason.

This hath been the proceeding with that sort, though inter-
mingled not only with sundry examples of her Majesty^s grace
towards such as in her wisdom she knew to be Papists in consci-
ence and not in faction, but also with an ordinary mitigation to-
wards the offenders in the highest degree convicted by law, if
they would but protest that in case this realm should be invaded
with a foreign army by the Pope's authority, for the Catholic
cause, as they term it, they would take party with her Majesty
and not adhere to her enemies.

For the other part, which have been offensive to this state,
though in another degree ; which named themselves Reformers,
and we commonly call Puritans ; this hath been the proceeding
towards them. A great while, when they inveighed against such
abuses in the church as pluralities, non-residence, and the like,
their zeal was not condemned, only their violence was sometimes
censured ; when they refused the use of some ceremonies and
rites as superstitious, they were tolerated with much connivency
and gentleness ; yea when they called in question the superiority
of bishops, and pretended to bring a democracy into the church,
yet their propositions were heard, considered, and by contrary
writings debated and discussed. Yet all this while it was perceived
that their course was dangerous and very popular. As because
Papistry was odious, therefore it was ever in their mouths that
they sought to purge the church from the relics of Popery ; a
thing acceptable to the people, who love ever to run from one
extreme to another. Because multitudes of rogues and poverty
were an eyesore and dislike to every man, therefore they put it
into the people's head that if discipline were planted, there should
be no beggars nor vagabonds ; a thing very plausible. And in like
manner they promised the people may other impossible wonders
of their discipline. Besides, they opened the people a way to
government by their consistory and presbytery; a thing though
in consequence no less prejudicial to the liberties of private men
than to the sovereignty of princes, yet in the first show very
popular. Nevertheless this (except it were in some few that en-
tered into extreme contempt) was borne with, because they pre-

1586-89.] THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PURITANS. 101

tended but in dutiful manner to make propositions^ and to leave
it to the providence of God and the authority of the magistrate.
But now of late years, when there issued from them a colony of
those that afQrmed the consent of the magistrate was not to be
attended; when, under pretence of a consession to avoid slanders
and imputations, they combined themselves by classes and sub-
scriptions ; when they descended into that vile and base means
of defacing the government of the church by ridiculous pasquils ;
when they began to make many subjects in doubt to take an oath,
which is one of the fimdamental parts of justice in this land and in
all places ; when they b^an both to vaunt of the strength and
number of their partisans and followers, and to use comminations
that their cause would prevail though with uproar and violence ;
then it appeared to be no more zeal, no more conscience, but
mere faction and division ; and therefore, though the state were
compelled to hold somewhat a harder hand to restrain them than
before, yet it was with as great moderation as the peace of the
church and state could permit. And therefore. Sir, to conclude,
consider uprightly of these matters, and you shall see her Ma-
jesty is no temporizer in religion. It is not the success abroad,
nor the change of servants here at home, can alter her ; only as
the things themselves alter, so she applieth her religious wisdom
to methods correspondent unto them ; still retaining the two rules
before mentioned, in dealing tenderly with consciences and yet
in discovering faction from conscience and softness from singu-
larity. Farewell.

Your loving Friend,

Francis Walsingham.

If this letter was really drawn up by Bacon (of which, for the
reasons above-stated, I have myself no doubt), it is interesting as the
earliest specimen we have of bis taste, judgment, and policy in con-
ducting the defence of the government against popular imputations ;
the best policy, provided only that the case of the government be
good enough to bear it. It is to be remembered indeed that it was
not written in bis own name, and that his was not the last judgment
which was to be satisfied. Whitgift as well as Walsingham bad a
strong personal interest in the matter, nor did he want either autho-
rity or opportunity to correct his old pupil's exercise. If the original
manuscript should ever be discovered, I think traces will be found

102 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. IV.

here and there, but especially towards the end of the last sentence
but two, where the style and the logic both halt a little, of the Pri-
mate's hand. In the main however, it bears both in conception and
execution all the marks of Bacon's characteristic manner.

I have connected it with the " Advertisement touching the Contro-
versies of the Church," because the subjects being so nearly related
one employment may have suggested the other. But there is an-
other way in which this latter task may have fallen naturally to Bacon.
His brother Anthony was still in France, carrying on an active cor-
respondence with many eminent persons there, and also with Wal-
singham at home. It is not at all unlikely that M. Critoy's commu-
nication came to Walsingham through his and his brother's hands ;
in which case the rest would follow naturally. Who this M. Critoy
was I have not been able to learn ; but this is not material, except
in so far as it might help to fix the exact date. The letter explains
itself, and has the same value for us, to whomsoever addressed.

It may be worth observing that, though the view here taken of the
Queen's proceedings towards the Catholics, is the same which Bacon
maintained to the end of his life, and took pains to impress upon
posterity (see the * In Felicem Memoriam ElizabethaB,' Works, vi. p.
298), yet with regard to the policy of her dealing with the Puritans,
(except on one occasion, where he denies that breaches of the law and
disturbances of church and state on that side had been allowed to
go unpunished'), he was, so far as I know, silent. And the truth I
take to be that, after the year 1590, he could not have said that her
proceedings towards them had been '' with as great moderation as the
peace of the church and state would permit."

8.

From this time till the latter part of 1591, 1 find no other com-
position of Bacon's ; nor any important piece of news concerning him,
except the following entry in a note-book of Burghley's (Cott. MSS.
Tit. C. X. 93), dated October 29th, 1589 :— " A grant of the office of
the Clerk of the Counsel in the Star Chamber to Francis Bacon."^
It was procured for him by Burghley, and the office was a valuable

> Observations on a Libel : see next chapter.

' The copy of Burghley's diaiy printed in Murdin ffivea the same date, except
that the day of the month is omitted. The patent itself howerer, of which a copy
is preserved in the Record Office, is dated the 16th of November, in the thirty-
second year of Elizabeth*s reign, which would be tlie 16th of November, 1590 ;
though, the 16th of November being the first day of the regnal year, it is a case in
which a misdate might easily occur. The 17th of November, 82 Elix., was the 17th
of November, 1589.

1586-89.] GRANT OF CLERKSHIP OF STAR CHAMBER. 103

one ; worth £1600 a year, and executed by deputy. It was only the
reversion however that was granted to him, which did not fall in for
twenty years.

Occasional allusions in his brother's correspondence show that he
continued as before at Gray's Inn, but tell us little or nothing of his
occupations. During this interval however it must have been that he
became acquainted with the Earl of Essex ; an acquaintance which
had so great an influence upon his after-life, that what I have to say
concerning the commencement of it may fitly open a new chapter.

104

CHAPTER V.
A.D. 1590-92. ^TAT. 30-32.

When, or under what circumstances, the acquaintance between
Bacon and the Earl of Essex began, I cannot exactly learn. In
his brother's papers I find no allusion to it earlier than February
1591-2, by which time it had ripened into intimacy -} and since Essex
had been engaged in France during the latter half of 1591, as com-
mander of the forces sent to assist Henry lY., the commencement of
the acquaintance cannot well be dated later than the preceding July.
Essex was then twenty-three, and had been for some years high in
the Queen's favour. In 1585 and 1586, he had served with distinc-
tion under the Earl of Leicester in Holland. In 1587 the Queen
had made him her Master of the Horse. In 1588, on occasion of the
Spanish invasion, she had appointed him General of the Horse. In
1589, when he returned from the expedition to Portugal in aid of
Don Antonio, which he had joined against her orders, she had re-
ceived him, in spite of his disobedience, with greater favour than ever.
Had this been aU, a man in Bacon's position could not but be glad
of his friendship, and their common relation to Burghley (to whose
guardianship Essex had been especially bequeathed by his father on
his deathbed) would naturally bring them together. But the attrac-
tion which drew them towards each other was not of that ordinary
kind. Bacon had many things at heart besides the advancement of
his own fortune ; and there was pvomise in Essex of something far
greater than ascendancy in the Queen's favour. Except Sir Philip
Sidney, no man had appeared on that stage who seemed so likely, if
he attained great power, to make a great use of it ; especially in those
things which Bacon was most anxious about, but for which he had
little reason to expect encouragement in high places. How to steer
the State through the dangers and difficulties of the present time,
none knew better then Walsingham and Burghley ; whose skill and
policy, along with their offices, Robert Cecil seemed destined to in-
' See Birch's Memoirs, i. 73, and Bacon's Apology.

1590-92.] THE EASL OF ESSEX. 105

herit. How to maintain the dignity of tlie Crown, the greatness of
the kingdom, and the authority of the existing laws, — how to attract,
attach, and use the ablest servants both for peace and war, — no one
knew better than the Queen herself. But her cares did not extend
beyond her own people and her own times. Though one of the
greatest of governors, she was no great legislator. Though one of
the most learned of women, she was no great patroness of learning,
except where (as in the church and the law) she wanted it for an in-
strument to govern with. Though the champion of Protestantism,
and without any shade of religious bigotry, she took no care to pro-
vide for the spiritual wants of the next generation, by making room
within the church for those varieties of opinion which the spirit of
Protestantism was sure to develope. Though a reverencer of the
laws herself, and well aware that the reverence of the people for the
laws was the foundation and life of government, she took but little
interest in projects for the reformation of them, by correcting abuses,
removing uncertainties, simplifying complexities, and settling princi-
ples. Whatever savoured of * speculation * she regarded with indif-
ference or distrust, as a disqualification for practical service. And
as for the recovery to Man of his lost dominion over Nature by means
of Knowledge, she had enough to do in maintaining the dominion of
England within its own shores by means of vigilance and state-policy.
Neither to her therefore nor to her ministers could Bacon have looked
for much encouragement in the prosecution of those larger reforms
in philosophy, in letters, in church, in state, upon which his mind
was brooding, and which he certainly believed to be practicable if
the Government would take them in hand.

But the rise of a man like Essex, offered a new and unexpected
chance. He was a man of so many gifts and so many virtues, that
even now, when his defects and the issue to which they carried him
are fully known, it still seems possible that under more favourable
accidents he might have realized all the promise of his morning:
then it must have seemed more than possible. From his boyhood
he had been an eager reader and a patient listener. The first year
after he left Cambridge he spent happily in studious retirement. His
knowledge was already considerable, his literary abilities great, his
views liberal and comprehensive, his speech persuasive, his respect for
intellectual qualifications in other men earnest and unaffected. His
religious impressions were deep, and without being addicted to any
of the religious parties in the state, he had points of sympathy with
them all. His temper was hopeful, ardent, enterprising; his will
strong, his opinions decided ; yet he was at the same time singularly
patient of oppugnant advice, and liked it the better the more frankly

106 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

it was given. He had tbat true generosity of nature which appeab
to all human hearts, because it feels an interest in all human things ;
and which made him a favourite, without any aid from dissimulations
and plausibilities, at once with the people, the army, and the Queen.
A character rare at all times and in all places ; most rare in such a
station as he seemed destined thus early to occupy ; and promising
fruits proportionably rare, if it might only escape the dangers incident
to an over-forward season. It was easy for Bacon to see that here
was a man capable by nature of entering heartily into all his largest
speculations for the good of the world, and placed by accident in a
position to realize, or help to realize, them. It was natural to hope
that he wouM do it. The favourite of a mighty Queen, herself the
favourite of a mighty nation ; with a heart for all that was great,
noble, and generous ; an ear open to all freest and faithfuUest counsel ;
an understanding to apprehend and appreciate all wisdom ; an imagi-
nation great enough to entertain new hopes for the human race ; with-
out any shadow of bigotry or narrowness ; without any fault as yet
apparent, except a chivalrous impetuosity of character ; the very grace
of youth, and the very element out of which, when tempered by time
and experience, all moral greatness and all extraordinary and enter-
prising virtue derive their vital energy; in times when the recent
agitations of society had stirred men's minds to hope and dare, and
exercised them in all kinds of active enterprise ; he must have seemed
in the eyes of Bacon like the hope of the world. We need not seek any
further surely, to account for the attachment which soon sprang up
between the two. The proffered friendship and confidence of such a
man — what could Bacon do but embrace it as frankly as it was offered P
Such a friend and counsellor seemed to be the one thing which such
a spirit stood in need of. If Essex seemed like a man expre:;8ly made
to realize the hopes of a new world, so Bacon may seem to have been
expressly made for the guardian genius of such a man as Essex. And
thus their acquaintance began, about the time at which we are now
arrived ; in 1690, probably, or the early part of 1691. For " I held at
that time," wrote Bacon fourteen years after, " my Lord to be the
fittest instrument to do good to the state ; and therefore I applied
myself to him in a manner which I think happeneth rarely among
men ; for 1 did not only labour carefully and industriously in that he
set me about, whether it were .matter of advice or otherwise ; but
neglecting the Queen's service, mine own fortune, and in a sort my
vocation, I did nothing but advise and ruminate with myself to the
best of my understanding, propositions and memorials of anything
that might concern his Lordship's honour, fortune, or service. And
when, not long after I had entered into this course, my brother^

1590-92.] OBJECTS, HOPES, AND WISHES. 107

master Antbony Bacon, came from beyond tbe seas, being a gentle-
man whose ability tbe world taketb knowledge of for matters of state
specially foreign, I did likewise knit his service to be at my Lord's
disposing." ^

Anthony Bacon arriyed in England in tbe beginning of 1592 : and
was met by his friend Nicholas Faunt with a letter from his mother
(dated February 3rd^), full of maternal welcome and advice, while his
brother was preparing his chambers in Gray's Inn to receive him.
He was in very bad health ; crippled with gout ; but well furnished
with information concerning foreign affairs, gathered during his ten
years' residence abroad, and kept alive by an extensive correspond-
ence with able intelligencers in different parts of Europe ; the benefit
of which, hitherto enjoyed by Burghley, he not long after transferred
to Essex.

2.

In the meantime Francis's plans with regard to his own fortune
remained the same ; but unhappily the prospect of realizing them
did not improve. He had just completed his thirty-first year. He
had been a Bencher of his Inn for nearly five years, a Beader for
nearly three ; but I do not find that he was getting into practice.
His main object still was to find ways and means for prosecuting hiB •
great philosophical enterprise ; his hope and wish still was to obtain
these by some ofiice under the Government, from which he might
derive both position in the world which would carry influence, em-
ployment in the State which would enable him to serve his country
in her need, and income suflRcient for his purposes, — without spend-
ing all his time in professional drudgery. Nearly six years had
passed since his last application to Burghley (the last which we know
of), and his hopes were no nearer their accomplishment. The clerk-
ship of the Star Chamber did not help ; for it was not in possession
nor likely to be for many years; it was but as "another man's
ground buttailing upon his house ; which might mend his prospect
but did not fill his bam."^ It has been said indeed that before
this time the Queen had appointed him " one of her counsel learned
extraordinary;" but even if this be true (which, from the absence of
all contemporary allusions to a distinction so unusual, I doubt), it
does not alter the case ; for whether he obtained it sooner or later, it
was an honour only, without any emolument appertaining.^ The

* Apology.

' Lambeth MSS. 653. 192. A copy of it will be given a little further on.

* Hia own expression, as given bj Bawle^ (Works, i. p. 7).

* The best authority for dating this appointment so early is the expression used
by Dr. Rawley in the Latin rersion ot his Life of Bacon, which was published

108 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

entrance upon a new decade reminded him of the swiftness of time
and the slowness of his fortune, and suggested a fresh remembrance
to Burghley of his hopes and objects ; the rather, perhaps, because,
with such a friend at Court as Essex, there was now a fresh chance
of favourable entertainment for them. The following letter needs no
further elucidation ; and as I have no means of determining the date
of it, except from the allusion it contains to his ' thirty -one years,' I
place it here at the point when he entered upon his thirty-second.

To MY Lord Treasurer Burohley.^

My Lord,

With as much confidence as mine own honest and faithfiil
devotion unto your service and your honourable correspondence
unto me and my poor estate can breed in a man, do I commend
myself unto your Lordship. I wax now somewhat ancient ; one
and thirty years is a great deal of sand in the hour-glass. My
health, I thank Ood, I find confirmed ; and I do not fear that
action shall impair it, because I account my ordinary course of
study and meditation to be more painful than most parts of
action are. I ever bare a mind (in some middle place that I
could discharge) to serve her Majesty ; not as a man born under
Sol, that loveth honour; nor under Jupiter, that loveth business
(for the contemplative planet carrieth me away wholly) ; but as
a man born under an excellent Sovereign, that deserveth the
dedication of all men's abilities. Besides, I do not find in myself
80 much self-love, but that the greater parts of my thoughts are
to deserve well (if I were able) of my friends, and namely of
your Lordship ; who being the Atlas of this commonwealth, the
honour of my house, and the second founder of my poor estate, T
am tied by all duties, both of a good patriot, and of an unworthy
kinsman, and of an obliged servant, to employ whatsoever I am
to do you service. Again, the meanness of my estate doth some-
what move me : for though I cannot accuse myself that I am

after the English one, and occasionally di£Eer8 from it. *' Nondum tirocinium in
lege egrestus^ a regina in consilium suum doctum extraordinarium adscitus est."
But this may possibly hare been an inference drawn from Bacon's Letter to Burgh-
ley of the 18th of October, 1580 (see p. 13), of which Dr. Bawley did not know
the date. I am told also that in legal phraseology a barrister's igrocinium continues
until he is called to be a Serjeant ; and that Kawley may only have meant that
Bacon was made a Q.C. without being first made a Serjeant. Bawley however was
a scholar and not a lawyer, and I am inclined to think that he used the word in
its classical sense. The import of the word extraordinary he evidently misunder-
stood. See Works, i. 6, note 3.

' Bawley's *■ Besuscitatio/ Supplement, p. 95.

1590-02.] BBMEMBBANCE TO BUBGHLEY. 109

either prodigal or slothiiil^ yet my health is not to spends nor
my course to get. Lastly, I confess that I have as vast con-
templative ends, as I have moderate civil ends : for I have taken
all knowledge to be my province ; and if I could purge it of two
sorts of rovers, whereof the one with frivolous disputations,
confutations, and verbosities, the other with blind experiments
and auricular traditions and impostures, hath committed so
many spoils, I hope I should bring in industrious observations,
grounded conclusions, and profitable inventions and discoveries ;
the best state of that province. This, whether it be curiosity, or
vain glory, or nature, or (if one take it favourably) philanthropia,
is so fixed in my mind as it cannot be removed. And I do
easily see, that place of any reasonable countenance doth bring
commandment of more wits than of a man^s own; which is the
thing I greatly afiect. And for your Lordship, perhaps you shall
not find more strength and less encounter in any other. And if
your Lordship shall find now, or at any time, that I do seek or
affect any place whereunto any that is nearer unto your Lordship
shall be concurrent, say then that I am a most dishonest man.
And if your Lordship will not carry me on, I will not do as
Anaxagoras did, who reduced himself with contemplation unto
voluntary poverty : but this I will do ; I will sell the inheritance
that I have, and purchase some lease of quick revenue, or some
office of gain that shall be executed by deputy, and so give over
all care of service, and become some sorry book-maker, or a true
pioner in that mine of truth, which (he said) lay so deep. This
which I have writ unto your Lordship is rather thoughts than
words, being set down without all art, disguising, or reservation.
Wherein I have done honour both to your Lordship's wisdom, in
judging that that will be best believed of your Lordship which is
truest, and to your Lordship's good nature, in retaining nothing
from you. And even so I wish your Lordship all happiness, and
to myself means and occasion to be added to my faithfiil desire
to do you service. From my lodging at Gray's Inn.

8.

The two brothers were now established under the same roof in
Gray's Inn, where they lived on the most affectionate and confidential
footing; Anthony, in spite of his continued ill-health, taking an
earnest interest in foreign afiairs, and carrying on an active inter-

110 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

course by letter with hie correspondents abroad ; Francis busy with
his law and philosophy and home politics, yet continually consulted
by his brother on all questions of importance ; each always ready to
help the other to the utmost of his power with money, credit, or
advice. Living thus together, and seeing each other every day, it
was only now and then (as when one of them visited his mother at
Gorhambury, or retreated for quiet and fresh air to Twickei^ham
Park, where Francis had a lodge) that they had occasion to commu-
nicate by letter. But Lady Bacon was continually writing : and a
great number of her letters (directed to Anthony, but addressed
generally to both) are preserved among the Tenison MSS. at
Lambeth. These throw a very full light upon her own character,
and upon the relations which subsisted between her and her sons ;
a relation too important at this period of Francis's life to be lost
sight of; for the feelings of such a mother, whether in approbation
or disapprobation, could not but enter into his consideration, even
where they did not determine his course. But to understand this
relation rightly, it is necessary to know her as well as him : and with
a view to this, it will be worth while to quote some passages of the
correspondence in which he is not directly alluded to.

I have already introduced her addressing Lord Burghley on matters
of church and state. I shall now show her in a less constrained
mood, under the agitations of maternal anxiety. It seems that
Anthony Bacon, seeking on all sides for intelligence concerning
parties and political intrigues abroad, had used the services of Catho-
lics as well as Protestants ; and among others had* a confidential
servant named Lawson, whose religion was suspected. Him he had
sent over to Lord Burghley with some advertisements, which it was
important to deliver safely and secretly. Lady Bacon, a vehement
anti-Catholic, suspecting his fidelity and dreading the effect of such
company upon her son*s faith and morals, prevailed upon Burghley
to have him arrested and detained in England. Anthony, hearing
of this, sent his friend Francis Allen, a frankhearted, plain-spoken
soldier, to intercede for him both with Burghley and his mother ; •
that he might be allowed to return. Burghley seems to have been
willing, for he wrote a letter to Lady Bacon on the subject ; with
which Captain Allen proceeded to Gorhambury. The rest he shall
tell himself.

" Upon my arrival at Godombery my Lady used me courteously until
such time I began to move her for Mr. Lawson ; and, to say the truth, for
yourself; being so much transported with your abode there that she let
not to say that you are a traitor to God and your country ; you have un-
done her ; you seek her death ; and when you have that you seek for, you
shall have but a hundred pounds more than you have now.

1590-92.] LADY BACON'S ANXIETIES. Ill

" She ifl resolved to procure her Majesty's letter to force you to return ;
and when that should be, if her Majesty give you your right or desert,
she should clap you up in prison. She cannot abide to hear of you, as she
saith, nor of the other especially, and told me plainly she should be the
worse this month for my coming without you, and axed me why you could
not have come from thence as well as myself.

*' She saith you are hated of all the chiefest on that side, and cursed of
God in all your actions, since Mr. Lawson's being with you.

" I am sorry to write it, considering his deserts and your love towards
him ; but the truth will be known at the last, and better late than never ;
it is vain to look for Mr. Lawson's return, for these are her Ladyship's
own words : — ' No» no,' saith she, ' I have learned not to employ ill to good ;
and if there were no more men in England, and although you should
never come home, he shall never come to you.' ....

" It is as unpossible to persuade my Lady to send him as for myself to
send you Paul's steeple

**1 must confess your brother, Mr. Francis Bacon, is most tractable
and most earnest, if possible it may be done, to fulfil your demand : he
hath used me with great humanity, for which I humbly pray you to give
him thanks.

'* My Lady seemed to be angry with me because I had brought this
bearer Guilliaum from you, saying you had but one honest and trusty
man, and I had deboshed him from you ; which is. cause I have taken re-
solution to send him to you again ; I send him not more willingly than he
is willing to return.

'*Mr. Lawson is in great necessity, and your brother dares not help
him, in respect of my Lady's displeasure

*' My Lady said she had rather you made the wars with the King of
Navarre than to have staid so long idle in Montoban, and with great
earnestness, also tears in her eyes, she wished that when she heard of
Mr. Selum's imprisonment you had been fairly buried, provided you had
died in the Lord. In my simple judgment she spoke it in her passion, and
repented immediately her words.

" When you have received your provision, make your repair home again,
lest you be a means to shorten her days, for she told me the grief of mind
received daily by your stay will be her end ; also saith her jewels be spent
for you, and that she borrowed the last money of seven several persons.

** Thus much I must confess unto you for a conclusion, that I have never
seen nor never shall see a wise Lady, an honourable woman, a mother,
more perplexed for her son's absence than I have seen that honourable
dame for yours. — Therefore lay your hand on your heart, look not for Mr.
Lawson ; here he hath, as a man may say, heaven and earth against him
and his return.

" If you think much of my plainness, take heed you give me no autho-
rity another time ; for I shall do the like.

"F. Allbh.>

"The 17th August, 1589."

» Lamb. MSS., No. 647. fo. 111.

112 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

Burghley's letter, and another in the same behalf from Francis
Bacon, she ''would not once vouchsafe to look upon;'* and when
Anthony returned at last, more than two years after, Lawson ap-
pears to have been still in England, and Lady Bacon's feelings
towards him unaltered. The letter with which she dispatched
Nicholas Faunt, her son's Puritan friend, to greet him on his arrival,
will throw some further light upon the character of this remarkable
woman.

" The grace of God be daily multiplied in you, with mercy in Christ our
Lord.

" That you are returned now at length I am right glad. God bless it
to us both. But when I heard withal that Lawson, who I fore-suspected,
stale hence unto you, and so belike hath wrought upon you again to your
hurt, to serve his own turn as heretofore ; how welcome that could be to
your long-grieved mother, judge you. I can hardly say whether your
gout or his company were the worse tidings. I have entertained this
gentleman, Mr. Fant, to do so much kindness for me as to journey towards
you, because your brother is preparing your lodging at Gray's Inn very
carefully for you. I thank God that Mr. Fant was willing so to do, and
was very glad, because he is not only an honest gentleman in civil be-
haviour, but one that feareth God indeed, and as wise withal, having ex-
perience of our state, and is able to advise you both very wisely and
friendly. For he loveth yourself, and needeth not yours, as others have
and yet dis . . . . ' with you. He doth me pleasure in this, for I could not
have found another so very meet for you and me in all the best and most
necessary respects. Use him therefore, good son, and make much of such,
and of their godly and sound friendly counsel. This one chiefest counsel
your Christian and natural mother doth give you even before the Lord,
that above all worldly respects you carry yourself ever at your first coming
as one that doth unfeignedly profess the true religion of Christ, and hath
the love of the truth now by long continuance fast settled in your heart,
and that with judgment, wisdom, and discretion, and are not afraid or
ashamed to testify the same by hearing and delighting in those religious
exercises of the sincerer sort, be they French or English. In hoc noli
adhiberefratrem tuum ad consilium aut exemplum. Sed plus dehinc. If
you will be wavering (which God forbid, God forbid), you shall have ex-
amples and ill encouragers too many in these days, and that apch Bio-o-,
since he was fiovKfVTt)^^ iari airoKeia r^r iKKKfjaias fif0* Tffi&v, <^iXci yap r^v
iavTov t6^av ifKeov rrjs b6(rjs rov Xpiarov.^ Beware, therefore, and be con-
stant in godly profession without fainting, and that from your heart : for
formality wanteth none with us, but too common. Be not speedy of
speech nor talk suddenly, but where discretion requireth, and that soberly
then. For the property of our world is to soxmd out at first coming, and

* The rest of this word is illegible : perhaps dissemble.

' That archbishop (meaning Whitgift), since he was councillor, is the destruction
of our church, for he loves his own glory more than the glory of Christ.

1590-92.] LADY BACON AND HEE SONS. 113

after to contain. Courtesy is necessary, but too common familiarity in
talking and words is very unprofitable, and not without hurt-taking, ut
nunc sunt tempora, Eemember you have no father. And you have little
enough, if not too little, regarded your kind and no simple mother's
wholesome advice from time to time. And as I do impute all niost humbly
to the grace of Grod whatsoever he hath bestowed upon me, so dare I affirm
that it had been good for you every way if you had followed it long ere
this. But God is the same, who is able to heal both mind and body, whom
in Christ 1 beseech to be your merciiul father and to take care of you,
guiding you with his holy and most comfortable spirit, now and ever.

" Let not Lawson, that fox, be acquainted with my letters. 1 disdain
both it and him. He commonly opened underminingly all letters sent to
you from counsel or friends. 1 know it, and you may too much, if Grod
open your eyes as I trust he wilL Send it back, to be sure, by Mr. Fant
scaled ; but he will pry and prattle. So fare you well, and the Lord bless
you and keep you for ever.

" Your mother,

"3Febr." •* A. Bacon.

" I trust you, with your servants, use prayer twice in a day, having been
where reformation is.* Omit it not for any. It will be your best credit
to serve the Lord duly and reverently, and you will be observed at the
first now. Your brother is too negligent herein, but do you well and
zealously ; it will be looked for of the best learned sort, and that is best."'

The rest of Lady Bacon's letters (of which I have copies of ten or
twelve, written within the next six months) all exhibit the same ten-
der and anxious afiection, the same fervid piety, the same proneness
to suspect everybody about her son of preying upon him and abusing
his simplicity and inexperience ; the same irritable jealousy with re-
gard to her own maternal authority ; curiously mixed with little soli-
citudes about his physic, his diet, his hours of sleeping, waking,
and going abroad, and all his smaller household arrangements. Thus
on the 28th of February,^ after some advice as to sales and leases : —

" God send you above all his true fear in your heart, and health to do your
long discontinued duty to her Majesty and your coimtry . I pray you be care-
ful and keep good diet and order. It is here marvellous cold and sharp : too
sharp yet for you, I think. ... I would gladly you had well seen her Ma-
jesty ; but be in some good state of health first, and regard it carefully for
any. . . . Look well to your servants and to your own things."

On the 2nd of March .^

" 1 cannot go hence as I thought, . . . and would gladly hear how all
things go with you. I wrote lately unto you. Believe not every one that

* Anthonv Bacon had stayed some time at Geneva.

' Lambeth MSS. 653. 192. Original : all in her own hand.

> Lambeth MSS. 64S. 4. * Lambeth MSS. 648. 7.

VOL. I. I

114 LETTBES AISJ) LIFE OP FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

speaks fair to you at your first coming. It is to serve their torn. . . .
Begard your health and serve the Lord in truth."

On the 17th of May :i

'* I send to know how you do. For myself I am hxxtllanffuescens, but in
good cheer and comfort, I thank Grod. The good man Bolff, my tenant at
Burston, but lately recovered, is desirous to see you. He is an honest man
and a kind tenant, and of discretion and dealing. I sent my man Bury to
direct him, and to see you and your brother how it is with you both. I
humbly thank God for the comfortable company of Mr. Wybome and
Wylblud.' Those may greatly be afraid of God his displeasure which
work the woeful disappointing of Gk)d his work in his vineyard, by putting
such to silence in these bold shining days. Hand impune ferenU come
when it shall. . . • Think on yourself wisely. Be not overruled still by
subtle and hurtful hangers-on."

On the 24th of May ?

** Gratia et salus. That you increase in amending I am glad. God con-
tinue it every way. When you cease of your prescribed diet, you had need,
I think, to be very wary both of your sudden [change] of quantity and of sea-
son of your feeding ; specially suppers late or full. Procure rest in conveni-
ent time. It helpeth much to digestion. I verily think your brother's weak
stomach to digest hath been much caused and confirmed by untimely going
to bed, and then musing nescio quid when he should sleep, and then in
consequent by late rising and long lying in bed : whereby his men are
made slothful and himself continueth sickly. But my sons haste not to
hearken to their mother's good counsel in time to prevent. The Lord our
heavenly Father heal and bless you both as his sons in Christ Jesu. I
promise you touching your coach, if it be so to your contentation, it was
not wisdom to have it seen or known at the Court : you shall be so much
pressed to lend, and your man for gain so ready to agree, that the discom-
modity thereof will be as much as the commodity. . . . Let not your men
see my letter. I write to you and not to them."

Again, on the 29th of May :^

" I am glad and thank Gk>d of your amendment. But my man said he
heard you rose at three of the clock. I thought that was not well. So
suddenly from bedding much to rise so early ; newly oat of your diet.
Extremities be hurtful to whole, more to the sickly. ... Be wise and godly
too, and discern what is good and what not for your health. ... I like not
your lending your coach yet to any Lord or Lady. If you once begin, you
shall hardly end. ... It was not well it was so soon sent into the Court, to
make talk and at last be procured or mishked. Tell your brother I coun-
sel you to send it no more. What had my Lady Shreifess to borrow your
coach P"

» Lambeth MSS. 6^. 103. « Two of the suspended preachers.

> Lambeth MSS. 64S. 106. < Lambeth MSS. 6^. 110.

1590-92.] LADY BACON AND HER SONS. 115

On the 29th of June ;!

" If you deal with Elsdon, be very well advised. . . . These days are full
of fraud. My man said you wished to have strawberries to gift. I have sent
I think all there be, and this day gathered. ... I send them by the boy of
my kitchen, a shrewd-witted boy and prettily catechized, but yet an unto-
ward crafty boy ... I look for him again at night. I pray you stay him not.
He is able enough to do it, God willing : do not pity, it will make him worse.
If you give him 6d. of your own self, it is too much. ... It is here very hot
indeed. Let not your men drink wine this hot weather ; nor your brother's
neither, tell him. Divers sick of hot agues. God keep us sound in the faith
and send us health and a care to please God above all. ... I thank your bro-
ther for Mr. Wylblud. Much good may he do for such, and take no hurt by
the others I pray Gx)d. Impart this, because I mean to both my letter."

On the 6th of July :3

" I pray Grod you have done well and wisely. I fear you have yielded
to that which was first shot at, I mean Barley.' ... I am sorry for it, and
must needs be worse for you as I yet can think. . . . The uppermost straw-
berries are good to be eaten, and were more choicely gathered for that
purpose, for you or your brother. The Lord direct you both with his
holy spirit, and bless you."

On the 24th of July :4

" I thank you for your letter ; but I understand not one chief point, nor
do not desire yet ; but you had need be very circumspect and wise. ... I
assure you I ask not nor know not where Lawson is, but this I counsel :
be very wary that his very subtle and working head work not your
cumber. You have been long absent, and by your sickliness cannot be
your own agent, and so, wanting right judgment of our state, may be
much deceived. That which you did for the merchants was scantly well
taken, and fell not out as you looked. And I remember once you dealt

with ;* I wot not now wherefore, it is a good while since, but both

envy and also dislike did appear : some doubting your soundness in reli-
gion, you were so great with some such great Papists then. Have a sure
warrant and ground, lest you may purchase encumbrance without good
success, contrary to your expectation. Be not too bold with /tvpt^ Bria-av'
papuf. Lose not his ^iXmv. You know what I mean. ... Be not over-
credulous nor too open. Sub omni lapide latet anguis. Get health to serve
Grod and your country as he shall enable and call you. ... Be not too for-
ward in state matters. Wise have withdrawn hisce diebtis. . . . This Monday
one brought hither for you from Mr. Gray dozen i pigeons, whereof I send
you the dozen, . . . which I send all by Peter my cook. I would your bro-
ther's cook were like him in Christian behaviour ; and yet a young man and
merry. Give bim a shilling, because he had good will to carry them on
foot."

1 Lambeth MSS. 648. 109. ' Lambeth MSS. 648. 122.

^ An estate of Anthony Bacon's. * Lambeth MSS. 648. 120.

* I cannot read the name.

I 2

116 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

These few passages, selected as fair samples, are enough to give an
idea of the woman ; a better idea perhaps than could be derived from
more studied compositions on subjects less ordinary. For here we
not only have her words just as they came to her pen and would have
come to her tongue, but we see her in a relation which everybody
can thoroughly understand. The relation between the sovereign and
the subject, or the Church and her members, changes as creeds and con-
stitutions change, till at the distance of a few generations it becomes
impossible to conceive it correctly without some power of imagination
as well as much knowledge of the facts. But the relation between the
mother and the son remains substantially the same ; and Lady Ba-
con's affections, dispositions, manners, and temper, reveal themselves
through her maternal solicitudes, serious and trivial, as clearly as if
it were to-day : an affectionate, vehement, fiery, grave, and religious
soul, just beginning to fail where such natures commonly fail first, in
the power of self-command : in creed a Calvinist, in morals a Puritan.
Of the letters which must for many years have been continually pass-
ing between her and Francis, only two or three have been preserved.
But if we would understand his position, we must not forget that he
had a mother of this character and temper living within a few hours'
ride of his chambers, anxiously watching over his proceedings, and by
advice or authority continually interfering in his affairs.

The first of his letters to her which I have met with, is dated the
18th of February, 1501-2. It appears to be either the rough draft
or a copy, written by himself in a great hurry, and preserved among
his brother's papers. I know nothing more of the matter to which
it relates ; ^nd need only remind the reader that in those days, when
a subject holding land of the Crown by feudal tenure died during
the minority of his heir, the Crown had the use of the property
(subject only to the expenses of maintenance and education) until
the heir came of age ; that the Crown would sometimes make over
this office, with the rights and duties appertaining, to a private per-
son, by way of favour; and that Lord Burghley was at this time
Master of the Wards.

To Lady Bacon.^
Madam^

Alderman Haywood is deceased this night ; his eldest son
is fallen ward. My Lord Treasurer doth not for the most part

* Lambeth MSS. 648. 5. Draft, or copy, in Francis Bacon*8 o^-n hand.

1590-92.] LETTERS TO THOMAS PHILLIPS. 117

hastily dispose of wards. It were worth the obtaining, if it were
but in respect of the widow, who is a gentlewoman much com-
mended. Your Ladyship hath never had any ward of my Lord.
It was too early for my brother to begin with a suit to my Lord
before he had seen his Lordship. And for me^ I do at this time
reserve my Lord to be my friend with the Queen. It may please
your Ladyship to move my Lord, and to promise to be thankful
to any other my Lord oweth pleasure unto. There would be no
time lost herein. And so T most humbly take my leave. From
my lodging, this 18th of February, 1591.

Your Ladyship's most obedient Son,

F. Bacon.

5.

1 cannot find any allusion to this matter in the subsequent cor-
respondence, nor can I tell whether this suggestion was acted upon.
The two brothers seem to have remained at Gray's Inn together till
the beginning of August, when Anthony went to Ghorhambury, and
Francis shortly after, " upon a flying report of the sickness," betook
himself along with some of his lawyer friends to Twickenham Park ;
and asked Dr. Andrews, afterwards the famous Bishop, to join the
party ; whose duty however, as preacher at St. Giles's, detained him.^
On the 14th he wrote to invite Mr. Thomas Phillips ; who had been
formerly in the service of Walsingham,^ and was now employed by
the Earl of Essex, apparently upon Bacon's recommendation.

To Mr. Phillips.'
Mr. Phillips,

I have excused myself of this progress ; if that be to excuse,
— to take liberty where it is not given.* Being now at Twick-
nam, I am desirous of your company. You may stay as long
and as little while as you will ; the longer the better welcome.

* George Jenkell to Anihonj Bacon, 15th August, 1592 : Lambeth MSS. 648.
134. Not long before (a» I find by another paper in this collection, 663. 108),
Francis had made the acquaintance of Thomas Cartwright, the great Puritan,
whom Anthony had known before, and who had been called in as a kind of
mediator between him and his motlier in their domestic differences.

2 See Essex's letter : further on. This I suppose was the Mr. Phillips ^o had
such skill in deciphering letters.

' State Paper Office : Domestic, 1592. Original in his own hand.

* The two Bacons had been inrited on the 29th of July to Bissam, where their
aunt Lady Hoby lived, and where the Queen was expected to pay a visit about
this time on her progress. It does not appear that either of them accepted the
invitation. See Birch, i. p. 78.

118 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

Otia colligunt mentem. And indeed I would be the wiser by you
in many things ; for that I call to confer with a man of your full-
ness. In sadness^ come as you are an honest man. So I wish
you all good, from Twicknam Park, this 14th of August, 1592. •

Yours ever assured,

Fr. Bacon.

Another letter to the same person, dated the 15th of September,
appears to relate to some service in which Phillips had been employed
by the Earl of Essex, in the way of procuring intelligence from
abroad. The times were so critical, and so many dark conspiracies
on foot, that this art of procuring intelligence was among the most
important qualifications of a Councillor, and a point in which the
rival courtiers strove to outshine each other. Essex was not yet a
Councillor, but in good hope of being sworn in soon, and eagerly
seeking occasions to prove his worth. In this case there seems to
have been some danger of disappointment, which Bacon was anxious
to avert. What the particular occasion was cannot be determined
from the expressions of the letter; but we happen to know that
about this time the Council was occupied with some '' great business
about Jesuits and seminary priests ; by some whereof there were
matters of great weight discovered concerning the State, as a new
practice or plot of invasion between Spain, Scotland, the Pope, and
some other adherents, as Savoy,* etc." And it is not improbable that
Mr. Phillips's " Mercury" was some intelligencer whom he had dis-
patched to gather news about this.

To Mr. Thomas Phillips.^
Sir,
I congratulate your return, hoping that all is passed on your
side. Your Mercury is returned ; whose return alarmed as upon
some great matter, which I fear he will not satisfy. News of his
coming came before his own letter, and to other than to his pro-
per servant [?],^ which maketh me desirous to satisfy or to salve.
My Lord hath required him to repair to me ; which upon his
Lordship^s and mine own letters received I doubt not but he will
with all speed perform ; where I pray you to meet him if you
may, that laying our heads together we may maintain his credit,
satisfy my Lord's expectation, and procure some good service.

* Edward Jones to Anthony Bacon, 12th Sept., 1592 : quoted by Birch i. p. 87.
' State Paper Office : Domestic, 1592. Original in liis own hand.

• I am not sure of this word : but I think it is * S*J

1690-92.] LABOURS IN THE SEEVTCE OP ESSEX. 119

I pray the rather spare not your travail, because 1 think the
Queen is already party to the advertisement of his coming over,
and in some suspect which you may not disclose to him. So I
wish you as myself, this 15th of September, 1592.

Yours ever assured,

Fr. Bacon.

By what accident these letters were preserved and found their
way into the place where they now are, I cannot positively say. But
I find that in the beginning of the next reign Thomas Phillips was
examined before the Council concemiug certain secret correspond-
ence which had been held by him with some one abroad : with which
correspondence " there were acquainted the Queen's Majesty, the
Earl of Essex, Mr. Francis Bacon, Sir William Waad, and Mr. Phil-
lips : the three last being acquainted with it, every man in his turn,
as the Queen and the Earl would employ them."^ On such an occa-
sion all Phillips's papers of this kind would naturally come into the
hands of the government, and so finally into the State Paper Office.
These letters of Bacon's therefore, and others of the same sort which
we shall meet with as we proceed, are to be regarded merely as spe-
cimens and fragments accidentally cast up of the kind of services in
which Essex employed him ; not by any means as afibrding a com-
plete account of his labours, even in this one kind.

6.

But as Essex aspired to distinction in many other ways, so Bacon
studied iu many other ways to help him : among the rest by contri-
buting to those fanciful pageants or "devices," as they were called,
with which it was the fashion of the time to entertain the Queen on
festive occasions. On the anniversary of her coronation in 1695, we
happen to know positively (though only by the concurrence of two
accidents) that certain speeches unquestionably written by Bacon
were delivered in a device presented by Essex : acid I strongly sus-
pect that two of the most interesting among his smaller pieces were
drawn up for some similar performance in the year 1592. I mean
those which are entitled "Mr. Bacon in Praise of Knowledge"
and " Mr. Bacon's Discourse in Praise of his Sovereign." They were
found among the papers submitted to Stephens by Lord Oxford,^ and
printed by Locker in the supplement to his second collection in 1734.
The MSS. are still to be seen in the British Museum ; fair copies iu

> MSS. S. P. O. : Domestic, Jan. 1604.
3 Ck>iicenung which, see p. 16.

120 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

an old hand, with the titles given above; hut no further explanation.
My reason for suspecting that they were composed for some masque,
or show, or other fictitious occasion, is partly that the speech in
praise of knowledge professes to have been spoken in " a conference
of pleasure,"^ and the speech in praise of Elizabeth appears by the
opening sentence to have been preceded by three others, one of which
was in praise of knowledge ;^ — partly that, earnest and full of matter
as they both are (the one containing the germ of the first book of
the Novum Organum, the other of the " Observations on a Libel,"
which are nothing less than a substantial historical defence of the
Queen's government), there is nevertheless in the sti/le of both a
certain affectation and rhetorical cadence, traceable in Bacon's other
compositions of this kind, and agreeable to the taste of the time,
but so alien to his own individual taste and natural manner, that
there is no single feature by which his style is more specially distin-
guished, wherever he speaks in his own person, whether formally or
familiarly, whether in the way of narrative, argument, or oration,
than the total absence of it. That these pieces were both composed
for some occasion of compliment, more or less fanciful, I feel very
confident; and if it should ever appear that about the autumn of
1592 (the date to which the historical allusions in the discourse in
praise of Elizabeth point most nearly), a "device" was exhibited at
Court in which three speakers came foi-ward in turn, each extolling
his own favourite virtue (a form which Bacon affected on these occa-
sions, as will appear hereafter in two notable examples), — the first
delivering an oration in praise of magnanimity, the second of love,
the third of knowledge, — and then a fourth came in with an oration
in praise of the Queen, as combining in herself the perfection of all
three ; I should feel little doubt that the pieces before us were com-
posed by Bacon for that exhibition. Unfortunately we have no de-
tailed account of the celebration of the Queen's day in 1592 ; we only
know that it was " more solemnized than ever, and that through my
Lord of Essex his device : who, contrary to all the Lords* expecta-
tion, came in the morning to the presence, and so to her Majesty's
presence, in his collar of Esses, a thing unwonted and unlooked for,
and yet hereupon suddenly taken up and used with great liking
and contentment of her Highness."^ The reporter (being a strict
Puritan and having no taste for "devices") adds no particulars; and

* " But why do I, in a conference of pleasure^ enter upon these great mattera,"
etc.

» " No praise of magnanimitjr, nor of love, nor of knowledge^ can intercept her
praise that planteth and nounsheth magnanimity by her example, love by her
person, and knowledge by the peace and serenity of her times."

» N. Fant to A. Bacon, 20 Nov. 1592. Lambeth MSS. 648, 176.

1590-92.] •SPEECHES WRITTEN FOE SOME COURT DEVICE. 121

I have not met with any further information bearing upon my con-
jecture, except an incidental expression in another letter, which
only implies that Bacon had about this time been attending the
Court. Henry Gosnold, a young lawyer of Gray's Inn, writes on
the 28th of November to Anthony Bacon, whom he had just left at
Gorhambury : —

** Mr. F. Bacon is, maulgre the Court, your kind brother and mine es-
pecial friend. The joy he conceived at the report of my Lady's welfare,
and the sorrow of mine undersong concerning your weak estate, called
the welcomeness of my news in dispute. He offers to accommodate you
at Gray's Inn, the rather because you love low and warm," etc.^

What little we do know of the facts therefore is compatible with
my conjecture. Essex adorned the triumphs of the 17th of Novem-
ber, 1592, with some distinguished " device," and Bacon was about
the Court. If any news-letter giving an account of the solemnities
should turn up, it will probably settle the question one way or other.
In the meantime, this is the proper place for the Discourse in praise
of the Queen, being the date which the several allusions in it best fit ;
and in the absence of all other grounds of conjecture as to the time
when the " Praise of Knowledge" was composed, the allusion in the
opening sentence of the other is ground enough for placing it here.

They are both contained in a fragment of a paper book, into which
some of Bacon's early writings have been copied ; — among others, the
Colours of Good and Evil, with the dedicatory letter to Lord Mont-
joy, of which one leaf remains, and the Essays, as printed in 1597 ;
the two last of which {Of Faction, and Of Negotiating) are copied on
the other side of the leaf on which the Discourse in praise of the
Queen begins. What else the book originally contained one cannot
guess, this portion having evidently been preserved only for the sake
of these two pieces. They are written in a fair close Saxon hand ; pro-
bably contemporary, though there is nothing to fix the date ; and I
tliink the hand of a mere transcriber, who wrote straight on without
thinking of the meaning. The divisions of the sentences he has for
the most part not marked at all, and sometimes marked wrong.
Many words, especially in the second piece, are obviously miscopied,
and here and there a whole clause has apparently been left out. The
marks of parenthesis are sometimes inserted in the wrong place ; and
the paragraphs are not divided. The copy does not appear to have
been revised by anybody, and has certainly not been corrected by
Bacon.

In editing these pieces, I have arranged the punctuation according to

1 Lambeth MSS., G53, 155.

122 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. • [Chap. V.

my own judgment, without noticing the variations from the MS., which
are innumerable ; for the MS. can hardly be said to be punctuated
at all. I haye also thought it better to divide them into paragraphs,
of which there are no traces in the MS. For the text, which is in
many places evidently corrupt, I have introduced into it several con-
jectural emendations ; but in no case without giving the original read-
ing in a footnote ; so that the reader may in all cases accept, improve,
or reject my conjectures for himself.^

With regard to the matter of these pieces, I have not thought it
desirable to enter into any discussions of the philosophical specula-
tions in the first, or the historical questions in the last. The theory
of the universe which is here indicated is the same I think, in sub-
stance, which Bacon held in his maturer years, and belongs to the
general consideration of his philosophy. And though certain modern
historians, deriving their information from the dispatches of ambas-
sadors which were inaccessible to him, put a very different interpre-
tation upon some of Elizabeth's proceedings, especially with regard
to Scotland, I have no doubt that the light in which they are pre-
sented here was that in which he then really viewed them, and in
which probably they would most naturally be viewed by all persons
who were not behind the scenes. I have added a few notes however

> That he may the better judge how much correction it probably required, I
will add here a sentence or two m>m other parts of the same volume, in which we
are fortunately able to recover the true reading from the printed copy.

In the Essay on Faction the following sentence occurs : — ** But I say not that
the consideration of Factions is to be neglected : meane men must adhere so mode-
rately. But greate men that have strength in themselves must maintain themselves
indifferent and newtralls, jet ever in beginning to adhere so moderately as he be a
man of one £M!tion which is paasablest with the other commonly gently is the best
way." Here it is evident that there is something wrong. But how to divine the
true reading ? The printed copy (1597) shows how the error arose. *' Mean men
must adhere, but great men that have strength in themselves were better to main-
tain themselves indifferent and neutral, yet even in beginner t to adhere so mode-
ratolv as he be a man of the one faction which is passablest with the other, com-
monly giveth the beet way."

A^in, in the same Essay, we find '* when one of the factions is extinguished the
reraayning subdeweth which is good for a second." Kead tubdivideth.

The first sentence of the Essay * Of Negotiating * stands thus in the MS. " It is
better to deal by speech then by letter and my medytation of a third then by a
man's owne self. Bead " by mediation of a third."

Again, " All practyse ys eyther to dysoover or to worke men to dysoover them-
selves in trust in passion at unawares or upon necessitie when a man would have
somewhat done and cannot finde an apt pretext. If you i/viU work anie thing,
yow must eyther knowe his nature," et<j. Here the actual error is very small ; but
being combmed with a total omission of stops, it is so misleading, that most mea
in attempting to recover the sense would be more likely to get further off than
nearer. Head " All practice is either to discover or to work. Men discover them-
selves in trust, in passion, etc. etc. If you would work any man, you must know
either his nature," ete.

All these errors, and a few more, occur in a single page of the same transcriber's
handiwork. Therefore whenever a sentence seems to run ill, or the meaning not to
be clear, we need not fear to suspect a blunder.

1590-92.] PRAISE OF KNOWLEDGE. 123

in explanation of the obscurer allusiona, and marked some of the prin-
cipal dates.

7.

Mr. BACON IN PRAISE OF KNOWLEDGE.^

Silence were the best celebration of that which I mean to
commend ; for who would not use silence^ where silence is not
made^ and what crier can make silence in such a noise and
tumult of vain and popular opinions?

My praise shall be dedicated to the mind itself. The mind is
the man and the knowledge of the mind. A man is but what
he knoweth. The mind itself is but an accident to knowledge ;
for knowledge is a double of that which is; the truth of being
and the truth of knowing is all one.

Are not' the pleasures of the aflFections greater than the plea-
sures of the senses ? And are not the pleasures of the intellect
greater than the pleasures of the affections? Is not knowledge*
a true and only natural pleasure^ whereof there is no satiety ?
Is it not knowledge that doth alone clear the mind of all pertur-
bation ? How many things are there which we imagine not !
How many things do we esteem and value otherwise than they
are ! This ill proportioned estimation^ these vain imaginations^
these be the clouds of error that turn into the storms of pertur-
bation. Is there any such happiness as for a man's mind to be
raised above the confusion of things, where he may have the
prospect of the order of nature and the error of men ?

But* is this a vein only of delight, and not of discovery? of
contentment, and not of benefit ? Shall he not as well discern
the riches of nature's warehouse, as the benefit of her shop ? Is
truth ever barren? Shall he not be able thereby to produce
worthy effects, and to endow the life of man with infinite com-
modities ?

But shall I make this garland to be put upon a wrong head?
Would anybody believe me, if I should verify this upon the
knowledge that is now in use? Are we the richer by one poor
invention, by reason of all the learning that hath been these many
hundred years ? The industry of artificers maketh some small
improvement of things invented ; and chance sometimes in ex-

» Harl. MSS. 6797, fo. 47. ' and the pleasures, etc. : MS.

' Is not a true, eto. : MS. * Is thus but a vatfne^ etc. : MS.

124 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Cuap. V.

perimenting maketh us to stumble upon somewhat which is new ;
but all the disputation of the learned never brought to light one
eflTect of nature before unknown. When things are known and
found out, then they can descant upon them, they can knit them
into certain causes, they can reduce them to their, principles. If
any instance of experience stand against them, they can range it
in order by some distinctions. But all this is but a web of the
wit, it can work nothing. I do not doubt but that common
notions, which we call reason, and the knitting of them together,
which we call logic, are the art of reason and studies. But they
rather cast obscurity than gain light to the contemplation of na-
ture. All the philosophy of nature which is now received, is
either the philosophy of the Grecians, or that other of the Alche-
mists. That of the Grecians hath the foundations in words, in
ostentation, in confutation, in sects, in schools, in disputations.
The Grecians were (as one of themselves saith), you Grecians,
ever children. They knew little antiquity ; they knew (except
fables) not much above five hundred years before themselves;
they knew but a small portion of the world. That of the alche-
mists hath the foundation in imposture, in auricular traditions
and obscurity ; it was catching hold of religion, but the principle
of it is, Pqpultis vuU decipi. So that I know no great difierence
between these great philosophies,^ but that the one is a loud cry-
ing folly, and the other is a whispering folly. The one is gathered
out of a few vulgar observations, and the other out of a few ex-
periments of a furnace. The one never faileth to multiply words,
and the other ever faileth to multiply gold. Who would not smile
at Aristotle, when he admireth the eternity and invariableness of
the heavens, as there were not the like in the bowels of the earth ?
Those be the confines and borders of these two kingdoms, where
the continual alteration and incursion are. The superficies and
upper parts of the earth are full of varieties. The superficies and
lower parts of the heavens (which we call the middle region of the
air) is full of variety. There is much spirit in the one part that
cannot be brought into mass. There is much massy body in the
other place that cannot be refined to spirit. The common air is
as the waste ground between the borders. Who would not smile
at the astronomers, I mean not these new* carmen which drive
the earth about, but the ancient astronomers, which feign the

* philosophers : MS. > few : MS.

1590-92.] PRAISE OP KNOWLEDGE. 125

moon to be the swiftest of the planets in motion^ and the rest in
order, the higher the slower ; and so are compelled to imagine a
double motion ; whereas how evident is it, that that which they
call a contrary motion is but an abatement of motion. The
fixed stars overgo Saturn, and so in them and the rest all is but
one motion, and the nearer the earth the slower; a motion
also whereof air and water do participate, though much inter-
rupted.

But why do I in a conference of pleasure enter into these great
matters, in sort that pretending to know much, I should forget
what is seasonable? Pardon me, it was because all [other] ^
things may be endowed and adorned with speeches, but know-
ledge itself is more beautiful than any apparel of words that can
be put upon it.

And let not me seem arrogant, without respect to these great
reputed authors. Let me so give every man his due, as I give
Time his due, which is to discover truth. Many of these men
had greater wits, far above mine own, and so are many in the
universities of Europe at this day. But alas, they learn nothing
there but to believe : first to believe that others know that which
they know not; and after [that]- themselves know that which
they know not. But indeed facility to believe, impatience to
doubt, temerity to answer, glory to know, doubt to contradict,
end to gain, sloth to search, seeking things in words, resting in
part of nature ; these, and the like, have been the things which
have forbidden the happy match between the mind of man and
the nature of things, and in place thereof have married it to vain
notions and blind experiments. And what the posterity and
issue of so honourable a match may be, it is not hard to consider.
Printing, a gross invention ; artillery, a thing that lay not far
out of the way ; the needle, a thing partly known before ; what
a change have these three made in the world in these times ;
the one in state of learning, the other in state of the war, th3
third in the state of treasure, commodities, and navigation. And
those, I say, were but stumbled upon and lighted upon by chance.
Therefore, no doubt the sovereignty of man lieth hid in know-
ledge ; wherein many things are reserved, which kings with their
treasure cannot buy, nor with their force command ; their spials
and intelligencers can give no news of them, their seamen and

1 all things: MS. > after themselves: MS.

126 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FEANOIS BACON. [Chap. V.

discoverers cannot sail where they grow. Now we govern nature
in opinions^ but we are thrall unto her in necessity ; but if we
would be led by her in invention^ we should command her in
action.

8.

MR. BACON^S DISCOURSE IN THE PRAISE OF HIS SOVEREIGN.^

No praise of magnanimity, nor of love, nor of knowledge, can
intercept her praise that planteth and nourisheth magnanimity
by her example, love by her person, and knowledge by the peace
and serenity of her times ; and if these rich pieces be so fair un-
set, what are they set, and set in all perfection ?

Magnanimity no doubt consisteth in contempt of peril, in con-
tempt of profit, and in meriting of the times wherein one liveth.

For contempt of peril, see a lady that cometh to a crown after
the experience of some adverse fortime, which for the most part
extenuateth the mind, and maketh it apprehensive of fears. No
sooner she taketh the sceptre into her sacred hands, but she
putteth on a resolution to make the greatest, the most impor-
tant, the most dangerous [alteration]^ that can be in a state,
the alteration of religion. This she doth, not after a sovereignty
established and continued by sundry years, when custom might
have bred in her people a more absolute obedience, when trial of
her servants might have made her more assured whom to em-
ploy, when the reputation of her policy and virtue might have
made her government redoubted ; but at the very entrance of
her reign, when she was green in authority, her servants scant
known unto her, the adverse part not^ weakened, her own part
not confirmed. Neither doth she reduce or reunite her realm to
the religion of the* states about her, that the evil inclination of
the subject might be countervailed by the good correspondence
in foreign parts ; but contrariwise she introduceth a religion ex-
terminated and persecuted both at home and abroad. Her pro-
ceeding herein is not by degrees and by stealth, but absolute
and at once. Was she encouraged thereto by the strength she
foimd in leagues and alliances with great and potent confede-
rates ? No, but she found her realm in wars with her nearest
and mightiest neighbours; she stood single and alone, and in
league only with one, that aft^r the people of her nation had

1 Harl. MSS. 6797, art. 5. ^ dangerout that: MS. > nor : MS. -• her : MS.

1590-92.] DISCOUBSE IN PRAISE OF THE QUEEN. 127

made his wars^ left her to make her own peace ; one that could
never be by any solicitation moved to renew the treaties; and
one that since hath proceeded from doubtful terms of amity to
the highest acts of hostility. Yet notwithstanding the opposi-
tion so great, the support so weak, the season so unproper j yet,
I say, because it was a religion wherein she was nourished and
brought up, a religion that freed her subjects from pretence of
foreign powers, and indeied the true religion, she brought to pass
this great work with success worthy so noble a resolution. See
a Queen that, when a deep and secret conspiracy was plotted
against her sacred person, practised by subtile instruments, em-
braced by violent^ and desperate humours, strengthened and
bound by vows and sacraments, and the same was revealed unto
her, (and yet the nature of the affairs required further ripening
before the apprehension of any of the parties,) was content to
put herself into the guard of the divine providence and her own
prudence, to have some of the conspirators in her eyes, to suffer
them to approach to her person, to take a petition of the hand
that was conjured for her death ; and that with such majesty of
countenance, such mildness and serenity of gesture, such art and
impression of words, as had been sufficient to have repressed and
bound the hand of a conspirator, if he had not been discovered.
Lastly, see a Queen, that when her realm was to have been in-
vaded by an army the preparation whereof was like the travail of
an elephant, the provisions [whereof] ^ were infinite, the setting
forth whereof was the terror and wonder of Europe ; it was not
seen that her cheer, her fashion, her ordinary manner was any-
thing altered ; not a cloud of that storm did appear in that coun-
tenance wherein peace doth ever shine ; but with excellent as-
surance and advised security she inspired her council, animated
her nobility, redoubled the courage of her people ; still having
this noble apprehension, not only that she would commimicate
her fortune with them, but that it was she that would protect
them, and not they her ; which she testified by no less demon-
stration than her presence in camp. Therefore that magnani-
mity that neither feareth greatness of alteration, nor the vows*
of conspirators, nor the power of enemy, is more than heroical.
For contempt of profit, consider her offers, consider her pur-

* violence : MS. ' promtiona ioere infinite : MS.

3 views : MS. But the word has been blotted with some oorroction.

i

128 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

chases. She hath reigned in a most populous and wealthy peace,
her people greatly multiplied^ wealthily appointed^ and singu-
larly devoted. She wanted not the example of the power of her
armies, in the memorable voyages and invasions prosperously
made and achieved by sundry her noble progenitors. She hath
not wanted pretences, as well of claim and right as of quarrel
and revenge. She hath reigned during the minorities of some of
her neighbour princes, and during the factions and divisions of
their people upon deep and irreconcilable quarrels, and during
the embracing greatness of some one that hath made himself as*
weak through too much burthen as others are through decay of
strength ; and yet see her sitting as it were within the compass
of her sands. Scotland, that doth as it were eclipse her island •
the United Provinces of the Low Countries, which for [site],*
wealth, commodity of traffic, affection to our nation, were most
meet to be annexed to this crown ; she' left the possession of the
one, and refused the sovereignty of the other ; so that notwith-
standing the greatness of her means, the justness of her pretences,
and the rareness of her opportunity, she hath continued her first
mind; she hath made the possessions which she received the
limits of her dominions, and the world the limits of her name,
by a peace that hath stained all victories.

For her merits, who doth not acknowledge that she hath been
as a star of most fortunate influence upon the age wherein she
hath shined ? Shall we speak of merit of clemency, or merit of
beneficence ? Where shall a man take the most proper and na-
tural trial of her royal clemency ? Will it best appear in the
injuries that were done unto her before she attained the crown,
[towards which, because they touched herself only, she might
use clemency freely according to her natural disposition] ? or
after she is seated in her throne, and that the commonwealth is
incorporated in her person,* and that clemency is drawn in ques-
tion, as a dangerous encounter of justice and policy? And there-
fore who did ever note that she did resent (after that she was

1 90 weak : MS.

' A blank left in MS., as for some word which the transcriber could not read.
Site is the word in the corresponding passage in the * Observations on a Libel.*
See the next section.

» the:U8,

* The general purport of this sentence is sufficientlj intelligible ; but there must
be some error in the reading of the MS. Probably an entire clause, to the effect
of that which I have supplied, has dropped out. The whole sentence stands thus
in the MS. : — " Will yt best appeare in the Injuiyea that were done unto her before

1590-92.] DISCOURSE IN PRAISE OP THE QUEEN. 129

established in her kingdom) [any] of the wrongs done uuto her
former estate ? Who doth not remember how she did revenge
the rigour and rudeness of her jailor by a word^ and that not^ bit-
ter but salt, and such as showed rather the excellency of her wit
than any impression of her wrong ? Yea and further is it not as*
manifest that since her reign, notwithstanding the principle that
princes should not neglect (that the Commonwealth's wrong is
included in themselves), yet when it is question of drawing the
sword, there is ever a conflict between the justice of her place
joined with the necessity of her state, and her royal clemency
which as a sovereign and precious balm continually distilleth
from her fair hands, and falleth into the wounds of many that
have incurred the oflFence of her law.

Now for her beneficence, what kind of persons have breathed
during her most happy reign, but have had the benefit of her vir-
tues conveyed unto them? Take a view and consider whether
they have not extended to subjects, to neighbours, to remote
strangers, yea to her greatest enemies.

For her subjects, where shall we begin in such a maze of be-
nefits as presenteth itself to remembrance? Shall we speak of
the purging away of the dross of religion, the heavenly treasure i
or that of money, the earthly treasure ? The greater was touched
before, and the latter deserveth not to be forgotten. For who
believeth not (that knoweth anything in matter of estate) of the
great absurdities and frauds that arise of divorcing the legal esti-
mation of moneys from the general and (as I may term it) natural
estimation of the metals ; and again of the uncertainty and waver-
ing values of coins, a very labyrinth of cozenages and abuse,^ yet
such as great princes have made their profit of towards their own
people? Pass on from the mint to the revenue and receipts.
There shall you find no raising of rents, notwithstanding the al-
teration of prices and the usage of the times ; but the overvalue,
besides a reasonable fine, left for the relief of tenants and reward

Bhee attajned the Crowne? or after shee is seated in her Throane or tliat the
ComonwMilth is incorporated in her person, then clemencye is drawn in question
as a dangerous encounter of Justice and pollecy, and therefore who did ever noate
that shpe did relent (after that shee was establjshed in her kingdome) of the
wrongs don^ unto her former estate ?"

* noe bitter: MS.

' *o manifest : MS.

' I suspect that some words have dropped out of this sentence also. Perhaps
" who beliereth not (that knoweth, etc.) that the subject hath derived infinite benefit
from the removal of the great absurdities," etc., or words to that eifect.

VOL. I. K

130 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

of servants ; no raising of customs^ notwithstanding her continual
charges of setting to the sea; no extremity taken of forfeiture
and penal laws, means used by some kings for the gathering of
great treasures : a few forfeitures indeed, not taken to her own
purse but set over to some others, for the trial only, whether gain
could bring those laws to be well executed which the ministers of
justice did neglect ; but after it was found that only compassions
were used, and the law never the nearer the execution, the course
was straight suppressed and discontinued. Yea there have been
made laws more than one in her time for the restraint of the
vexation of informers and promoters ; nay a course taken by her
own direction for the repealing of all heavy and snared laws, if it
had not been crossed by those to whom the benefit should have
redounded. There you shall find no new taxes, impositions, nor
devices ; but the benevolence of the subject freely oflFered by as-
sent of parliament, according to the ancient rates, and with great
moderation in assessment ; and not so only, but some new forms
of contribution oflTered likewise by the subject in parliament, and
the demonstration of their devotion only accepted,^ but the thing
never put in ure. There shall you find loans, but honourably
answered and paid, as it were the contract of a private man. To
conclude, there shall you find moneys levied upon sales^ of lands,
alienations (though not of the ancient patrimony) yet of the rich
and commodious purchases and perquisites of the crown, only
because she will not be grievous and burdensome to the people.
This treasure, so innocently levied, so honourably gathered and
raised, with such tenderness to the subject, without any baseness
or dryness at all, how hath it been expended and employed ?
Where be the wasteful buildings, and the exorbitant and prodigal
donatives, the sumptuous dissipations in pleasures and vain os-
tentations, which we find have exhausted the cofiers of so many
kings ? It is the honour of her house, the royal remunerating
of her servants, the preservation of her people and state, the pro-
tection of her suppliants and allies, the encounter, breaking, and
defeating the enemies of her realm, that have* been the only pores
and pipes whereby the treasure hath issued. Hath it been the
sinews of a blessed and prosperous peace ? Hath she byught her

' excepted : MS. On the 18th of March, 1686-7, the Commons offered to sanc-
tion the collection of a beneyolence or voluntary contribution towards the expenses
of the war in the Low Countries, which the Queen declined. See before, p. G5.

^faUU:l&B, » hath: MS.

1590-92.] DISCOURSE IN PRAISE OF THE QUEEN. 181

peace ? Hath she lent the King of Spain money upon some ca-
villation not to be repeated, and so bought his favour? And
hath she given large pensions to corrupt his council ? No, but
she hath used the most honourable diversion of troubles that can
be in the world. She hath kept the fire from her own walls by
seeking to quench it in her neighbours\ That poor brand of the
state of Burgundy, and that other of the crown of Prance that
remaineth, had been in ashes but for the ready fountain of her
continual benignity. For the honour of her house, it is well
known that almost the universal manners of the times doth in-
cline to a certain parsimony and dryness in that kind of expense ;
yet that she retaineth the ancient magnificence, the allowance as
full, the charge greater than in time of her father or any king
before. The books appear ; the computation will not flatter. And
for the remunerating and rewarding of her servants and the at-
tendance of the court, let a man cast and sum up all the books
of gifts, fee-farms, leases, and custodies that have passed her
bountiful hands ; let him consider again what a number of com-
modious arid gainful offices heretofore bestowed upon men of
other education and profession have been withdrawn and con-
ferred upon her court; let him remember what a number of
other gifts, disguised by other names but in effect as good as
money given out of her coffers, have been granted by her ; and
he will conclude that her royal mind is far above her means.
The other benefits of her politic, clement, and gracious govern-
ment towards the subjects are without number. The state of jus-
tice good, notwithstanding the great subtlety and humorous af-
fections of these times. The security of peace greater than can be
described by that verse.

Tutus bos etenim rura' perambulat :
Nutrit rura Ceres,' almaque Faustitas :

or that other,

Condit quisque diem coUibuB in suis.

The opulency of the peace such, as if you have respect (to take
one sign for many) to the number of fair houses that have been
built since her reign, as Augustus said that he had received the
city of brick and lefl it of marble, so she may say she received

> cura : MS. ' 9effe* : MS.

K 2

132 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

it a realm of eottages and hath made it a realm of palaces. The
state of traffic great and rich. The customs, notwithstanding
these wars and interruptions, not fallen. Many profitable trades :
many honourable discoveries. And lastly, to make an end where
no end is, the shipping of this realm so advanced and made so
mighty and potent,^ as this island is become (as the natural site
thereof deserved) the lady of the sea ; a point of so high conse-
quence, as it may be truly said that the commandment of the
sea is an abridgment or a quintessence of an universal monarchy.
This and much more hath she merited of her subjects.

Now to set forth her* merit of her neighbours and the states
about her. It seemeth the times^ have made themselves purveyors
of continual new and noble occasions for her to show them benig-
nity, and that the fires of troubles abroad have been ordained to
[be]^ as lights and tapers to make her virtue and magnanimity
more apparent. For when that one, stranger born, the family of
the Guise, being as a hasty weed sprung up in a night, had
spread itself to a greatness, not civil but seditious ; a greatness,
not of encounter of the ancient nobility, not of pre-eminency in
the favour of kings, and not remisse^ of affairs from kings ; but a
greatness of innovation in state, of usurpations of authority, of
affecting of crowns ; and that accordingly, under colour of con-
sanguinity and religion, they had brought French forces into
Scotland, in the absence of their king and queen being within
their usurped tutele; and that the ancient nobility of that*
realm, seeing the imminent danger of reducing that kingdom
under the tyranny of foreigners and their faction, had, according
to the good intelligence betwixt the two crowns, prayed her
neighbourly succours; she undertook the action, expelled the
strangers, restored the nobility to their degree.^ And lest any
man should think her intent was to unnestle ill neighbours, and
not to aid good neighbours, or that she was readier to restore
what was invaded by others than to render what was in her own
hands ; see if the time provided not a new occasion afterwards,^

1 All the words from " as this island ** to '* deserred " are induded in the pa-
renthesis, in the MS.

* the merit : MS. • thin^t : MS. * to a* : MS.

' So in MS. Perhaps it should be "not in eommUnion of affairf from kings.**

< this realm : MS.

7 The peace was concluded in July, 1560. See Stowe.

B In 1570, during the troubles arising from the assassination of the B^ent
Murray.

1590-92.] DISCOUESE IN PRAISE OP THE QUEEN. 138

when through their own divisions (without the intermise of
strangers) her forces were again [by the king^s best and truest
servants^] sought and required ; she forsook them not,* prevailed
so far as to be possessed of the castle of Edinburgh, the principal
strength of that kingdom ; which place* incontinently without
cunctations or cavillations (the preambles of a wavering faith)
she rendered with all honour and sincerity,* and his person to
safe and faithful hands; and so ever after during his minority
continued his principal guardian and protector. In the [mean^]
time and between the two occasions of Scotland, when the same
faction of Guise, covered still with pretence of religion, and
strengthened by the desire of retaining [the*] government in the
queen^ mother of France, had raised and moved civil wars in
that kingdom, only to extirpate the ancient nobility by shock-
ing^ them one against another, and to waste that realm as a
candle which is lighted at both ends ; and that those of the reli-
gion, being near of the blood-royal and otherwise of the greatest
house in Prance, and great officers of the crown, opposed them-
selves only against their insolency, and to their supports called
in her aids,' giving unto them Newhaven for a place of security :
see with what alacrity, in tender regard towards the fortune of
that young king, whose name was used to the suppliants of his
strength,^® she embraced the enterprise ; and by their support and
reputation the same party suddenly made great proceedings, and
in conclusion made their peace as they would themselves.^^ And
although they joined themselves against her, and performed the
parts rather of good patriots than of good confederates, and that
after great demonstration of valour in her subjects^* (for so the

* Supplied from the corresponding passage in the * Observations on a Libel * (see
next section). The expression ** Ms pergan," a few lines further on, shows that the
king must have been mentioned before.

' So MS. Perhaps it should be till they had prevailed,

» with peace : MS. ♦ security : MS. » In the time : MS.

* retaining govermnent : MS. ^ queen* s : MS.
« shucking: MS. » ayde: MS.

»<* So MS. Perhaps it should be, "whose name was used to A^r fty the suppliants
of her strength." This was in September, 1562. " The Queen's Majesty took unto
her protection the French king's subjects in Normandy, being oppressed by the
tyranny of the House of Guise ; and published a declaration printed." (Burghley's
Diary, under date 27th September.) The declaration, which is given at length by
Stowe, aUeges, among other things, " the lamentable and continual request of the
French king's subjects, . . . crying to her Majesty only for defence of themselves
. . . during this their king's minority, or at least during this his inability to pacify
these troubles."

" March 19, 1562-3.

*3 The MS. has a fuU stop after *' subjects," and begins a new sentence with *' For
as the French," etc., without any parenthesis.

134 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

French will to this day report), specially by the great mortality
by the hand of God, and the ratheV because it is known she did
never much affect the holding of that town to her own use, it
was left, and her forces withdrawn ;* yet did that nothing dimi-
nish her merit of the crown, and namely of that party, who re-
covered by it such strength jis by that and no other thing they
subsisted long after. And lest that any should sinisterly and
maliciously interpret that she did nourish those divisions, who
knoweth not what faithful advice, continual and earnest solicita-
tion she used by her ambassadors and ministers to the French
kings successively, and to their mother, to move them to keep
their edicts of pacification, to retain their own authority and
greatness by the union of their* subjects? Which counsel, if it
had been [as^] happily followed as it was prudently and sincerely
given, France at this day had been a most flourishing kingdom,
which now is a theatre of misery. And now at last, when the
said house of Guise, being one of the whips of God, whereof
themselves are but the cords and Spain the stock, had by their
infinite aspiring practices wrought the miracle of states, to make
a king in possession long established to play again for his crown,
without any title of a competitor, without any invasion of a
foreign enemy, yea without any combination in substance of a
blood-royal or nobility ; but only by furring* in audacious per-
sons into sundry governments,^ and by making the populace of
towns^ drunk with seditious preachers; and that King Henry
the Third, awaked by those pressing dangers, was compelled to
execute the Duke of Guise without ceremony,^ and yet never-
theless found the despair of so many persons embarked and en-
gaged in that conspiracy so violent as the flame thereby was
little assuaged, so that he was iuforced to implore her aids and
succours; consider how benign care and good correspondence
she gave to the distressed requests of that king; and he soon
after being by the sacrilegious hand of a wretched Jacobin, lifted
up against the sacred person of his natural sovereign, taken away,^

> July 28, 1563. " The first of August in the morning," Burghley writes to Sir
T. Smith, August 4, 1563, " oometh the certainty of the rendering of Newhayen ;
which seeing that it pleased Ahnighty G-od to yisit it with such incurable infection,
being as it seemeth a den of poison, it was well bargained to depart it." — Wright's
Queen Elizabeth and her Times, i. 136.

^ her: MS, 8 i^^ happily : MS.

* So MS. I have not met with thiri word anywhere else. Perhaps it should be
forcing or farcing, Ifjkrring be the right woni, it was probably an English form
of the French fourrer. * OovemmetU : MS.

« populare oftowne : MS. ^ In 1589. » 22nd July, 1589.

1690-92;] DISCOURSE IN PRAISK OP THE QUEEN. 135

(wherein not^ the criminous blood of Guise, but the innocent
blood which he hath often spilled by instigation of him and his
house, was revenged,) and that this worthy gentleman who reign-
eth come to the crown ; it will not be forgotten by so grateful a
king nor by so observing an age, how ready, how opportune and
seasonable,^ how royal and sufficient her succours were, whereby
she enlarged him at that time and preferred him to his better
fortune; and ever since- in those tedious wars, wherein he hath
to do with a Hydra, or a monster with many heads, she hath
supported him with treasure, with forces, and with employment
of one that she favoureth most.' What shall I speak of the of-
fering of Don Anthony to his fortune ;* a devoted Catholic, only
commended unto her by his oppressed state? What shall I say of
the great storm of a mighty invasion, not of preparation but in
act, by the Turk upon the King of Poland, lately dissipated only
by the beams of her reputation,^ which with the Grand Signor is
greater than that of all the states of Europe put together ? But let
me rest upon the honourable and continual aid and relief she hath
gotten to the distressed and desolate people of the Low Countries ;
a people recommended unto her by ancient confederacy and
daily intercourse, by their cause so innocent, and their fortune
so lamentable. And yet notwithstanding, to keep the confor-
mity of her own proceeding, never stained with the least note of
ambition or malice, she refused the sovereignty of divers of those
goodly provinces,* offered unto her with great instance, to have
been accepted with great contentment both of her own people
and others, and justly to be derived either in respect of the hos-
tility of Spain, or in respect of the conditions, liberties, and pri-
vileges of those subjects, and without'' charge, danger, and offence

^ not wherein : MS. In the next clause, iheU should probably be omitted.

* reasonable : MS.

* Meaning, no doubt, the Earl of Essex ; and alluding to the succours sent in
the autumn of 1591. * In 1589.

* This is explained by a letter firom William Cecil, Burghley*s grandson, to
Lord Talbot, 23rd October, 1590 :— " The Turk, had not he been prevented by our
ambassador, intended to set upon the King of Poland with sixty thousand men ;
but understandirig her Majesty had great need of many things firom the country
necessary for her navy, he withdrew his force, though he were assured of victonr,
only for her Majesty's sake ; who received great thanks firom the King of Poland ;
and the Turk himself hath written to her Majesty letters with most great titles,
assuring her that if she would write her letters to him to require liim, he will
make the King of Spain humble himself to her."— Lodge, ii. 414. • In 1585.

7 So MS. In the corresponding passage of the * Observations on a Libel ' the
words are "and with all one charge danger and offence of Spain ;" in which also
there seems to be sometliing wrong. I should liave expected in this place '* not
without.'*

\

136 LETTERS -iKD LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

to the King of Spain and his partizants. She hath taken upon
her their defence and protection without any further avail or
profit unto herself than the honour and merit of her l)enignity to
that^ people that hath been pursued by their natural king only
upon passion and wrath^ in such sort that he doth consume his
means upon revenge. And herein,^ to verify that which I said,
that her merits have extended to her greatest enemies, let it be
remembered what hath passed in that matter between the King
of Spain and her ; how in the beginning of the troubles there
she gave and imparted to him faithful and friendly advice touch-
ing the course that was to be taken for quieting and appeasing
of them ; then she interposed herself to most just and reasonable
capitulations, wherein always should have been preserved unto
him as ample interest jurisdiction and superiority in those coun-
tries as he in right could claim or a prince well-minded would
seek to have ; and (which is the greatest point) she did by her
advice credit and policy and all good means interrupt and ap-
peach that the same people by despair should not utterly alien
and distract themselves from the obedience of the King of Spain
and cast themselves into the arms of a stranger ; insomuch that
it is most true that she did ever persuade the Duke of Anjou^
from that action, notwithstanding the affection she bare to that
duke, and the obstinacy which she saw daily growing in the King
of Spain. Lastly, to touch the mighty general merit of this
Queen, bear in mind that her benignity and beneficence hath
been as large as the oppression and ambition of Spain. For to
begin with the Church of Rome, that pretended apostolic see is
become but a donative cell of the King of Spain ; the Vicar of
Christ is become the King of Spain's chaplain ; he parteth the
coming in of the new Pope for the treasure of the old ; he was
wont to exclude but some two or three cardinals, and to leave
the election of the rest ; but now he doth include and present di-
rectly some small number, all incapable and incompatible with
the conclave, put in only for colour, except one or two.* The

» the: MS. » hamnff:US.

' D. of Ani ... in MS., a space being left for the rest of the name, which the
translator could not read.

"• This device (the naming of seven cardinals, to the exclusion of all others) seems
to have been first practised upon the election of Gregory XIV. (December, 1590).
It was repeated on that of Innocent IX. (October, 1591) and Clement VIII. (Ja-
nuary, 1591-2) ; though in the last case it was only partially successful. See
Banke*B History of tlie Popes, book vi.

1590-92.] DISCOUBSE IN PRAISB OF THE QUEEN. 137

states of Italy, they be like little quillets of freehold lying^ in-
termixt in the midst of a great honour or lordship. France is
turned upside-down, the subject against the king, cut and man-
gled infinitely, a country of Bodamonts and Boytelets, farmers
of the ways. Portugal usurped by no other title than strength
and vicinity. The Low Countries warred upon, because he seek-
eth, not to possess them, for they were possessed by him before,
but to plant there an absolute and martial government, and to
suppress their liberties. The like at this day attempted upon
Arragon.^ The poor Indies, whereas the Christian religion ge-
nerally brought enfranchisement of slaves in all places where* it
came, in a contrary course are brought from freemen to be slaves,
and slaves of most miserable condition. Sundry trains and prac-
tices of this king^s ambition in Germany, Denmark, Scotland,
the east towns, are not unknown. Then it is her government, and
her government alone, that hath been the sconce and fort of all
Europe, which hath let this proud nation from overrunning all.
If any state be yet free from his factions erected in the bowels
thereof; if there be any state wherein his* faction is erected that
is not yet fired with civil troubles ; if there be any state under
his protection upon whom he usurpeth not ; if there be any sub-
ject to him, that enjoyeth moderate liberty, upon whom he ty-
rannizeth not ; let them all know, it is by the mercy of this re-
nowned Queen, that standeth between them and their misfortunes.
These be some of the beams of noble and radiant magnanimity,
in contempt of peril which so many fly,^ in contempt of profit
which so many admire, and in merit of the world which so many
include in themselves; set forth in my simplicity of speech
with much loss of lustre,^ but with near approach of truth, as the
sun is seen in the water.

Now to pass to the excellencies of her person. The view of A persona.

1 being : MS. Corrected from a MS. of the * ObBeryations on a Libel,* in which
the same sentence occurs : lieinff and beinff, in the handwriting of this period, are
hardly distinguif*hable even in a dear hand.

• Anthony Standen writes to Anthony Bacon, 8th September, 1592, that " the
citadel of Shuta, in Arragon, the frontier of France and Beam, was already put into
a state of defence, and three hundred soldiers in it ; and at Saragossa, the metro-
polis of that kingdom, they were building another citadel ; so that Arragon migU
be toddled whenever they pleased, being already bridled,^* — Birch, i. 84.

»irA«i;MS. < Mis .MS.

* which so mamfestlg : MS. maniejlu^ in the handwriting of that period, might
easily look like manifestlg^ especially if the tail of a letter from me line above
happened to strike between the wordi.

^ Uutie: MS.

138 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

them wholly and not severally do make so sweet a wonder, as I
fear to divide them again.^ Nobility extracted out of the royal
and victorious line of the kings of England ; yea both roses,
white and red, do as well flourish in her nobility as in her beauty.
Health,^ such as was like she should have that was brought forth
by two of the most goodly princes in the world, [in'] the strength
of their years, in the heat of their love; that hath been injured
neither with an over-liberal nor over-curious diet, that hath not
been softened* by an umbratile life still under the roof, but
strengthened by the use of the pure and open air, that still re-
taineth flower and vigour of youth. For the beauty and many
graces of her presence, what colours are fine enough for such a
portraiture? Let no light poet be used for such a description, but
the chastest and the royalest.

Of her gait, Et vera incesm paiuit Dea ;

of her voice. Nee vox hominem sonat ;

of her eye, Et keios oculis afflavit honores ;

of her colour, Indum sanguineo veluti violaverit ^ ostro
Si quia ebur ;

of her neck, Et rosea cervice refubit ;

of her breast, Veste sinus collecta fluentes ;

of her hair, Amln'osueque coma divinum veriice odorem
Spiravere.
If this be presumption, let him bear the blame that oweth the
verses. What shall I speak of her rare qualities of com})liment ?
which as they be excellent in the things themselves, so they have
always besides somewhat of a queen ; and as queens use shadows
and veils with their rich apparel, methinks in all her qualities
there is somewhat that flieth from ostentation, and yet inviteth
Asermone.^the mind to Contemplate her more. What should I speak of her
excellent gift of speech,''^ being a character of the greatness® of
her conceit, the height of her degree, and the sweetness of her
nature ? What life, what edge is there in those words and glances
wherewith at pleasure she can give a man long to think, be it
that she mean to daunt him, to encourage him, or to amaze him.
How admirable is her discourse, whether it be in learning, state, or
love. What variety of knowledge ; what rareness of conceit ; what

^ Full stop after them in MS. ' as health : MS. * in omitted in MS.

* Suateyned MS. « violaverat : MS. « A sermon : MS.
7 speeches : MS. Perhaps the next word rfiould be bearing.

* greatest : MS.

1590-92.] DISCOURSE IN PRAISE OF THE QUEEN. 139

choice of words; what grace of utterance. Doth it not appear that
though her wit be as the adamant of excellencies, which draweth
out of any book ancient or new, out of any writing or speech,
the best, yet she refineth it, she enricheth it far above the value
wherein it is received ? And is her speech only that language
which the child learneth with pleasure, and not those which the
studious learn with industry ? Hath she not attained, beside her
rare eloquence in her own language, infinitely polished since her
happy times, changes of her languages both learned and modern ?
so that she is able to negotiate with divers ambassadors in their own
languages; and that with no [small^] disadvantage unto them, who
I think cannot but have a great part of their wits distracted from
their matters in hand to the contemplation and admiration of such
perfections. What should I wander on to speak of the excellen-
cies of her nature, which cannot endure to be looked on with a
disconteuted eye ? of the constancy of her favours, which makcth
[her^] service as a journey by land, whereas the service of other
princes is like an embarking by sea ? For her royal wisdom and
policy of government, he that shall note and observe the prudent
temper she useth in admitting access, of the one side maintaining
the majesty of her degree, and on the other side not prejudicing
herself by looking to her estate through too few windows ; her
exquisite judgment in choosing and finding good servants (a point
beyond the former) ; her profound discretion in a8signingir&ii<l
appropriating every of them to their aptest employment; her
penetrating sight in * discovering every man's ends and drifts j
her wonderful art in keeping servants in satisfaction, and yet in
appetite ; her inventing wit in contriving plots and overturns ;
her exact caution in censuring the propositions of others [for *]
her service; her foreseeing [of ^] events; her usage of occasions;
— he that shall consider of these, and other things that may not
well be touched, as he shall never cease to wonder at such a queen,
so he shall wonder the less, that in so dangerous times, when wits
are so cunning, humours [so^] extravagant, passions so violent,
the corruptions so great, the dissimulations so deep, factions so
many, she hath notwithstanding done such great things, and
reigned in felicity.

To speak of her fortune (that which I did reserve for a gar- a fortuna.

^ no disadvantage : MS. ^ her omittod in MS. ' if : MS.

* for omitted in MS. ^ of omitted in MS. ^ /o omitted in MS.

140 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FEANOIS BACON. [Chap. V.

land of her honour)^ [as there is but one point in which it seem-
eth incomplete], and that is that she liveth a virgin and hath no
children, so it is that which maketh all her other virtues and
acts more sacred, more august, more divine.^ Let them leave
children that leave no other memory in their times : Brut(yrum
atemitas aoboles. Revolve in histories the memories of happy
men, and you shall not find any of rare felicity but either he died
childless, or his line spent soon after his death, or else [he^] was
unfortunate in his children. Should a man have them to be slain
by his vassals, as the posthumus^ of Alexander the Great was ?
or to call them his imposthumes,* as Augustus Csesar called his ?
Peruse the catalogue: Cornelius Sylla, Julius Csesar, Flavins
Vespasianus,*' Severus, Constantinus the Great, and many more.
Generare et liberi, humana : creare et opera, divina.^ And there-
fore, this objection removed, let us proceed to take a view of her
felicity.
Afelicitete. A mate of fortune she never took; only some adversity she
passed at the first, to give her a quicker sense of the prosperity
that should follow, and to make her more reposed in the divine
providence. Well, she cometh to the crown. It was no small
fortune to find at her entrance some such servants and counsellors
as she then found. The French king, who at this time by reason
of the peace concluded with Spain and of the interest he had in
ScaHund mought have proved a dangerous neighbour, by how
strange an accident was he taken away ?^ The King of Spain, who,
if he would have inclined to reduce the Low Countries by lenity,
considering the goodly revenues which he drew from those coun-
tries, [and®] the great commodity to annoy her state from thence,
might have made mighty and perilous matches against her repose,
putteth on a resolution not only to use the means of those coun-
tries, but to spend and consume all his other means, the trea-
sure of his Indies, and the forces of his ill-compacted dominions,
there and upon them. The Earls' that rebelled in the North,

* This sentence, as it stands in the MS., is evidently corrupt ; I fear irrecoverably
BO. A whole clause seems to have dropped out ; probably to the effect of that
which I have supplied between the brackets. The words at the end of the para-
graph, ''this objection removed,** show that an objection had been suggested.

3 he omitted in MS. ^ forthumus : MS. ** imposiora : MS.

' Veapanianus : MS.

• generare cU libertMri humana creare et operare divina : MS.

7 Killed by accident at a tournament, Julv 1559. ^ and omitted in MS.

' Carles : MS. The Earls were the Earls of Northumberland and Westmore-
land ; the time, November, 1569.

159D-92.] DISCOUESE IN PRAISE OF THE QUEEN. 141

before the Duke of Norfolk's plot (which indeed was the strength
and seal of that commotion) was fully ripe, brake forth and pre-
vented their time. The King Sebastian of Portugal, whom the
King of Spain would fain have persuaded that it was a devouter
enterprise to purge Christendom than to enlarge it (though I
know some think that he did artificially nourish him in that
voyage), is cut a pieces with his army in Africa. Then hath the
King of Spain work cut out to make all things in readiness
during the old Cardinal^s time for the conquest of Portugal;^
whereby his desire of invading of England was slackened and
put off some years, and by that means was put in execution at a
time for some respects much more to his disadvantage. And the
same invasion, like and as if it had been attempted before it had
[had*] the time much more proper and favourable, so likewise had
it in true discourse a better season afterwards ; for if it had been
deferred ^ till time that the League had been better confirmed in
France, — which no doubt would have been, if the Duke of Guise,
who was the only man of worth on that side, had lived (and the
French king durst never have laid hand upon him, had he not
been animated by the English victory against the Spaniards pre-
cedent), — and then some maritime town had been gotten into
the hands of the League, it had been a great surety and strength
to the enterprise. The Popes, to consider of them whose * course
and policy it had been (knowing her Majesty's natural clemency)
to have temporized and dispensed with the Papists coming to
church, that through the mask of their hypocrisy they mought
have [beeu^] brought into places of government in the state and
in the country : these^ contrariwise by the instigation of some
fugitive scholars that advised them,^ not that was best for the see
of Rome, but what agreed best with their eager humours and
desperate states, discover and declare themselves so far by send-
ing most^ seminaries and taking of reconcilements, as there is
now severity of laws introduced for the repressing of that sort,
and men of that religion are become the suspect. What should
I speak of so many conspiracies miraculously detected ? The re-
cords show the treason!^ : but it is yet hidden in many of them

^ The Cardinal would not designate a successor to the crown of Portugal, for
which there were several competitors. See * ObserTations on a Libel.*

* had omitted in MS. * dissolved : MS.

^ So MS. But there is certainly something wrong. ' have brought : MS.

* shee: MS. 7 him: MS. > So MS.

142 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

how they came to light. What should I speak of the opportune
death of her enemies^ and the wicked instruments towards her
estate ? Don Juan died not amiss.^ Dawbeney,^ Duke of Lenox^
who was used as an instrument to divorce Scotland from the
amity of England, died in no ill season ;^ a man withdrawn in-
deed at that time to France, but not without great help. I may
not mention the death of some that occur to mind ;* but still
methinks they live that should live, and they die that should
die. I would not have the King of Spain die yet ; he is aegea
gloruB : but when he groweth dangerous, or any other besides
him, I am persuaded they will die. What should I speak of the
fortunes of her armies, which, notwithstanding the inward peace
of this nation,*^ were never more renowned ? What should I re-
count Leith and Newhaven for the honourable skirmishes and
services? they are no blemish at all to the militue of England.
In the Low Countries, the Lammas day, the retreat of Ghent,
the day of Zutphen, and the prosperous progress of this summer ;•
the bravado in Portugal, and the honourable exploits in the aid
of the French king, besides the memorable voyages in the Indies ;7
and lastly, the good entertainment of the Invincible Navy, which
was chased till the chasers were weary [and^] after infinite loss,
without taking a cock-boat, without firing a sheep-cot, sailed on
the mercies of the wind and the discretion of their adventures,'
making a perambulation or pilgrimage about the northern seas,
and ennobling*® many shores and points of land by shipwreck :
and so returned home with scorn and dishonour much greater
than the terror and expectation of their setting forth.

These^^ virtues and perfections, with so great felicity, have made
her the honour of her times, the admiration of the world, the
suit and aspiring of greatest kings and princes, who yet durst
never have aspired unto her, but as their minds were raised by
love.

But why do I forget that words do extenuate and embase

» October, 1578. * DarUigh: MS. » 1583.

^ If the allusion here be to the Prince of Parma, for whose death (8rd December,
1592) Elizabeth is said to have allowed no rejoicing, this oration cannot have been
composed so early as the Queen's Day in 1592. But Mary of Scotland may be the
person meant, whose removal could not be alluded to, yet in such a connexion
could not but bs remembered. ' nations : MS.

^ In the summer of 1592 things went so well in the Low Countries, that a con-
siderable body of the English force there was sent into Brittany.

7 Indians : MS. " and omitted in MS. ' So MS.

•" ignobling : MS. » The : MS.

1590-92.] PUBLICATION OF PARSONS' BESPONSIO. 143

matters of so great weight ? Time is her best commender^ which
never brought forth such a prince ; whose imperial virtues con-
tend with the excellency of her person, both [person and^] virtues
contend with her fortune, and both virtue and fortune contend
with her fame.

Orbis amor, famsD carmen, coelique pupilla ;
Tu dccuB omne tuis, tu decus ipsa tibi !

9.

It may be thought perhaps that an oration like this, — which for spirit,
eloquence, and substantial worth may bear a comparison with the
greatest panegyrical orations of ancient or modem times, — is too long
and elaborate to have been used with good effect as part of a Court
entertainment. But (not to suggest that it may have been worked
upon and enlarged afterwards) there was a special circumstance which
would give it at that time a peculiar and serious interest. The Bespon-
810 ad edictum Regina Anglice had just appeared ; a laboured invective
against the government, charging upon the Queen and her advisers all
the evils of England and all the disturbances of Christendom.' It was
written directly in favour of Spain and the Catholic cause, and ad-
dressed itself to all disaffected spirits both at home and abroad. A
copy of it had been sent the week before to Anthony Bacon by one
of the Lord Keeper's secretaries, with a request that " it might be
kept from any but such as were well affected and knew how to use
such things ;"* so it was quite a fresh matter. Now Francis Bacon's
oration, though not directly alluding to this book (which might be
thought inexpedient, as tending to give it notoriety) did by impli-
cation meet and answer the principal allegations which it contained ;
and therefore might well find at Court a more patient and attentive
audience than a mere Court-compliment could have commanded.

Or if still it be objected that a thing so far out of the common way
could hardly have passed on such an occasion without being more
spoken of at the time and remembered afterwards, we may suppose
if we will (a possibility never to be wholly lost sight of with regard
to papers of this kind which have come down to us without any ex-
planation but what their own contents supply), that, though designed
and prepared, it was not presented.

At any rate, whatever the view with which it was composed or the
use to which it was put, it is not likely that it was allowed to remain

* hoth virtues : MS.

' For a full aocount of it before it was out, see Harl. MS. 35. p. 872. Father
Parsons is supposed to haye been the writer. ' Birch, i. 90.

144 LETTEKS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

unseen bj those whom it most concerned; and I suppose it was
from the zeal and ability which it displayed, that Bacon was encou-
raged shortly after to undertake a larger work on the same subject ;
and to meet that libeUous publication (which was sure, whether noticed
or not, to find its way into circulation ; especially in the quarters
where it would do most mischief) with a detailed reply. Hereupon,
laying aside the rhetorical and panegyrical style, he fell back into
that which was proper for the occasion and natural to himself; worked
up the substance of his oration into a narrative and argumentatiye
form ; and enlarging his plan to take in the whole state of the king-
dom and all the matters in dispute, produced these Observations on a
Libel published this present year 1592, which were circulated — and, to
judge by the number of old copies still extant, circulated extensively
— at the time in manuscript ; and must always keep their value, not
only as a historical record of the times, but as a specimen of the
manner in which this kind of controversy ought to be conducted.

They were first printed by Dr. Eawley in the * Kesuscitatio,' from a
manuscript remaining among Bacon's papers; the same probably
which is now in the British Museum (Additional: 4263, p. 144).
This MiS. does not seem however to have been so carefully revised as
to give it any conclusive authority; nor is the printed copy quite
correct ; in which moreover alterations appear to have been intro-
duced here and there by the editor upon conjecture, some of which
are certainly wrong. 1 have therefore sought, and I hope foimd, a
more perfect text, by collating all the original MSS. which 1 have
met with ; which are these following : —

1. Sari, MSS. 537, pp. 26 and 71.— A copy in an old hand,— the
hand (1 believe) of one of Bacon's servants : but not revised ; and
a great part unfortunately lost. This, though not without errors,
is upon the whole the most correct of the remaining copies. I call
it A.

2. Additional MSS, 4263, p. 144. — Another copy, also in an old
hand ;^ apparently from the same original : revised and corrected by
another hand ; but not by Bacon. Tliis is also a good MS., though
with many errors. I call it C.

These two are independent copies of the same original, and each
serves to correct the other.

3. Sari, MSS,^iGl, — A copy in a later hand, but still old; and
by an intelligent transcriber, who has attended to the meaning and
the punctuation : the corrections are in the transcriber's own hand,
and may have been conjectural.

1 Except the introduction, which has been affixed afterwards, in one of the hands
employed by Dr. Bawley for the ' Besuscitatio.*

1590-92.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 145

This copy must have been from a different original ; many of the
variations being evidently not errors, but alterations. I call it B.

4. Sari. MSS, 6854, p. 203. — Another copy, from the same origi-
nal as the last, in an old Saxon hand, uncorrected, and extremely in-
correct. I call it H.

5. Cambridge Univ. Lib. Mm. V. 5. — This is a kind of abridgment
or abstract of the whole : but not a full copy, except in parts. I call
it G.

6. Cotton MSS. Tit. C. vii. p. 50 b.

7. Sari. MSS. 859, p. 40.— These two (which I call D and P) are
copies of the 3rd section only ; made some years later ; and of no
especial value : except that D is a little fuller in some places, as if
taken from a different original, which had been corrected ; perhaps
by Bacon himself.

8. Cotton MSS. Jul. F. vi. p. 158. — A fair copy, in a small clear
Eoman hand, but only of a portion of the 5th and 6th sections. It
seems to have been taken from the same original as B and H ; and
is careful and accurate, though not so old. This I call E.

The copy in the ' Eesuscitatio' appears, as I have said, to have been
taken from C ; but with some variations, silently introduced, as I sup-
pose, by the editor, where he thought the original required correc-
tion. These variations seem to have been merely conjectural ; and
some of them are certainly wrong.

By collating all these MSS. with each other, I have endeavoured
to recover the original text from which A and C were transcribed,
which I take to have been a corrected copy of the original used by the
transcribers of B and H ; not trying to remove those irregularities
and inaccuracies of construction, the fruit of careless and rapid com-
position, which frequently occur ; but on the contrary carefully pre-
serving them, as illustrative not only of the natural working of Ba-
con's mind, whose fullness and eagerness of thought was at all times
apt to outrun his powers of grammatical expression, but also of the
history of the English language, then gradually finding its powers,
and settling, but not settled, into form. Yet that the reader may have
the means of judging for himself upon these points, — wherever A, B,
C, D, E, or F, have a different reading from that which I have adopted
in the text, I have mentioned it (oversights excepted) in the foot-
notes ; even where such reading is obviously a blunder ; for other-
wise the comparative authority to which the several MSS. are enti-
tied could not be fairly estimated. H is so full of inaccuracies that
where it varies from all the others, I have not thought it worth while
to notice the fact. G, not being a full transcript, I have only quoted
now and then in corroboration of the text. The printed copy in the

VOL. I. L

146 LETTEBS AND LIFE OP FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

^ Besuscitatio,' which has been followed in all former editions of
Bacon's works, since it does not appear to have any authority inde-
pendent of the MSS., I have not collated regularly, but only cited
occasionally where some important difference occurs.

I have not succeeded in ascertaining the exact time at which this
treatise was composed, but I suppose it to have been in January or
February, 1592-3 ; when Bacon had just completed his 32nd year,
and was about to play a conspicuous part in a new Parliament — a
part which brought out his character in some new aspects and had
a serious influence upon his afler-fortunes. With this treatise there-
fore I shall conclude this chapter.

CERTAIN OBSERVATIONS MADE UPON A LIBEL PUBLISHED THIS
PRESENT YEAR, 1592.

ENTITLED,

A Declaration of the true Causes 0/ the great Troubles, presupposed
to he intended against the Realm of England}

It were just and honourable for princes being in wars together,
that howsoever they prosecute their quarrels and debates by arms

\ and acts of hostility, yea though the wars be such as they pre-

tend the utter ruin and overthrow of the forces and states one of

j another, yet they so limit their passions as they preserve two

things sacred and inviolate -^ that is, the life and good name each
of other. For the wars are no massacres and confusions; but
they are the highest trials of right ; when princes and states that
acknowledge no superior upon earth shall put themselves upon
the justice of God, for the deciding of their controversies by
^ such success as it shall please him to give on either side. And

as in the process of particular pleas between private men all
things ought to be ordered by the rules of civil laws ; so in the
proceedings of the war nothing ought to be done against the law
of nations or the law of honour ; which laws have ever pro-
nounced these two sorts of men, — the one conspirators against
the persons of princes, the other libellers against their good
fame, — to be such enemies of common society as are not to be
cherished, no not by enemies. For in the examples of times
which were less corrupted we find that when in the greatest heats

* This appears to have been an English version of the Sesponsio ad Edictum ;
but I have not been able to meet with a copy of it.
^ inmolabU : 0.

1592.] OBSEBVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 147

and extremities of wars there have been made offers of murderous
and traitorous attempts against the person of a prince to the
enemy, they have been not only rejected, but also revealed ; and
in like manner when dishonourable mention hath been made
of a prince before an enemy prince by some that have thought
therein to please his humour, he hath showed himself contrari-
wise utterly distasted therewith, and been ready to contest for the
honour of an enemy.

According to which noble and magnanimous kind of proceed-
ing, it will be found that in the whole course of her Majesty's
proceeding with the King of Spain, since the amity interrupted,
there was never any project by her Majesty or any of her minis-
ters either moved or assented unto, for the taking away of the
life of the said king ; neither hath there been any declaration or
writing of estate, no nor book allowed, wherein his honour hath
been touched or taxed, otherwise than for his ambition ; a point
which is necessarily interlaced with her Majesty's own justifica-
tion. So that no man needeth to doubt but that those wars are
grounded, upon her Majesty's part, upon just and honourable
causes, which have so just and honourable a prosecution; con-
sidering it is a much harder matter when a prince is entered into
wars, then to hold respect and not to be transported with pas-
sion, than to make moderate and just resolutions in the begin-
ning.

But now if a man look on the other part, it will appear that
(rather, as it is to be thought, by the solicitation of traitorous
subjects, which is the only poison and corruption of all honour-
able war between foreigners, or by the presumption of his agents
and ministers, than by the proper inclination of that king) there
hath been, if not plotted and practised yet at the least comforted,
conspiracies against her Majesty's sacred person ; which never-
theless God's goodness hath used and turned, to show by such
miraculous discoveries into how near apd precious care and cus-
tody it hath pleased him to receive her Majesty's life and preser-
vation. But in the other point, it is strange what a number of
libellous and defamatory books and writings, and in what variety,
and with what art and cunning handled, have been allowed to
pass through the world in all languages against her Majesty and
her government ; sometimes pretending the gravity and authority
of church stories, to move belief; sometimes formed into remon-

L 2

148 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

strances and advertisements of estate^ to move regard ; sometimes
presented as it were in tragedies of the persecutions of Catholics,
to move pity; sometimes contrived into pleasant pasquils and
satires, to move sport ; so as there is no shape whereunto these
fellows have not transformed themselves, nor no humour nor
affection in the mind of man to which they have not applied
themselves, thereby to insinuate their untruths and abuses of the
world. And indeed let a man look into them, and he shall find
them the only triumphant lies that ever were confuted by cir-
cumstances of time and place, confuted by contrariety in them-
selves, confuted by the witness of infinite persons that live yet
and have had particular knowledge of the matters; but yet
avouched with such asseveration, as if either they were fallen
into that strange disease of the mind which a wise writer de-
scribeth in these words, fingunt simul creduntqtte ; or as if they
had received it as a principal precept and ordinance of their
\ seminaries, audacter calumniare, semper aliquid fusret ; or as if

1 they which in old time were wont to help themselves with lying

i miracles were now fain to help themselves with miraculous lies.^

\ ' But when the cause of this is entered into, — namely, that there

passeth over^ out of this realm a number of eager and unquiet
scholars, whom their own turbulent and humorous nature press-
j eth out to seek their adventures abroad ; and that there on the

other side they are nourished rather in listening after news and
/ ; intelligence^ and in whisperings than in any commendable learn-

, ^ ing; and after a time, when either their necessitous estate or

/ "their ambitious appetites importune them, they fall on* devising

L,^ how to do some acceptable service to that side which maintaineth

them ; so as ever when^ their credit waxeth cold with foreign
princes, or that their pensions are ill paid,^ or some preferment
is in sight at which they level, straightways out cometh a libel,
pretending thereby to keep in life the party of ill subjects^ within
the realm (wherein they are as wise as he that thinketh to kindle

* So all the MSS. The * ResuBcitatio,* which all the modern editions follow, has,
or at if ihey were of the race which in old time were wont to help themselves with
mirctculousfyes. The transcriber having missed out a line, the editor, finding the
sentence incomplete, put in the words were of the rnce, to make sense of it ; a good
instance of the way in which texts become hopelessly corrupt.

' ever : B, H. ' intelligences : A, H.

* fall to : B, C. to fall to : H. * so that ever as : B, H.

* apayd : 0. or their pensions ill-paid : H. or their pensions are ill-paid : B.
7 evil subjects : B. all subjects : H. the party which within the realm is ro»-

trary to the state : A.

1692.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 149^

a fire by blowing in the dead ashes) — when, I say, a man looketh
into the cause and ground of this plentiful yield of libels, he will
cease to marvel; considering the concurrence which is as well
in the nature of the seed as in the travail of tilling and dressing,
yea and in the fitness of the season for the bringing up of these^
infectious weeds.

But to verify the saying of our Saviour, non est discipulus
super magistrum, as they have sought to deprave her Majesty 'a
government in herself, so have they not forgotten to do the same
in her principal servants and counsellors ; thinking belike that
as the immediate invectives against her Majesty do best satisfy
the malice of the foreigner,^ so the slander and calumniation of
her principal counsellors agreeth^ best with the humours of some
malcontents within the realm ; imagining also that it was like
such books* should be more read here and freelier dispersed, and
also should be less odious to those foreigners which were not
merely partial and passionate; who have for the most part in
detestation the traitorous libellings of subjects directly against
their natural prince.

Amongst the rest in this kind, there hath l)een published this
present year of 1592 a libel that giveth place to none of the
rest in malice and untruths,* though inferior to most of them in
penning^ and style ; the author having chosen the vein of a Lu-
cianist, and yet being a counterfeit even in that kind. This libel
is entitled, A Declaration of the true Causes of the great Troubles
presupposed to be intended against the Realm of England^ and
hath a semblance as if it were only® bent against the doings of
her Majesty's ancient and worthy counsellor the Lord Burghley,
whose carefulness and pains her Majesty hath used in her coun-
sels and actions of this realm for these four and thirty years' space
in all dangerous times and amidst many and mighty practices,
and with such success as our enemies are put still to their paper-
shot of such libels as these ; the memory whereof will remain in
this laud when all these * libels shall be extinct and forgotten,
according to the Scripture, Memoriajusti cum latuiibus, at impi-
arum nomen putrescet. But it is more than evident by the parts
of the same^^ book that the author's malice was to her Majesty

> tho»e : C. 2 the foreigner's malice : B. * agreed in all the MSS.

< theg : A,0. * untruth; B, H. • the penning : A.

7 A declaration^ etc., ut supra : B. ' onlv omitted in A, C.
^the:A. ^^ that book .-n.

150 LETTERS AND LITE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

and her government; as may specially appear in this, that he
chargety not his Lordship with any particular actions of his pri-
vate life (such power had^ truth) , whereas the libels made against
other counsellors have principally insisted upon that part/ but
hath only wrested and detorted* such actions of state as in times
of his service have been managed, and depraving them hath
ascribed and imputed to him the effects that have followed in-
deed to the good of the realm and the honour of her Majesty,
though sometimes to the provoking of the malice, but abridging
of the power and means, of desperate and incorrigible^ subjects.
All which slanders as his Lordship might justly despise, both
for their manifest untruths and for the baseness and obscurity of
the author, so nevertheless, according to the moderation which
his Lordship useth in all things, never claiming the privilege of
his authority when it is question^ of satisfying the world, he hath
been content that they be not passed over altogether in silence ;7
whereupon I have, in particular duty to his Lordship (amongst
others that do honour and love his Lordship and that have dili-
gently observed his actions) and in zeal of truth, collected® upon
the reading of the said libel certain observations ;^ not in form
of a just answer, lest I should fall into the error whereof Salomon
speaketh thus. Answer not a fool in his own kind, lest thou also
be like him ; but only to discover the malice and to reprove and
convict the untruths thereof: [not doubting but if his Lordship
were disposed to enter himself with the libeller into contestation
(which he disdaineth to do) he would with a multitude of good
witnesses which have been partakers with him in his public ser-
vice, yea with a princely asseveration of her Majesty (to whom
his fidelity is best known), confound the libeller and make him
justly odious to all good men ; yea even to a number of persons
that for respect of religion do not allow of his actions, and yet
in some moderation do not condemn him for his life and man-
ners, nor for his dexterity in all civil causes both of state and
justice] .^^ —

» charged: A,C. » hath : B.

3 part omitted in B, H, and the words repeated in H.

* extorted : C. * irrevocabls : B, C, H. • questioned : B. in queHion : A.

' So A. he hath thought convenient : 0. Sis Lordship's friends have thought H
convenient not [not convenient : H] to pass them over altogether in silence (as
others have done) : B.

8 marked : B, H. • certain observations omitted in B.

^^ The passage within brackets is found with one or two slight variations, obvi-
usly accidental, in B, C, H ; not in A.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 151

The points that 1 have observed upon the reading of this libel
are these following :

I. Of the scope or drift of the libeller.

II. Of the present estate^ of this realm of England^ whether it
may be truly avouched to be prosperous or afflicted.

III. Of the proceedings against the pretended Catholics^ whe-
ther they have been violent or moderate and necessary.

IV. Of the disturbance of the quiet of Christendom^ and to
what causes it may be justly imputed.

V. Of the cunning of the libeller, in palliation of his malicious
invective against her Majesty and the state with pretence of tax-
ing only the actions of the Lord Burghley.

VI. Certain true general notes upon the actions of the Lord
Burghley.

VII. Of divers particular untruths and abuses dispersed through
the libel.

VIII. Of the height of impudency that these men are grown
unto in publishing and avouching untruths ; with particular re-
cital of some of them for an assay.

I. Of the scope or drift of the libeller.

It is good advice in dealing with cautelous and malicious per-
sons (whose speech is ever at distance with their meanings), non
quid dixerint sed quid spectdrint videndum ; a man is not to re-
gard what* they affirm or what they hold, but what they would
convey under their pretended discourse/ and what turn they
would serve.

It soundeth strange* in the ears of an Englishman,^ that " the
miseries of the present estate of England exceed them of all® former
times whatsoever.'^ One would straightway think with himself,
doth this man believe what he saith ; or, not believing it, doth
he think it possible to make us believe it ? Surely, in my con-
ceit, neither of both. But his end no doubt was, to round the
Pope and the King of Spain in the ear by seeming to tell a tale
to the people of England. For such books are ever wont to be
translated into divers languages ; and no doubt the man was not
so simple as to think he could persuade the people of England the

* Hate : B. • that which : B. ■ course : H. discoverie : A.

* strangely : C. * all Englishmen : A. ' all omitted in A and C.

152 LETTERS AJ^D LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

contrary of that they taste and feel; but he thought he might better
abuse the states abroad if he directed his speech to them who could
best convict him and disprove him if he said untrue ; so that as
Livy saith in the like case, jEtolos magia coram quibus verba
facerent quam ad quos pensi habere ; that the ^tolians, in their
talk^ did more respect those which did overhear^ them than those
to whom they directed their speech ; so in tliis matter^ this fellow
cared not to be counted a liar by all England, upon price of de-
ceiving of Spain and Italy. For it must be understood that it
hath been the general practice of this kind of men many years, —
of the one side, to abuse the foreign estates by making them be-
lieve that all is out of joint and ruinous here in England, and
that there is a great part ready to join with the invader ; and on
the other side, to make evil subjects of England believe of great
preparations abroad and in great readiness to be put in act ; and
so to deceive on both sides. And this I take to be^ his principal
drift. So again it is an extravagant and incredible conceit to
imagine that all the conclusions and actions of estate which have
passed during her Majesty's reign should be ascribed to one
counsellor alone, and to such an one as was never noted for an
imperious or overruling man. And to say that though he carried
them not by violence, yet he compassed them by device, — there
is no man of judgment that looketh into the nature of these
. times, but will easily descry that the wits of these days are too
much refined, and practice too much in use,^ for any man to
walk invisible, or to make all the world his instruments. And
therefore, no not in this point assuredly, the libeller spake as he
thought. But this he foresaw, that the imputation of cunning
doth breed suspicion, and the imputation of greatness and sway
doth breed envy. And therefore finding* where he was most
wrung and by whose^ policy and experience their plots were most
crossed, the mark he shot at was to see whether he could heave
at his Lordship's authority by making him suspected to the
Queen or generally odious to the realm ; knowing well enough
for the one point, that there are not only jealousies^ but certain re-
volutions in princes' minds, so that it is a rare virtue in the rarest
princes to continue constant to the end in their favours and

» iale: C, H. 2 ever hear: A, C.

• in like manner : H. in the tame manner: B. < have been : B, H.

* From and to use omitted in A, C. ® feeling ; B. ^ hit : A.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 153

employments ; and knowing for the other point, that envy ever
accompanieth greatness though never so well deserved, and that
his Lordship hath always^ marched a round and reaP course
in service^ and as he hath not moved envy by pomp and osten-
tation^ so hath he never extinguished it by any popular or in-
sinuative carriage of himself. And this no doubt was his second
drift.

A third drift was, to assay if he could supplant and weaken
(by this violent* kind of libelling, and turning the whole imputa-
tion upon his Lordship^) his resolution and courage^ and to make
him proceed more cautely* and not so throughly* and strongly
against them 'P knowing his Lordship to be a politic man^ and
one that hath a great stake to lose.

Lastly, lest while I discover the cunning and art of this fellow,**
I should make him wiser than he was, I think a great part of the
cause of* this book was passion. Difficile eat tacere cum doleas.
The humours of these men being of themselves eager and fierce,
have by the abort and blasting of their hopes been kindled ^^
and enraged. And surely this book is of all that sort that have^^
been written of the meanest workmanship ; being fraughted^* with
sundry base scoffs and cold amplifications and other characters of
despite, but void of all judgment or ornament.

II. Of the present state of this realm of England, whether it
may be truly avouched to be prosperous or afflicted.

The benefits of Almighty God upon this land, since the time
that in his singular providence he led as it were by the hand
and placed in the kingdom his servant our Queen Elizabeth, are
such as, not in boasting or in confidence of ourselves but in
praise of his blessed^* name, are worthy, to be both considered and
confessed, yea and registered in perpetual memory. Notwith-
standing, I mean not after the manner of a panegyric to extol
the present time. It shall suffice only that those men that
through the gall and bitterness of their own heart have lost their

* ever ; H. ^ a real : A, 0. * violeiU omitted in B.

* upon hie Lordehip*s resolution : B, H.

• cautelfy : A. cawtellie : C. cauteloueUf : H. • thoroughlif : B.
7 againet them omitted in B. ^ the libeller : B.

• the cause q/* omitted in A, C. of this hook omitted in H. ** hlynded : A.

" this book of all, etc., unitten, u ; B. hath : C^ll. ^fraught ; A, H. » hoUf : A.

154 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

tadte and judgment^ and would deprive God of his glory and us
of our senses in affirming our condition to be miserable and full
of tokens of the wrath and indignation of God, be reproved.

If then it be true that nemo est miser aut felix nisi compara-
ius; whether we shall (keeping ourselves within the compass
of our own island) look into the memories of times past, or at this
present time take a view of other states abroad in Europe, we shall
find that we need not give place to the happiness either of ances-
tors or neighbours.^ For if a man weigh well all the parts of
state, — religion, laws, administration of justice, policy of govern-
ment^ manners, civility, learning and liberal sciences, industry
and manual arts, arms and provisions of wars^ for sea and land,
treasure, traffic, improvement of the soil, population, honour and
reputation, — it will appear that, taking one part with another,
the state of this nation was never more flourishing.

It is easy to call to remembrance out of histories the kings
of England which have in more ancient time enjoyed greatest
happiness; besides her Majesty^s father and grandfather, that
reigned in rare felicity, as is fresh in memory. They^ have been
King Henry I., King Henry II., King Henry III., King Ed-
ward I., King Edward III., King Henry V. All which have
been princes of royal virtue, great felicity, and famous memory.
But it may be truly affirmed, without derogation to any of these *
worthy princes, that (whatsoever we find in libels) there is not
to be found in the English chronicles a king that hath, in all re-
spects laid together, reigned with such felicity as her Majesty
hath done. For as for the first three Henries, the first came in
too soon after a conquest, the second too soon after an usurpa-
tion, and the third too soon after a league or barons' war, to reign
with security and contentation. King Henry I. also had un-
natural wars with his brother Robert, wherein much nobility
was consumed ; he had therewithal tedious wars in Wales, and
was not without some other seditions and troubles, as namely
the great contestation of his prelates.* King Henry II., his
happiness was much deformed by the revolt of his son Henry,
after he had associated him, and of his other sons. King Henry
III., besides the continual wars in Wales, was after forty-four

' of our ancestors or ow neighbours : B, H.

' provision of war : B. H. ' there : C. < those : B, H.

* This sentence, from King Henry I. to prelates, omitted in B.

1692.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 155

years' reign, unquieted with intricate commotions of his barons ;
as may appear by the mad parliament held at Oxenford, and the
acts thereupon ensuing. His son King Edward I. had a more
flourishing time ^ than any of the other ; came to the kingdom
at ripe years, and with great* reputation upon his voyage into
the Holy Land, and was loved and obeyed, poUicied* his realm
with excellent laws, contrived his wars with great judgment;
first having reclaimed Wales to a settled allegiance, and being
upon the point of uniting* Scotland. But yet I suppose it was
more honour for her Majesty to have so important a piece of
Scotland in her hand and the same with such justice to render
up, than it was for that worthy king to have advanced in such
forwardness the conquest of that nation. And for King Ed-
ward III., his reign was visited with much sickness and morta-
lity ; so as they reckoned in his days three several mortalities ;
one in the 22nd year, another in the 35th year, and the last in
the 43rd * year of his reign ; and being otherwise victorious and
in prosperity, was by that only cross more afflicted than he was
by the other prosperities comforted. Besides he entered hardly ;
and again, according to the verse cedebant ultima primis, his
latter times were not so prosperous. And for King Henry V., as
his success was wonderful, so he wanted ternporis fiduciam,^ con-
tinuance ; being extinguished after ten years* reign in the prime
of his fortunes.

Now for her Majesty, we will first speak of the blessing of con- 1. Continu-
tinuance ; as that which wanted in the happiest of these kings, "^*
and is not only a great favour of God unto the prince, but also a
singular benefit unto the people. For that sentence of the Scrip-
ture, misera natio cum multi sunt principes ejus, is interpreted
not only to extend '' to divisions and distractions in government,
but also to frequent changes in succession ; considering that the
change of a prince ever® bringeth in many changes which are
harsh and unpleasant to a great part of the subjects. It ap-
peareth then, that of the line of five hundred and fourscore •
years and more, containing the number of twenty-two kings,

> reiffn : B, H.

' ffreat omitted in B, H. with a voyage : C. with after his voyage : A.
' So H. polished : B. poUiahed : G. The other MSS. omit the cUuse.
* settling : B. * Blanks left for these dates in B and H.

^ ternporis Jiduciam omitted in A, C. ' to extend not only : B, H.

> ever omitted in A. » So A, C. 680 : B, H. It should hare been 520.

156 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chip. V.

God hath already prolonged her Majesty's reign to exceed sixteen
of the said two-and-twenty ; and by the end of this present year,^
which God prosper^ she shall attain to be equal with two more ;
during which time there have deceased four Emperors^ as many
French kings^ twice so many bishops of Rome ; yea, every state
in Christendom, except Spain, have received sundry successions ;
and for the King of Spain, he is waxed so infirm and thereby so
retired, as the report of his death serveth for every year's news ;
whereas her Majesty (thanks he to God) being nothing decayed
in vigour of health and strength, was never more able to supply
and sustain the weight of her afiairs, and is, as far as standeth
with the dignity of her Majesty royal, continually to be seen, to
the great comfort and hearts-ease of her people.
2. Health. Secondly, we will mention the blessing of Health ; I mean gene-
rally of the people ; which was wanting in the reign of another of
these kings, which else deserved to have the second place in happi-
ness ; which is one of the great favours of God towards any nation.
For as there be three scourges of God, — war, famine, and pesti-
lence, — so are there three benedictions, — peace, plenty, and health.
Whereas therefore this realm hath been often visited in times
past with sundry kinds of mortalities, — as pestilences, sweats,
and other contagious diseases, — it is so, that in her Majesty's
times, being of l;he continuance aforesaid, there was only towards
the, beginning of her reign some sickness between June and
February in the City ; but not dispersed into any other part of
the realm, as was noted ; which we call yet the great plague ;
because that though it was nothing so grievous nor so sweeping
as it had ^ been sundry times heretofore, yet it was great in re-
spect of the health which hath followed sitheuce ;* which hath
been such (especially of late years) as we began to dispute and
move questions of the causes whereunto it should be ascribed,
until such time as it pleased God to teach us that we ought to
ascribe it only * to his mercy, by touching us a little this present
year;* but with a very gentle hand, and such as it hath pleased
him since to remove. But certain it is, for so many years toge-
ther, notwithstanding the great pestering of people in houses, the

^ The present regnal year. Elizabeth's thirtj-fifth year was completed on the
16th of Norember, 1593 ; which made her equal with Henry II. and Edward I.
Hence this must have been written <tfter November 16, 1592.

« hath : B, H. • tince : B, H. ^ ^^ omitted in A.

* The sickness of 1592 began about the middle of August.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL, 157

great multitude of strangers^ and the sundry voyages by sea ^ (all
which have been noted to be causes of pestilence)^ the health
universal* of the people was never so good.

The third blessing is that which all the politic and fortunate S- 'Pchce.
kings before recited have wanted ; that is, Peace. For there was
never foreigner since her Majesty's reign by invasion or in-
cursion of moment that took any footing within the realm of
England. One rebellion there hath been only, but such an one
as was repressed within the space of seven weeks, and did not
waste the realm so much as by the destruction or depopulation
of one poor town. And for wars abroad, taking in those of Leith,
those of Newhaven, the second expedition into Scotland, the wars
with* Spain, which I reckon from the year '86 or '87* (before
which time neither had the King of Spain withdrawn his ambas-
sadors here residing, neither had her Majesty received into her^
protection the United Provinces of the Low Countries), and the
aids of France, they have not occupied in time a third part of her
Majesty's reign, nor consumed past two of any noble house
(whereof France took one and Flanders another), and very few be-
sides of quality or appearance. They have scant mowed down the
overcharge of the people which have been bred within the realm.
It is therefore true that the kings aforesaid and others her Majes-
ty's progenitors have been victorious in their wars, and have made
many famous and memorable voyages and expeditions into sundry
parts ; and that her Majesty contrariwise from the beginning put
on a firm resolution to content herself with those limits of her
dominions which she received, and to entertain peace with her
neighbour princes ; which resolution she hath ever since (notwith-
standing she hath had rare opportunities, just claims and pretences,
and great and mighty means) sought to continue. But if this be
objected to be the less honourable fortune, I answer that even*
amongst the heathen (who held not the expense of blood so pre-
cious as Christians ought to do), the peaceable government of
Augustus Csesar was ever as highly esteemed as the victories^ of
Julius his uncle ; and that the name of pater patrue was ever as
honourable as that oi propagator imperii. And this I add further,
that during this inward peace of so many years, in the actions of

> 8eaM : A, C. ' universally : B, H. • of: A.

* Blanks left in B for these date« : in H thej are omitted altogether.

* her omitted m C, B, H. • ever ; A, 0. ^ victorious : B.

158 LETTBRS AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

war before^ mentioned which her Majesty either in her own de-
fence or in just and honourable aids hath undertaken^ the service
hath been such as* hath carried no note of a people whose mi-
litia^ were degenerated through long peace, but hath every way
answered the ancient reputation of the English arms,
iid we2th "^^^ fourth blessing is Plenty and Abundance. And first for
grain and all victuals/ there cannot be more evident proof of the
plenty than this ; that whereas England was wont to be fed by
other countries from the east, it sufficeth now to feed other coun-
tries ;^ so as we do many times transport and serve sundry foreign
countries ; and yet there was never the like multitude of people
to eat it within the realm. Another evident proof thereof may
be, that the good yields of corn which have been, together with
some toleration of vent, hath of late time invited and enticed men
to break up more ground and to convert it to tillage, than all the
penal laws for that purpose made and enacted could ever by com-
pulsion effect. A third proof may be, that the prices of gr^in ,
and victual were never of late years more reasonable.

Now for arguments of the great wealth and plenty^ in all other
respects, let the points following^ be considered.

There was never the like number of fair and stately houses as
have been built and set up from the ground since her Majesty's
reign ; insomuch that there have been reckoned in one shire that
is not great to the number of three and thirty, which have been all
new built within that time ; and whereof the meanest was never
built for two thousand pounds.

There were never the like pleasures of goodly gardens and
orchards, walks, pools, and parks, as do adorn almost every man-
sion house.

There was never the like number of beautiful and costly tombs
and monuments, which are erected in sundry churches in honour-
able memory® of the dead.

There was never the like quantity of plate, jewels, sumptuous
movables and stuff, as is now within the realm.

There was never the like quantity of waste and unprofitable
ground inned, reclaimed, and improved.

* afore ; B, H. ^ ^at^ &*^ *«<?* «* omitted in B.
' mUHug.'B.

* and viciuall : C. other viduall: B. * countries omitted in B.

* and plenty omitted in A. ' these following : A.
^ mention: A.

1692.] OBSEBVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 159

There was never the like husbanding of all sorts of grounds by
fencing, manuring, and all kinds ^ of good husbandry.

The towns were never better built nor peopled ; nor the prin-
cipal fairs and markets never better customed nor frequented.

The commodities and eases ^ of rivers cut by the hand and
brought into a new channel, of piers that have been built, of
waters that have been forced and brought against the ground, were
never so many.

There was never so many excellent artificers, nor* so many
new handicrafts used and exercised, nor new commodities made
within the realm ; as sugar, paper, glass, copper, divers silks, and
the like.

There was never such * complete and honourable provision of
horse, armour, weapon, ordinance of ^ the war.

The fifth blessing hath been the great Population and multi- 6. increase
tude of families increased within her Majesty's days. For which ° ^^^ ®*
point I refer myself to the proclamations of restraint of building
in London, the inhibition of inmates in sundry cities,^ the re-
straint of cottages by Act of Parliament, and sundry other tokens
of record of the surcharge of people.

Besides these parts of a government blessed from God, wherein
the condition of the people hath been more happy in her Ma-
jesty's times than in the times of her progenitors, there are cer-
tain singularities and particulars ^ of her Majesty's reign, wherein
I do not say that we have enjoyed them in a more ample degree
and proportion than in former ages (as it hath fallen out in the
points idbre-mentioned), but such as were in effect unknown and
untasted heretofore.

As first, the Purity of Religion ; which is a benefit inestimable, Beform^-

tion in

and was in the time of all former princes, until the days of her Beiigion.
Majesty's father of famous memory, unheard of. Out of which
purity of religion have since ensued, besides® the principal effect of
the true knowledge and worship of God, three points of great "^^^f®® "P®'
consequence unto the civil estate. One, the stay of a mighty established
treasure within the realm,* which in foretimes was drawn forth to ^tSf ^
Rome : Another, the dispersing and distribution of those reve- ^|^ °^

^ all kind : B, C. kindt o/* omitted in H. ' eate ofrivera cut hy hemd : A, 0.
* and : A. * the like : B. ' weapons and ordnance for : B.

' toums : A. 7 peculiars : 6, G-, H. ^ beside : A. ' kingdom : B.

160 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

nues (amounting to a third part of the land of the realm^ and that
of the goodliest and the richest sort) which heretofore were un-
profitably spent in monasteries^ into such hands as by whom the
realm receiveth at this day service and strength^ and many great
houses have been set up and augmented : The thirds the manu-
mizing ^ and enfranchising of the regal dignity from the recogni-
tion of a foreign superior. All which points^ though begun by
her father and continued by her brother, were yet nevertheless
after an eclipse or intermission restored and re-established by
her Majesty's self.

Finenesi of Secondly, the Fineness of Money. For as the purging away
of the dross of religion, the heavenly treasure, was common to
her Majesty with her father and her brother, so the purging of
the* base money, the^ earthly treasure, hath been altogether
proper to her Majesty's own times ; whereby our moneys bear-
ing the natural estimation of the metal and not the legal estima-
tion* of the stamp or mark, both every man resteth assured of
his own value, and also^ free from the losses and deceits which
fall out in other places upon the rising and falling of moneys.

The might Thirdly, the might of the Navy and augmentation of the
' Shipping of the realm ; which by politic constitutions for main-
tenance of fishing and the encouragement and assistance given
to the undertakers of new discoveries and trades by sea is so ad-
vanced, as this island is become (as^ the natural site thereof de-
serveth) the Lady of the Sea.

Compan- Now to pass firom the comparison of time to the comparison of

Bon of the , „r /. 1 . 1 1 ^ - . ,

sute of place. We may find m the states abroad cause of pity and com-

wui the passion in some, but of envy or emulation in none ; our condition

aWd being, by the good favour of God, not inferior to any.

Amicted,iia The kingdom of France, which by reason of the seat of the

empire of the west^ was wont to have the precedence of the

kingdoms of Europe, is now fallen into those calamities, that, as

the prophet saith. From the crown of the head to the sole of the

foot there is no whole place. The divisions are so many and so

intricate, of Protestants and Catholics, Royalists and Leaguers,

Bourbonists and Lorainists,® Patriots and Spanish, as it seemeth

^ fnanwnitting : Or. maiMging : A, C. tnanunrising : H.

' of ha*e money : B, H. • and earthly : A.

*qf.,, estimation omitted in A. * also omitted in A, C. • as omitted in C.

7 of the west omitted in B. ^ Bourbonists and Lorcdnists omitted in 6 and H.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 161

God hath some great work to bring to pass upon that nation ;
yea the nobility divided from the third state^ and the towns from
the field. All whieh miseries^ tnily to speak^ have been wrought
by Spain and the Spanish faction.

The Low Countries^ which were within the age of a young Low Coun-
man the richest, the best peopled, and the best built plot of
Europe, are in such estate as a country is like to be in, that hath
been the seat of thirty years' war ; and although the sea-pro-
vinces be rather increased in wealth and shipping than other-
wise, yet they cannot but mourn for their distraction from the
rest of their body.

The kingdom of Portugal (which of late times, through their Portugal
merchandising and places in the East Indies, was grown to be
an opulent kingdom) is now at the last, after the unfortunate
journey of Afric, in that state as a country is like to be,^ re-
duced^ under a foreign' obedience by conquest; and such a
foreigner as was to that nation least acceptable ;* and such a
foreigner as hath his competitor in title (being a natural Por-
tugal and no stranger, and having been once in possession) yet
in life ; whereby his jealousy must necessarily be increased, and
through his jealousy their oppression ; which is apparent by the
carrying of many noble families out of their natural countries '
to live in exile, and by putting to death a great number of noble-
men,'^ naturally born to have been principal governors of their
countries.

These are the three* afflicted parts of Christendom. The rest
of the states enjoy either^ prosperity or tolerable condition.

The kingdom of Scotland, though at this present by the Proeperoua
good regiment and wise proceeding of the king they enjoy good **
quiet, yet since® our peace it hath passed through no small trou-
bles, and remaiueth full of boiling and swelling humours ; but
like, by the maturity of the said king every day increasing, to be
repressed.

The kingdom of Poland is newly recovered out of great PoUmd.

^ ^ tfi : B. ; and in the same line, Micque for Aflicqw.

' So all the MSS. thai is reduced : Besuso. But the oonstraction is, " in such
a state as a country reduced, etc., is like to be.**
' foreigner : A.

* best accepted : H. and . . . acceptable omitted in A, C.
' out of their natural country men naturally hom^ etc. : B.
< the omitted in A, C. three omitted in G. the third : B. 7 their : C.

" long since the continuance qf our peace hath : B, H.

VOL. I. M

162

LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

Sweden.

Denmark.

Italy.

wars about ^ an ambiguous election; and besides is' a state of
that composition that^ their king being elective^ they do com-
monly choose rather a stranger than one of their own country ;
a great exception to the flourishing estate of any kingdom.

The kingdom of Sw;edeland (besides their foreign wars upon
their confiners,' the Muscovites and the Danes) hath been also
subject to divers intestine tumults and mutations^ as their stories
do record.

The kingdom of Denmark hath had good times, specially by
the good government of the late king who maintained the pro-
fession of the Gospel ; but yet greatly giveth place to the king-
dom of England, in climate, wealth, fertility, and many other
points both of honour and strength.

The states of Italy which are not under the dominion of Spain
have had peace equal in continuance with ours, except in regard
to that which hath passed between them and the Turk, which
hath sorted to their honour and commendation. But yet they
are so bridled and over-awed by the Spaniard, that possesseth
the two principal members thereof and that in the two extreme
parts, as they be like quillets of freehold lying * intermixed in
the midst of a great honour or lordship ; so as their quiet is in-
termingled, not with jealousy alone, but with restraint.
c^«r«nany- The states of Germany have had for the most part peaceable
times ; but yet they yield to the state of England ; not only in
the great honour of a great kingdom (they being of a mean^
style and dignity), but also in many other respects both of wealth*
and policy.

The state of Savoy, having^ in the old Duke's time been go-
verned in good prosperity, hath since (notwithstanding their new
great alliance with Spain, whereupon they waxed insolent to de-
sign to snatch up some piece of France) ® after the* dishonourable

* 2y ; B. an omitted in C. Sigismund III. was elected in 1587 by the nobles,
in opposition to Maximilian, with whom he had afterwards to fight for the crown.

« itisi A.

» confines : B, C. * So G, H. hein^ : A, B, C. » fneaner : B, H.

• weale and policy : C. in some other respects^ both of Church and State, which
I forbear to mention : B, H. ^ having been in the old Dtike's time governed : A.

^ So B. In the * Beeuscitatio * the parenthesis is extended to Geneva. (No pa-
renthesis, nor any stops hardly in A, C, H.) Charles Emanuel was repulsed from
Geneva in the autumn of 1582 ; but the allusion may be to November, 1590, when,
being invited by the Liguers of Provence to be their governor, he abandoned his
war with the G-enevese to follow that enterprise. The particular gentleman of
Dauphiny was M. de Lesdiguiers ; by whom he was beaten in three battles in 1591,
and driven out of Provence and followed into Piedmont in 1592. ' a ; B.

Savoy.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 163

repulse from the siege of Geneva been often ^ distressed by a par-
ticular gentleman of Dauphiny; and at this present day the
Duke feeleth, even in Piedmont beyond the mountains^ the weight
of the same enemy ; who hath lately shut up his gates and com-
mon entries between Savoy and Piedmont.

So as hitherto I do not see but that we are as much hound to
the mercies of Ood as any other nation ; considering that the
fires of dissension and oppression in some parts of Christendom
may serve us for lights to show us our happiness ; and the good
estates of other places^ which we do congratulate with them for,
is such nevertheless as doth not stain and exceed ours, but rather
doth still leave somewhat wherein we may acknowledge an ex-
traordinary benediction of God.

Lastly, we do not much emulate the greatness and glory of the Spain.
Spaniards;^ who having not only excluded the purity of religion,
but also fortified against it by the device of their ^ inquisition
(which is a bulwark against the entrance of the truth of God) ;*
having, in recompense of their new purchase of Portugal, lost a
great part of their ancient patrimony* of the Low Countries
(being of far greater commodity and* value), or at the least hold-
ing part thereof in such sort as most of their other revenues are
spent there upon their own ; having lately with much difficulty
rather smoothed and skinned over than healed and extinguished
the commotion"^ of Arragon ; having rather sowed troubles in
France than reaped any® assured fruit thereof unto themselves ;
having from the attempt of England received scorn and disre-
putation ; being at this time with the states of Italy rather sus-
pected than either loved or feared ; having in Germany and else-
where rather much practice than any sound intelligence or amity; ^
having no such clear succession as they need object and reproach
the uncertainty thereof unto another nation; — have in the end
won a reputation rather of ambition than justice; and^° in the
pursuit of their ambition, rather of much enterprising than of
fortunate achieving ; and in their enterprising, rather ^^ of doing
things by treasure and expense than by forces and valour.

* after: B. ^ Spain: A. Spaniard: H. ' the inquisition: B.

* the entrance of Qod : A. the entrance of the church of Qod : H.

* their ancient patrimonies : A. the ancient patrimony : B, C.

* commodity and omitted in C. ^ commotions : A.

8 any omitted in A, C. ^ or amity omitted in B. >° and omitted in C.

" rather omitted in B.

M 2

164? LETTERS AND LIFE OP PEANCIS BACON. [Ohap. V.

Now that I have given the reader a taste of England respec-
tively and in comparison of the times past and of the states
abroad^ I will descend to examine the libeller's own divisions ;
whereupon let the world judge how easily and clean this ink
which he hath cast in our faces is washed off.
Concerning The first branch of the pretended calamities of England is the
verdes in great and wonderful confusion which he saith is in the state of
^^ the church ; which is subdivided again into two parts ; the one,

the persecutions^ against the' Catholics ; the other, the discord
and controversies amongst ourselves. The former of which two
parts I have made an article by itself; wherein I have set down
a clear and simple narration of the proceedings ^ of state against
that sort of subjects ; adding this by the way, that there are two
extremities in state concerning the causes of faith and religion ;
that is to say, the permission of the exercises of more religions
than one, which is a dangerous indulgence and toleration ; the
other is the entering and sifting into men's consciences when no
overt scandal is given, which is a rigorous and strainable inquisi-
tion ; and I avouch the proceedings towards the pretended Catho-
lics to have been a mean between these two extremities ; refer-
ring the demonstration thereof unto the aforesaid narration in
the article * following.

Touching the divisions in our church,^ the libeller affirmeth
that the Protestantical Calvinism (for so it pleaseth him with
very good grace to term the religion with us established), is
grown contemptible, and detected of idolatry, heresy, and many
other superstitious abuses, by a purified sort of professors of the
same Gospel ; and this contention is yet grown to be more intri-
cate by reason of a third kind of gospellers called Brownists ;
who, being directed by the great fervour of the unholy ghost,*
do expressly aflSrm that the Protestantical Church of England is
not gathered in the name of Christ but of Antichrist, and that
if the prince or magistrate under her do refuse or defer to re-
form the church, the people may without her consent take the
reformation into their own hands. And hereto he addeth the
fanatical pageant of Hacket. And this is the effect of his accu-
sation in this point.

> psecutiont : C. pertecution: B. prowcuHons : A. ^ the omitted in B, C,H.
» proceeding : B, H. * artielet : A, C. * the Church : B, H.

• ffofyQhoet:C,U.

1692.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 165

For answer whereunto, first it must be remembered that the
church ^ of God hath been in all ages subject to contentions and
schisms. The tares were not sown but where the wheat was
sown before. Our Saviour Christ delivereth it for an ill note to
have outward peace ; sayings when a strong man is in posses-
sion of the house (meaning the devil) all things are in peace}
It is the condition of the church to be ever under trials; and
there are but two trials ; the one of persecution, the other of
scandal and contention; and when the one ceaseth the other
succeedeth. Nay there is scarce any one epistle of St. Paul
unto the churches but containeth some reprehension of unneces-
sary and schismatical controversy. So likewise in the time of
Constantine the Great, after the time that the church had ob-
tained peace from persecution, straight entered sundry questions
and controversies about no less matters than the essential points
of the faith and the high mysteries of the Trinity. But reason
teacheth us that in ignorance and implied belief it is easy to
agree, as colours agree in the dark ; or if any country decline
into atheism then ^ controversies wax dainty, because men do
think religion scarce worth the falling out for. So as it is weak
divinity to account controversies an ill sign in the church.

It is true that certain men, moved with an inconsiderate de-
testation of all ceremonies or orders which were in use in the
time of the Roman religion (as if they were without difference
superstitious or polluted), and led with an affectionate imitation
of the government of some Protestant churches in foreign states,
have sought by books and preaching, indiscreetly and sometimes
undutifully, to bring in an alteration in the extern rites and
policy of the church. But neither have the grounds of the con-
troversies extended unto any point of faith; neither hath the
pressing and prosecution exceeded, in the generality, the nature
of some inferior contempts ; so as they have been far from heresy
and sedition, and therefore rather offensive than dangerous to the
church or state.

And as for those which we call Brownists, being, when they
were at the most, a very small number of very silly and base
people here and there in corners dispersed, they are now (thanks
be to God) by the good remedies that have been used suppressed
and worn out, so as there is scarce any news of them. Neither

^ true Church : B, H. ^ From tayinff to peace omitted in B. ^ the: A.

166 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

had they been much known at all, had not Brown their leader
written a pamphlet, wherein, as it came into his head, he in-
veighed more against logic and rhetoric than against the state of
the church ; which writing was much read ; and had not also one
Barrow (being a gentleman of a good house, but one that lived '
in London at ordinaries and there learned to argue in table-
talk and so was very much known in the city and abroad) made
a leap from a vain and libertine youth to a preciseness in the
highest degree ; the strangeness of which alteration made him
very^ much spoken of.^

And here I note an honesty and discretion in the libeller
which I note nowhere else, in that he did forbear to lay to
our charge the sect of the Family of Love. For about twelve
years since, there was creeping in some secret places of the
realm indeed a very great heresy, derived from the Dutch and
named as was before said ; which since, by the good blessing
of God and by the good strength of our church, is vanished*
and extinct. [I judge the libeller omitted it to show that he
was well advertised, and that he wrote not his new books ^ out
of old news; wherein he did discreetly.] But so much we
see, that the diseases wherewith our church hath been visited,
whatsoever these men say, have either not been malign and^
dangerous, or else they have been as blisters in some small ^
ignoble part of the body, which have soon after fallen and gone
away. For such also was the phrenetical or® fanatical (for I
mean not to determine it *) attempt of Hackett ; who must needs
have been thought a very dangerous heretic, that could never get
but two disciples, and those, as it should seem, perished in their
brain ; and a dangerous commotioner, that in so great and popu-
lous a city as London is could draw but those same two fellows,
whom the people rather laughed at as a may-game than took any
heed of what they did or said. So as it was very true that an
honest poor woman said when she saw Hackett out of ^^ a window
pass to his execution ; said she to herself, " It was foretold that

1 had lived : B, H. » very omitted in B, H.

' The * Resuscitatio * adds, the maiter might long before have breathed out;
which I take to be a conjectural addition of the editor's, who, not obserring the
true construction of the sentence, thought it was imperfect.

* banished : A, 0.

* his book : B. The words within the brackets omitted in A, C.

* or : C. 7 gmall omitted in A, C. « ^nd : A, C»
» »^ omitted : B. ^ at: C.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 167

in the latter days there should come those that should deceive
many ; but in faith thou hast deceived but a few/^

But it is a manifest untruth which the libeller settetb down,
that there hath been no punishment done upon those which in
any of the foresaid kinds have broken the laws and^ disturbed
the church and state, and that the edge of the law hath been
only turned upon the pretended Catholics ; for the examples are
very many where, according to the nature and degree of the
offence, the correction of such offenders hath not been neglected.

These be the great confusions whereof he hath accused our
church, which I refer to the judgment of all indifferent and un-
derstanding persons,* how true they be. My meaning is not to
blanch or excuse any fault of our church, nor on the other side
to enter into commemoration how flourishing it is in great and
learned divines or painful and excellent preachers. Let man
have the reproof of that which is amiss, and God the glory of
that which is good. And so much for the first branch.

In the second branch, he maketh great musters and shows of Concerning
the strength and multitude of the enemies of this state ; declaring enenSeT of
in what evil terms and correspondence we stand with foreign ^^ ^***®'
states, and how desolate and destitute we are of friends and con-
federates ; doubting belike how he should be able to prove and
justify his assertion touching the present miseries, and therefore
endeavouring at the least to maintain that the good estate which
we enjoy is yet made somewhat bitter by reason of many terrors
and fears. Whereupon entering into consideration of the secu-
rity wherein, not by our own policy but by the good providence
and protection of God, we stand at this time, I do find it to be a
security of that nature and kind which Iphicrates the Athenian
did commend ; who being a commissioner to treat with the state
of Sparta upon conditions of peace, and hearing the other side
make many propositions touching security,^ interrupted them and
told them, " there was but one manner of security whereupon
the Athenians could rest ; which was, if the deputies of the La-
cedaemonians could make it plain unto them that, after these and
these things parted withal, the Lacedaemonians should not be
able to hurt them though* they would.^' So it is with us. As

* or: B, H. % « an indifferent and unSi^ttandmg person : B, C, H.

» tecuriiiet : B. < if: A.

168 LETTBBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

we have not justly provoked the hatred or enmity of any other
state^ so^ howsoever that be, I know not at this time the enemy
that hath the power to offend us though he had the will.

And whether we have given just quarrel or offence, it shall
be afterwards touched in the fourth article, touching the true
causes of the disturbance of the quiet of Christendom ; as far
as it is fit to justify the actions of so high a prince upon the oc-
casion of such a libel as this. But now concerning the power
and forces of any enemy, I do find that England hath sometimes
apprehended with jealousy the confederation between France and
Scotland ; the one being upon the same continent that we are,
and breeding^ a soldier of puissance and courage not much dif-
fering from the English ; the other a kingdom very opulent, and
thereby able to sustain wars at very great charge, and having a
brave nobility, and being a near neighbour. And yet of this
conjunction there came^ never any offence of moment unto our
nation.' But Scotland was ever rather used by France as a diver-
sion of an English invasion upon France than as a commodity of
a French invasion upon England. I confess also, that since the
unions of the kingdoms of Spain,^ and during the time the king-
dom of France was in his entire, a conjunction of those two
potent kingdoms against us might have been of some terror to
us. But now it is evident that the state of France is such as
both those conjunctions are become impossible. It resteth that
either Spain with Scotland should offend us, or Spain alone. For
Scotland (thanks be to God) the amity and intelligence is so
sound and strait^ between the two crowns, being strengthened by
consent in religion, nearness of blood, and continual good offices
reciprocally on either side,* as the Spaniard himself in his own
plot thinketh it easier to alter and overthrow the present state
of Scotland than to remove and divide it from the amity of
England. So as it must be Spain alone that we should fear ;
which should seem, by reason of his spacious dominions, to be a
great overmatch.^ The conceit whereof maketh me call to mind
the resemblance of an ancient writer in physic ; who labouring
to persuade that a physician should not doubt sometimes to purge
his patient though he see him very weak, entereth into a distinc-

^ hy breeding : A. * never came ; A. • unto our nation omitted in A, C.

* union of the kingdom : B. union of the kingdom* : G, H.

* sireite : B. straight : H. secret : A. eecreate : C. ^part : B, H.
7 match : A.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 169

tion of weakness ; and saith there is a weakness of spirit^ and a
weakness of body; the latter whereof^ he compareth unto a man
that were otherwise very strongs but had a great pack on his
neck so great as made him double again^ so as one might thrust
him down with his finger ; which similitude and distinction both
may be fitly applied to matter of state ; for some states are weak
through want of means, and some' weak through excess of bur-
then ; in which rank I do place the state of Spain, which having
out-compassed itself in embracing too much, and being itself but
a barren seed-plot of soldiers, and much drained^ and exhausted
of men by the Indies and by continual wars, and as to the state
of their treasure being indebted and engaged before such times
as they waged so great forces in France (and therefore much
more since), is not in brief an enemy to be feared by a nation
seated, manned, furnished, and poUicied^ as is'^ England.

Neither is this spoken by guess. For the experience was sub-
stantial enough, and of fresh memory, in the late enterprise of
Spain upon England ; what time all that goodly^ shipping which
in that voyage was consumed, was complete; what time his forces
in the Low-Countries were*^ also full and entire, which now are®
wasted to a fourth part ; what time also he was not entangled
with the matters of France, but was rather like to receive as-
sistance than impediment from his friends there, in respect of the
great vigour wherein the League then was, while the Duke of
Guise lived.^ And yet nevertheless alP^ this great preparation
passed away like a dream. The invincible navy neither took any
one bark of ours, neither yet once ofiered to land ; but after
they had been well beaten and chased, made a perambulation
about the northern seas, ennobling many coasts with wracks of
mighty ships ; and so returned home with greater derision than
they set forth with expectation.

So as we shall not need much confederacies and succours
(which he saith we want^^) for the breaking of the Spanish inva-
sion : no, though the Spaniard should nestle in Brittaine and

^ a weaknets of humour and a toeakness of tpiriUy the former whereof: 6, H.
The transcriber of C had originalljr written, a weaknest of spirit and a weakness of
body; then, his eye catching the first * weakness,' he crossed out 'body,* and
wrote spirit and a weakness of body oyer a^in. Thssn. some one else crossed out
these latter words and wrote, ho(hf or humour or blood. The text is from A.

* some omitted in A. • decayed : A, C. ^ poUiced : A, O.

* B omits is. ^ good : A. ^ was : A, 0. also omitted in B.
» be: A. ' then lived: A,0. '^ aU omitted in A,0. at: H.

" A, C, oarrjr on the parenthesis to invasion.

170 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Caap. V.

supplant the French and get some port-towns into their hands
there (which is yet far off), yet shall he never be so commodi-
ously seated to annoy us as if he had kept the Low-Countries ;
and we shall rather fear him as a wrangling neighbour that may
trespass now and then upon some straggling ships of ours^ than
as an invader. And as for our confederacies^ Grod hath given us
both means and minds to tender and relieve the states of others,
and therefore our confederacies are rather of honour than such
as we depend upon. And yet nevertheless " the apostataes and
Huguenots of France'^ on the one part (for so he termeth the
whole nobility in a manner of France, among the which a great
part is^ of his own religion, which maintain the clear and unble-
mished title of their lawful and natural king against^ the sedi-
tious popular), and "the beer- brewers and basket-makers of
Holland and Zealand "^ on the other, have almost banded away
between them all the Duke of Parma's forces ; and I suppose
the very mines of the Indies will go low, or ever the one be
ruined or the other recovered. Neither again desire we better
confederacies and leagues than Spain itself hath provided for us.
Non enim verbis foedera confirmantur, sed iisdem utilitatibus.
We know to how many states the King of Spain is odious and
suspected ;* and for ourselves we have* incensed none by our in-
juries,* nor made any jealous by our ambition. These are in
rules of policy the firmest contracts.

Let thus much be said in answer of this second branch, con-
cerning the number of exterior enemies. Wherein my meaning
is nothing less than to attribute our felicity^ to our policy, or to
nourish ourselves in the humour of security. But I hope we
shall depend upon God and be vigilant ; and then it will be seen
to what end these false alarums^ will come.

In the third branch of the miseries of England, he taketh upon
him to play the prophet, as he hath in all the rest played the
poet, and wDl needs divine or prognosticate the great troubles
whereunto this realm shall fall after her Majesty's times ; as if
he that hath so singular a gift in lying* of the present time and

^ is omitted in A. ** amonfftt : B.

* The * BesuBcitatio ' adds ('as he also terms themj ; words not found in any of
the MSS. ^ suspect : B. ' have omitted in A, C.

' increased none qfomr injuries : 0. ^ stifettf : B, G, H. ^ alarmes : B.

* sj^aking untruth : B, H.

1692.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 171

times past, had nevertheless an extraordinary grace in telling
truth of the time to come ; or as if the effect of the Pope's curse^
of England were upon better advice adjourned to those days.
It is true it will be misery enough for this realm (whensoever it'
shall be) to leese such a sovereign. But for the rest, as we must
repose ourselves upon the good pleasure of Grod, so it is an un-
just charge in the libeller to impute an accident of state to the
fault of the government.

It pleaseth God sometimes, to the end to make men depend
upon him the more, to hide from them the clear sight ' of future
events, and to make them think that full of incertainty and
difiSculty which after proveth^ certain and clear; and sometimes
on the other side to cross men's expectation, and to make them
find that full of diflSculty and interruption which they thought
to be easy and assured.^ Neither is it any new thing for the
titles of succession in monarchies to be at times less or more
declared.® King Sebastian of Portugal, before his journey into
Africk, declared no successor. The Cardinal, though he were of
extreme age and were much importuned by the King of Spain
and knew directly of six or seven competitors to that crown,
yet rather established I know not what interim than decided
the titles or designed any certain successor. The dukedom of
Ferrara is at this day, after the death of the prince that now
liveth, uncertain in the point^ of succession. The kingdom of
Scotland hath declared no successor. Nay it is very rare in
hereditary monarchies, by any act of state or any recognition or
oath® of the people, in the collateral line to establish a successor.
The Duke of Orleans succeeded Charles VIII. of France, but
was never declared successor in his time. Monsieur d'Angou-
lesme also succeeded him, but without any designation. Sons of
kings themselves oftentimes through desire to reign and to pre-
vent their time wax dangerous to their parents ; how much more
cousins in a more remote degree ? It is lawful no doubt and
honourable, if the case require, for princes to make an establish-
ment ; but as it was said, it is rarely practised in the collateral

> curses : B, C, H. « that: B, H.

' the sight : B, H. * incertainty^ which praveth : A.

* and to hold men in suspense, and sometimes agcun to cross mofCs expectatianf
etc.: 6, H. and to make them full of difficulty and perplexity in that which, etc.:
A, B. (B agreeing with the text in the last clause, and A in the first, except that it
omits and difficulty and <nfier.) The text is from 0.

' less clear and certain : B, H. ^ points ; C. ^ oath omitted in A.

172 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

line. Trajan, the best emperor of Rome of a heathen that ever
was ; at what time the emperors did use to design successors,
not so much to avoid the uncertainty of succession as to the end
to have participes curarum for the present time, because their
empire was so vast ; at what time also adoptions were in use, and
himself had been ^ adopted ; yet never designed a successor but
by his last will and testament ; which also was thought to be
suborned by his wife Plotina in favour of her lover Adrian.

Nothing* hath been done to prejudice the* right, and there
can be but one right. But one thing I am persuaded of, that
no king of Spain nor bishop of Rome shall umpire nor promote
any beneficiary or feudatory king; as they designed to do even
when the Scottish queen lived, whom they pretended to cherish.
I will not retort the matter of succession upon * Spain, but use
that modesty and reverence that belongeth to the majesty of so
great a king, though an enemy. And so much for this third
branch.

The fourth branch he maketh to be touching the overthrow of
the nobility and the oppression of the people. Wherein though
he may percase abuse the simplicity of some foreigner, yet to
any^ Englishman, or any that hath heard^ of the present condi-
tion of England, he will appear to be a man of singular audacity
and worthy to be employed in the defence of any paradox. And
surely if he would needs have defaced the general state of England
at this time, he should in wisdom rather have made some friarly
declamation against the excess and^ superfluity and delicacy of
our times, than to have insisted upon the misery and poverty
and depopulation of the land ; as may sufficiently appear by that
which hath been said.
Concerning But nevertheless, to follow this man in his own steps. First,
thenobmu. Concerning the nobility. It is true, that there have been in ages
past noblemen (as I take it) both of greater ^ possessions and of
greater commandment and sway than any are at this day. One
reason why the possessions are less I conceive to be, because
certain sumptuous veins and humours of expense, — as apparel,
gaming, maintaining of a kind of followers, and the like, — do

* C omits had been.

' So all the MSS. The < Resuscitatio * has you may he sure thai noihing^ etc.

' prejudicate any right : B, O, H. * unto ; A. * on .- A, C.

« heareth: A,0. 7 ^. A,0. » yreat, A,C.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 173

reign more than they did in times past. Another reason is^
because noblemen nowadays do deal better with their younger
sons than they were accustomed^ to do heretofore,^ whereby the
principal house receiveth many abatements. Touching the com-
mandment, which is not indeed so great as it hath been, I take
it rather to be a commendation of the time than otherwise. For
men were wont factiously to depend upon noblemen; whereof
ensued many partialities and divisions, besides much interruption
of justice, while the great ones^ did seek to bear out those that
did depend upon them ; so as the kings of this realm, finding
long since that kind of commandment in noblemen unsafe unto
their crown and inconvenient unto their people, thought meet
to restrain the same by provision* of laws ; whereupon grew the
statute of retainers ; so as men now depend upon the prince and
the laws and upon no other. ^ A matter which hath also a con-
gruity with the nature of the time; as may be seen in other
countries, namely in Spain, where their grandes are nothing so
potent and so absolute as they have been in times past. But
otherwise it may be truly affirmed that the rights and pre-emi-
nencies of the nobility were never more duly and exactly pre-
served unto them than they have been in her Majesty's times ;
the precedence of knights given to the younger sons of barons ;
no subpoenas awarded against the nobility out of the chancery,
but letters ; no answer upon oath, but honour; besides a number
of other privileges in Parliament, court, and country. So like-
wise for the countenance which they receive * of her Majesty and
the state in lieutenancies, commissions, offices, and the like,
there was never a more honourable and graceful ^ r^ard had of
the nobility; neither was there ever a more faithful remem-
brancer and exacter of all these particular pre-eminencies unto
them, nor a more diligent searcher and register of their pedi-
grees, alliances, and all memorials of honour, than that man
whom he chargeth to have overthrown the nobility, because a few
of them by immoderate expense are decayed, according to the
humour of the time which he hath not been able to resist, no
not in his own house. And as for attainders, there have been in
thirty-five years but five of any of the nobility, and whereof but ®

* wofU : B. ^ heretofore ueed to do : H.

• great men : A. * some provisions, A. * and none other : A, H.
' may receive : B. which they receive omitted in A. ^ earefkd : A.
B but omitted in C.

174 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

two came to execution ; and one of them was accompanied with
restitution of blood in the children; yea all of them, except
Westmoreland, were such as, whether it were by favour of law
or government, their heirs have, or are like to have, a great part
of their possession.^ And so much for the nobility.
Conoemmff Touching the oppression of the people, he mentioneth four

thecommoD points.

B jec J The consumption of people in the wars.

2. The interruption of traffic.

3. The corruption of justice.

4. The multitude of taxations.

Unto all which points there needeth no long speech.

For the first, thanks be to God, the benediction of Crescite
et muUiplicamini is not so weak upon this realm of England,
but the population thereof may afford such loss of men as were
sufficient for the making our late wars, and it ^ were in a per-
petuity, without being seen either in city or country. We read
that when the Romans did take cense ^ of their people, whereby
the citizens were numbered by the poll in the beginning of a
great war, and afterwards again at the ending, there sometimes
wanted a third part of the number. But let our muster-books
be perused (those, I say, that certify the number of all fighting
men in every shire) of 20"<» of the Queen, — at what time (ex-
cept a handful of soldiers in the Low Countries) we expended
no men in the wars, — and now again at this present time; and
there will appear small diminution. There be many tokens in
this realm rather of press and surcharge of people than of want
and depopulation, which were before recited. Besides it is a
better condition of an* inward peace to be accompanied with
some exercise*^ of no dangerous war* in foreign parts^ than to be
utterly without apprentisage of war, whereby people grow effemi-
nate and unpractised when occasion shall be. And it is no small
strength unto the realm, that in these ^ wars of exercise and not
of peril so many of our people are trained, and so many of our
nobility and gentlemen have been made excellent leaders both by
sea and land. As for that he objecteth.[that®] we have no pro-

* possessions : B, H. ' ii omitted in A. ' cease . C. cesse : A.

* A omita an. * exercises : A. • wars : B, H. ' the : A.

^ that omitted in all the copies. Perhaps they are right : as for thai being used
not for as for thai which, but as equivalent to and whereas (or and in that) he oh'
jeciethf etc.

1692.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 175

vision for soldiers at their return ; though that point hath not
been altc^ther neglected^ yet I wish with all my heart that it
were more ample than it is ; though I have read and heard that
in all estates upon cassing ^ and disbanding of soldiers many have
endured necessity.

For the stopping of traffic^ as I referred myself to the muster-
books for the firsts so I refer myself to the custom-books upon
this^ which will not lie, and do make demonstration of no abate-
ment at all in these last years, but rather of rising and increase.
We know of many in London and other places that are within a
small time greatly come up and made rich by merchandising ;
and a man may speak within his compass, and affirm that our
prizes by sea have countervailed any prizes upon us.^

And as to the justice of this realm, it is true that cunning and
wealth have bred many suits and debates in law. But let these
points be considered ; the integrity and sufficiency of those which
supply the judicial places in the Queen^s courts; the good laws
that ^ have been made in her Majesty's time against informers
and promoters, and for the bettering of trials; the exemplar
severity * which is used in the Star-Chamber in repressing^ forces
and frauds ; the diligence and stoutness that is used by justices
of assizes in encountering all countenancing^ and bearing of
causes in the country by their authorities ^ and wisdoms;® the
great favours that have been used towards copyholders and
customary tenants, which were in ancient times merely at the
discretion and mercy of the lord, and are now continually re-
lieved from hard dealing in chancery and other courts of equity ;
I say, let these and many other points be considered, and men
will worthily conceive an honourable opinion of the justice of
England.

Now to the point^ of levies and contributions^® of money,
which he calleth exactions. First, very coldly he is not abashed

* So A, 0. ceasing: H. eassearinff t B. The ' Besuscitatio * (1657) gives
easheermg ; that form of the word haying by that time become the popular one.
We have both forma in * Othello.'—

That he made him
Brave me upon the watch : whereon it came
That I was cast. — (last scene.)

And thou by that small hurt hast casheered Cassio. — Act ii. so. 2.

^ our losses: B, H. ^ which: A. * example of severity : A.

* oppressing : A. * imhracery : B. Blank left for the word in H.
7 authorUy : B, H. ^ wisdom : A,B, H. » points: A, B.

'0 distributions: A,C.

176 LETTERS AND LIPB OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

to briug in the gathering of^ Faults steeple and the lottery;
trifles, and passed long since ; * whereof the former, being but a
voluntary collection of that men were freely disposed to give,
never grew to so great a sum as was sufficient to finish the work
for which it was appointed, and so (I imagine) was ^ converted
to * some better use ; like to that gathering which was for the
fortifications of Paris ;^ save that that came to a much greater,
though (as I have heard) no competent sum. And for the lottery,
it was but a novelty devised and followed by some particular per-
sons, and only allowed by the State, being as a game ® of hazard ;
wherein if any gain was, it was because many^ men thought
scorn (after they had fallen from their greater hopes) to fetch
their odd money. Then he mentioneth loans and privy seals ;
wherein he showeth great ignorance and indiscretion, consider-
ing the payments back again have been very good and certain,
and much for her Majesty^s honour. Indeed in other princes'
times it was not wont to be so ; and therefore though the name
be not so pleasant,^ yet the use of them in our times have been
with small grievance. He reckoneth also new customs upon
cloths, and new impost^ upon wines. In that of cloths he is
deceived; for the ancient rate of custom upon cloths was not
raised by her Majesty, but by Queen Mary, a Catholic queen,
and hath been only continued ^^ by her Majesty ; except he mean
the computation of the odd yards, which in strict duty was ever
answerable, though the error were but lately looked into, or
rather the toleration taken away. And to that of wines, being
a foreign merchandise and but a delicacy and of those which
might be forborne, there hath been some increase of imposition ;
which hath rather made^^ the price of wine higher than the
merchant poorer. Lastly, touching the number of subsidies, it
is true that her Majesty, in respect of the ^^ great charges of her
wars both by sea and land against such a lord of treasure as is^^
the King of Spain ; having for her part no Indies nor mines, and
the revenues of the crown of England being such as they less

' for .-A. 'A omits ni^ce, • it uxu : A, 0.

< ifUo : B, C, H. • Corrected in B to Barwick,

* ffojfne : A. gaine : C. ' many omitted in C.

s Meaning, " And though the name be for that reason not so pleasant, yet the
use," etc,
' impotU : B. ^° heen commonhf continued : A.

" can rather make : A. have rather made : Q, " her : A, C, H.

^ icat : H. is omitted in A.

1592.] OBSEBVATTONS ON A LTBEL. 177

grate upon the people than the revenues of any crown or state
in ^ Europe ; hath by the assent of Parliament according to the
ancient customs of the ^ realm received divers subsidies of her
people ; which as they have been employed upon the defence and
preservation of her subjects^ not upon excessive buildings nor
upon immoderate donatives nor upon triumphs and pleasures
or any the like veins of dissipation of treasure^ which have been
familiar to many kings^ so have they been yielded with great
good-will and cheerfulness ; as may appear by other ' kinds of
benevolence^ presented to her likewise in Parliament,* which her
Majesty nevertheless hath not put in ure. They have been
taxed also and assessed with a very light and gentle hand ; and
they have been ispared as much as may be, as may appear in that
her Majesty now twice, to spare the subject, hath sold of her
own lands. But he that shall look into other countries, and
consider the taxes and tallages and impositions and assesses,^
and the like, that are everywhere in use, will find that the*
Englishman is the most master of his own value, and the ^ least
bitten in his purse of any nation of Europe. Nay even at this
instant in the kingdom of Spain, notwithstanding the pioners
do still work in the Indian mines, the Jesuits must® play the
pioners and mine into the Spaniards^ purses, and under the co-
lour of a ghostly exhortation contrive the greatest exaction that
ever was in any realm.

Thus much in answer of these calumniations I have thought
good to note touching the present state of England ; which state
is such, that whosoever hath been an architect in the frame
therefore, under the blessing of God and the virtues' of our
sovereign, needs ^^ not to be ashamed of his work. [I pray God
we may be thankful for his benefits and use them in his fear.^^]

HI., Of the proceedings against the pretended Catholics, whether
they have been violent or moderate and necessary.

I find her Majesty's proceedings generally to have been
grounded upon two principles ;

The one. That consciences are not to be forced, but to be won

» of: A, « ihis: A. « many other: B.

* See D'Ewee's Journals, 18th March, 1586-7. * aatise^: 0. ankes: H.

* an: B. 7 i^ omitted in B. » most: A, 0. > virtuousnes: C.
^ need : B, C. ^^ The words within the brackets omitted in A, C.

VOL. I. N

178 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FKANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

and reduced by the force of truth, by the aid ^ of time, and the
use of all good means of instruction or ^ persuasion ;

The other. That causes ' of conscience when they exceed their
bounds and grow^ to be matter of faction, leese their nature ;
and that^ sovereign princes ought distinctly^ to punish the
practice or contempt, though coloured with the pretences^ of
conscience and religion.

According to these two principles, her Majesty at her coming
to the crown, utterly disliking of® the tyranny of the Church of
Borne, which had used by terror and rigour to seek command-
ment of men's faiths and consciences, although as a prince of
great wisdom and magnanimity she suffered but the exercise of
one religion,® yet her proceeding ^^ towards the Papists was with
great ^^ lenity, expecting the good effects which time might work
in them.

And therefore her Majesty revived ^^ not the laws made in 28®
and 35° ^^ of her father's reign, whereby the oath of supremacy
might have been offered at the king's pleasure to any subject,
though he kept his conscience never so modestly to himself, and
the refusal to take the same oath without further circumstance^*
was made treason. But contrariwise her Majesty (not liking to
make windows into men's hearts and secret thoughts, except the
abundance of them did overflow into overt and express acts and
affirmations,) tempered her law so, as it restraineth ^^ only mani-
fest disobedience in impugning and impeaching advisedly and
maliciously her Majesty's supreme power, and maintaining and
extolling a foreign jurisdiction. And as for the oath,** it was
altered by her Majesty into a more grateful form;^^ the harsh-
ness of the name and appellation of Supreme Head was removed ;
and the penalty of the refusal thereof turned only into^® a disable-
ment to take any promotion or to exercise any charge ; and yet
that^® with a liberty of being revested^ therein, if any man shall
accept thereof during his life.

1 by omitted in D, F. the omitted in 0. with the aid : H. with the tract : B.
2a»d;D,F. ««w«;D. «j>rortf;A,C. ^ their :B,

« etrictlv : B. ' with pretence : D, F. with the pretence : B, H.

» o/* omitted in D,F.

• of our religion : F. of one only Seligion, which is generally profetsed through-
out the realm at this present : D.

^^ her proceedings : C, D, F. the proceedings : A. ^* were with such great : D.
" reeeaved: D. *• thefive-and-twentiethand the eight-and-twentieth years: D.
" without Jktrther circumstance omitted in D, F. " restrained : D, F.

" oath itself: D. i? form of words : D. " onely omitted in A, 0.

^ that also : J>. wUh liierty : B, D, F, H. » reinvested: D.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 179

But after many years* toleration of a multitude of factious
Papists^ when Pius Quintus had excommunicated her Majesty,
and the BulP of excommunication was^ published in London,
whereby her Majesty was in a sort^ proscribed, and all* her sub-
jects drawn upon pain of damnation from her obedience ; and
that thereupon, as upon a principal motive or preparative, fol-
lowed the rebellion in the north ; yet notwithstanding, because
many of those evil humours* were by that rebellion partly purged,
and that she feared at that time no foreign invasion, and much
less the attempts of any within the realm not backed by some
succours* from without, she contented herself to make a law
against that special case of bringing in or publishing of bulls
or the like instruments ; whereunto was added a prohibition, not
upon pain^ of treason, but of an inferior degree of punishment,
against bringing in of Agnus Dei's,^ hallowed beads, and such
other merchandise of Rome as are well-known not to be any
essential part of the Roman religion, but only to be used in
practice as love-tokens • to enchant and bewitch the people's
affections from their allegiance to their natural sovereign. In
all other points her Majesty continued her former lenity.

But when, about the twentieth ^° year of her reign, she had
discovered in the King of Spain an intention to invade her do-
minions, and that a principal point of the plot^^ was to prepare a
party within the realm that might adhere to the foreigner ; and
that the seminaries began to blossom and to send forth daily
priests and professed men who should by vow taken at shrift re-
concile her subjects from their'* obedience, yea and bind many
of them to attempt against her Majesty's sacred^* person ; and
that by the poison they spread ^* the humours '* of most Papists
were altered,^* and that they were no more Papists in conscience,^^
but Papists in treasonable faction ;^^ then were there new laws
made for the punishment of such as should submit themselves to

1 5iZ/: A, 0. huU o/* omitted in H.

' W€U omitted in C. ' tf» tort : 0, F. in some tort : B, H.

* all omitted in D,'F. * $fet became those humours : D, F.

' foreign succours : A, G.

7 upon pain omitted in A, B, D, F, H. Blank left in C.
s the Agmts Dei: C. Agnus Dei: B,H. ' lawe tokens: D.

»» thirtieth : A. " of the plot omitted in D, F. " A^r ; A, C.

^ her person :J>,F, " that they spread : B.B^ J), ¥.

i< the humour of papists were : A. Blank left for humours in C. filled up by
another hand.
^^ much altered : D. ^^ consciences : F. ^ but in treasonable factions : D, F.

N 2

180 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

such^ reconcilements or renunciations of obedience. For it is
to be understood that' this manner of reconcilement in confes*
sion is of the same nature and operation that the bull itself was
of^ with this only difference^ that whereas the bull assoiled the
subjects from their obedience^ all at once^ the other doth it^ one
by one ; and therefore it is both more secret and more insinua-
tive into^ the conscience^ being joined with no less matter than
an absolution from mortal sin.^ And because it was a treason
carried in the clouds and in wonderful secrecy^ and came seldom
to light ; and that there was no presumption thereof so great as
the recusance^ to come to divine service^ because it was set down
by their decrees that ''to come to church before reconcilement
was to live in schism^ but to come to church after reconcilement
was absolutely heretical and damnable ;^^ therefore there were^
added new laws containing a punishment pecuniary against such*
recusants^ not to enforce consciences^ but to enfeeble and im-
poverish^^ those of whom it rested indifferent and ambiguous
whether they were reconciled or no. For there is no doubt but
if the law of recusancy (which is challenged to be so extreme
and rigorous) were thus qualified, '' that any recusant that shall
voluntarily come in and take his oath ^^ that he or she were never
reconciled should immediately be discharged of the penalty and
forfeiture of that law/''' they would be so far from liking well of ^*
that mitigation, as they would cry out it was made to entrap
them.^^ And when, notwithstanding all this provision, this poison
was dispersed so secretly as that there was no means " to stay it
but to restrain the merchants'^ that brought it in, then was there
lastly added a law whereby such seditious priests of the new
erection'^ were exiled, and those that were at that time within
the land shipped over,^® and so commanded to keep hence upon
pain of treason.

^ iueh omitted in A. <u should reconcile themselves to renounce their obe-
dience : D. cu should reconcile themselves to renounce obedience : F.

' that omitted in F.

s A blank after obedience in C, filled up by another hand with €U once; omitting
all, * it omitted in C.

• u$Uo ; A, C. • 0/ mortal sin : B. This passage, from For U is to be

understood, is not contained in the letter to M. Critoy, p. 99.

7 recusaneye : D. recusants : A, F, H. ^ was : A, C, D.

' the : A, C. ^ at^ impoverish omitted in A. to feeble and impoverish : C.

" this oath : D. " the law: A. ^ weU o/* omitted in A.

^< This passage also, from For there is no doubt, is not contained in the letter to
Critoy. » meane : D, F.

" merchant: F. v election: D,F, « oversea: D.

1692.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 181

This hath been the proceeding^ with that sort^ though inter-
mingled^ not only with sundry examples of her Majesty^s grace
towards such as in her wisdom^ she knew to be Papists in con-
science and not in faction^ but also with an ordinary^ mitigation^
towards the oflTenders in the highest degree convicted by law, if
they would but^ protest, that in case^ this realm should be invaded
with a foreign army® by the Pope^s authority for the Catholic
cause (as they term it), they would take part with her Majesty^
and not adhere to her enemies.

And whereas he saith no priest* dealt in matter of state^^ (Bal-
lard only excepted), it appearety^ by the records of the confession
of the said Ballard and sundry other priests, that all priests at
that time generally^^ were made acquainted with the invasion
then^^ intended and afterwards^^ put in act, and had received in-
structions not only to move an expectation in the people of a
change,^^ but also to take their vows and promises in shrift^* to
adhere to the foreigner ;^7 insomuch that^® one of their principal
heads vaunted himself in a letter of the device,^* saying that^ it
was a point the council of England would never^^ dream of, who
would imagine that they should practise with some nobleman to
make him head of their faction ; whereas they took a course only
to deal with the people, and them^ so severally,*^ as any one ap-
prehended should be able to appeach^ no more than himself, ex-
cept it were the priest,^^ who he knew would reveal nothing that
was uttered in confession.** So innocent was this princely*^
priestly function, which this man taketh to be but^® a matter

^ the proceeding of our stcUe with that sort qf people : D.
' intermingled (at themselves cannot but confess) : D.

* in her excellent wisdom and profound Judgment : D.

* extraordinary: D,F.

* mitigation (out qfher exceeding and princely clemency) : D.
^ would not: A.,0,

7 if in case : A, B, 0, F, H.

8 with foreign army : A, C. with at^ foreign army : H, F. by anyfbreign army
or enemy : D.

» that no priest : B, H, F, D. ^° matter of treason : A- matters of state : D.

" both by the records : D, H, F. ^^ generally at that Hme : D.

la there intended: C. i* after: D, F. "a change and alteration: D.

w in Christ : B.

^7 and by all the means and power they had or possible could procure to farther
and assist him : D.

w as: D. ^' advice; C. ^o ^^^ omitted in D.

^^ never dreamt of: B. would never so much as dream of: D.

» with them: D. » severely: F. ^ appeal: A^C^JI,

* except the priests : A, C

^ unto him sub sigUlo eonfessionis^ in confession : D.

^ princely omitted in B, D, F, H. ^ but merely : D.

182 LETTBBS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

of conscience^ and thinketh it reason it should have free ex-
ercise' throughout the land.

IV. Of the disturbance of the quiet of Christendom ; and to
what causes it may^ be justly imputed.

It is indeed a question which^ those that look anything into
matter^ of state do well know to fall out very often^ though this
libeller seemeth to be ignorant thereof, whether the ambition of
the more mighty state, or the jealousy of the less mighty ^^ be to be
charged unth breach of amity. Hereof as there may be many ex-
amples, so there is one so proper imto the present matter, as though
it were many years since, yet it seemeth to be a parable^ of these
times, and namely of the proceedings of Spain and England.

The states then which answered to these two now, were Mace-
don and Athens. Consider therefore the resemblance between
the two Philips, of Macedon and Spain. He of Macedon aspired
to the monarchy of Greece, as he of Spain doth of Europe ; but
more apparently than the first ; because that design was disco-
vered in his father Charles V., and so left him by descent, where-
as Philip of Macedon was the first of the kings of that nation
which fixed so great conceits^ in his breast. The course which
this king of Macedon held was not so much by great armies and
invasions (though these wanted not when the case required), but
by practice, by sowing of factions in states, and by obliging
sundry particidar persons of greatness. The state of opposition
against his ambitious proceedings was only the state of Athens,
as now is the state of England against Spain. For Lacedsemon
and Thebes were both low, as France is now ; and the rest of
the states of Greece were in power and territories far inferior.
The people of Athens were exceedingly afiected to peace and
weary of expense. But the point which I chiefly® make the com-
parison was, that of the Orators, which were as counsellors to a
popular state, such as were sharpest sighted and looked deepest
into the projects and spreading* of the Macedonians (doubting
still that the fire, after it had*° licked up the neighbour states and

^ thej/ should hare free exercise .- B. it omitted in F, H. that the same should
have free passage and he openly exercised : D.
^ ought to: B. ' with those : A. with corrected into which : C.

* nuUiers : B, H. * state repeated in A, C.

' So in aU the MSS. ^ a conceipt : B. ^ chief point for which I chiefy: B.

• poeedings : B. spreddings : H. ^ had omitted in C.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBKL. 183

made itself opportunity to pass, would at last take hold of the
dominions of Athens with so great advantages^ as they should
not be able to remedy it), were ever charged both by the de-
clarations of the king of Macedon and by the imputation of such
Athenians as were corrupted to be of his faction, as the kindlers
of troubles and disturbers of the peace and leagues. But as that
party was in Athens too mighty, so as it discountenanced the
true orators counsellors,* and so bred the ruin of that state and
accomplished the ends of that Philip ; so it is to be hoped that in
a monarchy (where there are commonly^ better intelligences and
resolutions than in a popular state), those plots, as they are de-
tected already, so they will be resisted and made frustrate.

But to follow the libeller in his own course. The sum of that
which he delivereth concerning the imputation, as well of the in-
terruption of the amity between the crowns of England and of
Spain as the disturbance of the general peace of Christendom,
unto the English proceedings and not to the ambitious appetites
of Spain, may be reduced into three points.

1.- Touching the proceedings^ of Spain and England towards
their neighbour states.

2. Touching the proceeding of Spain and England between
themselves.

3. Touching the articles and conditions which it pleaseth him,
as it were in the behalf of England, to pen and propose for the
treating and concluding of an universal peace.

In the first, he discovereth^ that^ the King of Spain never
offered molestation neither unto the states of ^ Italy, upon which
he confineth by Naples and Milan; neither unto the states of
Germany, upon® whom he confineth by a part of Burgundy and
the Low Countries ; nor unto Portugal (till it was devolute unto*
him in title), upon which he confineth by Spain; but contrari-
wise, as one that had in precious regard the peace of Christen-
dom, designed from the beginning to turn his whole forces upon
the Turk. Only he confesseth that agreeably^^ to his devotion,

' advantoffe: A.

^ orators and counsellors : B, H. counsels qf the orators : Bes. I haye little doubt
that the reading in the text is the right one ; and that the others were meant for
corrections of it. The doable plural, orators counsellors ( » orator-counsellorsy as
we should now write it), was the common form in Bacon's time ; e,ff, letters pth
tentSf merchants strangers, etc., but fell out of use soon after.

' where commonly there are : B. where com. there be: 'B. * proceeding : A.

< discourseth : H. < how : B. ^ in: A. " unto : A.

^ devoUed to: C. devolved to: A. ^ agreeable: A,0.

184 LETTBES AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

which apprehended as well the pinning of Christendom from
heresies as the enlarging thereof upon the Infidels^ he was ever
ready to give succours unto the French kings against the Hugue-
nots^ especially being their own subjects. Whereas on the other
side England^ as he affirmeth^ hath not only sowed troubles and
dissensions in France and Scotland (the one their neighbour
upon the continent, the other divided only by the narrow seas)^
but also hath actually invaded both kingdoms. For as for the
matters of the Low Countries, they belong to the dealings which
have^ passed with Spain.

In answer whereof, it is worthy the consideration how it
pleased Ood in that king to cross one passion by another, and
namely that passion which might have proved dangerous unto
all Europe, which was his ambition, by another which was only
hurtful to himself and his own, which was wrath and indignation
towards his subjects the Netherlanders.' For after that he was
settled in his kingdom and freed from some fear of the Turk,
revolving his father's design in aspiring to the monarchy of
Europe, casting his eye principally upon the two potent king-
doms of France and England, and remembering how his father
had once promised unto himself the conquest of the one, and
how himself by marriage had lately had ^ some possession of the
other; and seeing that diversity of religion was entered into
both these realms, and that France was fallen unto princes weak
and in minority, and England imto the government of a lady, in
whom he did not expect that policy of government, magnani-
mity, and felicity, which since he hath proved ; concluded (as the
Spaniards are great waiters upon time and ground their plots
deep) upon two points ; The one to profess an extraordinary
patronage and defence of the Roman religion ; making account
thereby to have f&ctions in both kingdoms ; in England a faction
directly against the state, in France a faction that did consent
indeed in religion with the King, and therefore at first show
should seem unproper to make a party for a foreigner; but he
foresaw well enough that the King of France should be forced
in the end (to retain peace and obedience) to* yield in some
things to those of the religion, which would undoubtedly alienate

* €tre : B. have passed by : A.

2 Netherlands: A, C. ' Thio second had omitted in C.

♦ forced (to the end to retain peace and obediencej to : B, C, H.

X592.] OBSBBVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 186

the fiercer^ and more violent sort of Papists ; which preparation
in the people^ added to the ambition of the family of Ouise
which he nourished for an^ instrument, would in the end make
a party for him against the state, as since it proved; and
might well have done long before ; as may well appear by the
mention of leagues^ and associations, which is above twenty-five
years old in France. The other point he concluded upon was,
that his Low Countries was the aptest place, both for ports and
shipping in respect of England and for situation in respect of
Prance, having goodly frontier towns upon that realm, and join-
ing also upon Germany (whereby they might receive in at plea-
sure any forces of Almaigns), to annoy and offend either king-
dom. The impediment was the inclination of the people, which,
receiving a wonderful commodity of trades out of both realms,
especially England,^ and having been in ancient league and con-
federacy with our nation, and having been also homagers unto
Prance, he knew would be in no wise disposed to either war.
Whereupon he resolved to reduce them to a martial^ government,
like unto that which he had established in Naples and Milan;
upon which suppression of their liberties ensued the defection of
those provinces. And about the same time the reformed religion
found entrance in the same countries ; so as the King, both
kindled with the resistance he found in the first part of his
plots,^ and also because he might not dispense with his other
principle in yielding to any toleration of religion, and withal ex-
pecting a shorter work of it than he found, became passionately
bent to reconquer those countries ; wherein he hath consumed
infinite treasure and forces. And this is the true cause, if a man
will look into it, that hath made the King of Spain so good a
neighbour ; namely that he was so entangled with the wars of
the Low Countries as he could not intend any other enterprise.
Besides, in enterprising upon Italy, he doubted first the displea-
sure of the See of Rome, .with whom he meant to run a course
of strait conjunction. Also he doubted it might invite the Turk
to return. And for Germany, he had a fresh example of his fa-
ther, who when he had annexed unto the dominions which he

* fierce: A. finery : C. ^for inetrument: A.

' League : A, C. All the MSS. hare metUum; but I think it ought to be t'li-
veniion.

* of England : B, C. of both realms, oMefy qf England : H.

^ Blank left in A for this word. « plot : B, H.

186 LETTERS AlTD LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

now possesseth the empire of Almaign, nevertheless sank iu that
enterprise ; whereby he perceived that that nation was of too
strong a composition for him to deal withal; thongh not long
since^ by practice^ he conld have been contented to snatch np in
the east the country of Embden. For Portugal ; first, the kmgs
thereof were good sons to the See of Borne ; next, he had no
colour of quarrel or pretence ; thirdly, they were officious unto
him. Yet if you will believe the Grenuese^ (who otherwise writeth
much to the honour and advantage of the kings of Spain), it
seemeth he had a good mind to make himself a way into that
kingdom ; seeing that (for that purpose, as he reporteth) he did
artificially nourish the young king Sebastian in the voyage of
Afiric, expecting that overthrow which followed.

As for his intention to war upon the Infidels and Turks, it
maketh me think what^ Francis Guicciardine, a wise writer of
history, speaketh of his great-grandfiiither, making a judgment
of him (as historiographers use) after he had told of his death :
This king (saith he)^ did always mask and veil his appetites with
a demonstration of a devout and holy intention to the advance^
ment of the Church and the public good,^ His father also, when
he received advertisement of the taking of the French king, pro-
hibited all ringings and bonfires and other tokens of joy, and
said those were to be reserved for victories upon infidels (on
whom he meant never to war^). Many a cruzada^ hath the
Bishop of Bome granted to him and his predecessors upon that
colour, which all have been spent upon the efiusion of Christian
blood. And now this present year'^ the levies of Germans which
should have been made underhand for France were coloured
with the pretence of war upon the Turk ; which the princes of
Germany descrying, not only brake the levies, but threatened
the commissioners to hang the next that should ofier the like
abuse. So that this form of dissembling is familiar and as it
were hereditary to the King of Spain.

And as for his succours given to the French king against the
Protestants, he could not choose but accompany the pernicious
counsels which still he gave to the French kings, of breaking

' Dell* Unione del Regno di Portogallo aUa corona di Castiglia ; istoria del Sig.
leronimo de* Franchi Coneetaggio, gentilhuomo Genoyese. Genova, 1585.
' a* ; B. • after . . . taith he omitted in A. ♦ Lib. xii. c. 6.

* Tlie words within the parenthesis omitted in B, G, H. > Cruzado : B, H.

7 thii year : A, C.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 187

their edicts and admitting ^ no pacification but pursuing their
subjects with mortal war^ with some offer of aids ; which having
promised^ he could not but in some small degree perform; whereby
also the subject of France^ namely the violent Papist^ was inured
to depend upon Spain. And so much for the King of Spain's
proceedings toward other states.

Now for ours. And first, touching the point wherein he
chargeth us to be the authors of troubles in Scotland and France^
it will appear to any that have been well informed of the memo-
ries of these affairs that the troubles of those kingdoms were in-
deed chiefly kindled by one and the same family of the^ Guise ;
a family, as was partly touched before, as particularly devoted
now for many years together to Spain as the order of the Jesuits
is. This house of Guise having of late years extraordinarily
flourished in the eminent virtue of a few persons, whose ambition
nevertheless was nothing inferior to their virtue, but being a
house nevertheless which the princes of the blood of France
reckoned but as strangers, aspired to a greatness^ more than
civil and proportionable to their cause, wheresoever they had
authority ; and accordingly, under colour of consanguinity and
religion, they brought into Scotland in the year [1559*], and in
the absence of the King and Queen (being in their usurped tutele^),
French forces in great numbers ; whereupon the ancient nobility
of that realm, seeing the^ imminent danger of reducing that^
kingdom under the tyranny of strangers, did pray (according to
the good intelligence between the two crowns) her Majesty^s
neighbourly forces. And so it is true that the action being very
just and honourable, her Majesty undertook it, expelled the
strangers, and restored the nobility to their degrees, and the
state to peace.

After, when certain noblemen of Scotland of the same faction of
Guise had during the minority of the King possessed themselves
of his person, to the end to abuse his authority many ways, and
namely to make a breach between Scotland and England, her
Majesty's forces were again, in the year [1573®], by the King's

1 admitUng of: A. ^ of GhUse : B, H.

* T%is house of GhUse^ being in respect of France but a stranger bom, but get as
a hasty pltmt, rising and spreading suddenly aspired presentlg unto a greatness^
etc. : B, H. « A blank left in aU the MSS. for the date.

^ A blank left for tutele in A and C, but filled up in G bj another hand.

• the omitted in C. ^ qf this : C.

« A bhink left for the date in all the MSS. The < BesuBcitatio ' gives 1582, a

188 LETTERS AST) LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

best and tmest seirants sought and required : which ^ forces of
her Majesty prevailed so £Eur as to be possessed of the castle of
Edinburgh, the principal piece of that kingdom ; which never-
theless her Majesty incontinently with all honour and sincerity
restored, after she had put the King into good and faithful
hands; and so ever since in all the occasions' of intestine trou-
bles, whereunto that nation hath been ever subject, she hath
performed unto the King all possible good offices, and such as
he doth with all good affection acknowledge.'

The same house of Guise, under colour of alliance, during
the reign of Francis II.,* and by the support and practice of
the Queen Mother (who, desiring to retain the regency under
her own hands during the minority of Charles IX., used those
of Guise as a counterpoise to the princes of the blood), ob-
tained also great authority in the kingdom of France ; where-
upon having raised and moved civil wars, under pretence of
religion but indeed to enfeeble and depress^ the ancient nobi-
lity of that realm, the contrary part, being compounded of the
blood-royal and the greatest officers of the crown, opposed them-
selves only* against their insolency, and to their aids called in
her Majesty^s forces, giving them for security^ the town of New-
haven; which nevertheless when as afterwards, having by ths
reputation of her Majesty^s confederation made their peace in
effect as they would themselves, they would without observing
any conditions that had passed ^ have had back again, then in-
deed it was held- by force, and so had been long, but for the
great mortality which it pleased Gk)d to send amongst our men.
Afler which time so far was her Majesty from seeking to sow or
kindle new troubles, as continually by the solicitation of her

date supplied probably by Dr. Bawley ; but wronff. The time alluded to must
haye been that of the troubles which followed the assassination of the Regent
Murray. Edinburgh Castle was yielded to Uie English on the 28th of May, 1578*
See Stowe.

* and tnih the: A. ' actions : B.

^ as he vritk aU good affection acknowledged : B.

* the Second omitted m B, H. < extirpate : B, H.

* onfy omitted in B. ' for eecuriig onlg : B, H.

^ On the 22nd of September, 1662, a contract was made between the Queen and
the Prince of Conde, " for deUyery of Newhaven, and to receive 100,000 crowns '*
(Burghley's Diary). The money was paid to the Admiral of France on the 15th
of March following ; Newhaven was surrendered (being untenable on account of the
pestilence) on the 28th of July, 1563. On the 3rd of September, Burghley writes
to Sir T. Smyth : — ** Gkxxl Mr. Smyth, employ all your credit, and assay the Pro-
testants there to do somewhat like to their promises. I marvel what answer the Prince
and the Admiral can make for the money lent them *' (Wright*B Elizabeth, i. 139).

X692.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 189

ambassadors she still persuaded with the kings both Charles IX.
and Henry III. to keep and observe their edicts of pacification^
and to preserve their authority by the union of their subjects ;
which counsel^ if it had been as happily followed as it was pru-
dently and sincerely given^ France had been at this day a most
flourishing kingdom^ which is now a theatre of misery. And
now in the end, after that the ambitious ^ practices of the same
house of Ouise gathering further strength upon the weakness and
misgovemment of King Henry III. had grown to that ripeness
that the same king^ was fain to execute the Duke of Guise with-
out ceremony at Blois, and yet nevertheless so many men were
embarked and engaged in that conspiracy as the flame thereof
was nothing assuaged, but contrariwise that king' grew so dis-
tressed ^ as he waQ enforced to implore the succours of England ;
her Majesty, though no way interessed in that quarrel nor any
way obliged for any^ good offices she had received of that king,
accorded the same. Before the arrival of which forces the King
being by a sacrilegious^ Jacobine murthered in his camp near Paris,
yet they went on, and came in good time for the assistance^ of
the King which now reigneth ; the justice® of whose quarrel, toge-
ther with the long continued amity and good intelligence which
her Majesty had with him, hath moved her Majesty from time
to time to supply him* with great aids; and yet she never by
any demand urged upon him the putting into her hands of any
town or place. So as upon this that hath been said, let the
reader judge whether hath been the more just and honourable
proceeding*^ and the more free from ambition and passion to-
wards other states, that of Spain or that of England. Now let
us examine the proceedings reciproque between themselves.

^* Her Majesty, at her coming to the crown, found her^* realm
entangled with the wars of France and Scotland, her mightiest^'
and nearest neighbours ; which wars were grounded only upon

1 teditumt : B,B.,

' had grown to that ripeneu that gathering fitrther strength upon the weakness
and nUsgooemment of the said king Henrg III. was fain, etc. : A. had grown to
that ripeness that Henrg IIL was fain : B. In C, from which the text is taken, a
blank had been left for weakness and for King Henry II I.^ which hare been filled
up by another hand.

s that King Henry: A^C. the king: H. * distressed, so : A,C.

' the : A. ' sacrilegious omitted in B, H. ^ assisting : B, H. ^ justness : A.

9 Am omitted in A. ^ proceedings: B,C. " Here MS. B begins.

>< the: B. E. » Blank lea m A for the mightiest.

\

190 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

the Spaniard's quarrel^ but in the pursuit of them had lost Eng-
land the town of Calais^ which from the [twenty-first^] year
of King Edward III. had been possessed by the kings of Eng-
land. Now* there was a meeting near Doulens^ towards the
end of Queen Mary's reign, between the Commissioners of
France, Spain, and England ; and some overture of peace was
made, but broke ofi* upon the article of the restitution of Calais.
After Queen Mary's death, the King of Spain, thinking himself
discharged of that difficulty, though in honour he was no less
bound to stand* to it than before, renewed the like treaty;
wherein her Majesty concurred; so as the Commissioners for
the said princes met at Chasteau Cambraissi,^ near Cambray.
In the proceeding* of which treaty, it is true that at the first the
Commissioners of Spain, for form and in demonstration only,
pretended to stand firm upon the demand of Calais. But it was
discovered indeed that the King's meaning was, after some ce-
remonious ^ and perfunctory insisting thereupon, to grow apart
to a peace with the French, excluding her Majesty ; and so to
leave her® to make her own peace, after her people had made
his wars. Which covert dealing being politicly looked into,
her Majesty had reason, being newly invested in her kingdom
and of her own inclination being affected to peace, to conclude
the same with such conditions as she might. And yet the King
of Spain in his dissimulation had so much advantage as she was
fain to do it in a treaty apart with the French ; whereby to one
that is not informed of the counsels and treaties of state as they
passed, it should seem to be a voluntary agreement of her Ma-
jesty whereto the King of Spain would not be party; whereas
indeed he left her no other choice. And this was the first assay
or • earnest penny of that king's good affection to her Majesty.

About the same time, when the King was solicited to renew
such treaties and leagues as had passed between the two crowns
of Spain and England by the Lord Cobham, sent unto him to

1 BlBnk left for the year in all the MSS., except C, which omits it, but leares
no blank.

^ Novo omitted in A, C.

> Dor^tffw: A,H. Dorleas : CylS^, Ihrlen$ OrUana : B, The ^Besuscitatio'
gives Burdeaux, Daulens is a town in Somme, where the French and Spanish
armies then were. See Stowe. ^ to Hand omitted in A.

• Camhraige: C. Cadahtely: B, H. • proceedingt: A,C.

7 So E. ceremoniei : A, H. In B the word seems to have been corrected from
eeremonious into ceremonies ; in C from ceremonies into ceremonious,

8 her omitted in E. ' and : B, E, H.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 191

acquaint him with the death of Queen Mary^^ and afterwards by
Sir Thomas Chaloner and Sir Thomas Chamberlain^ successively
ambassadors resident in his Low. Countries, who had order divers
times during their charge to make overtures thereof both unto
the King and certain principal persons about him, and lastly,
those former motions taking no effect, by Viscount Mountacute^
and Sir Thomas Chamberlain, sent into Spain in the year 1560;
no other answer could be had or obtained of the King, but that
the treaties did stand in as good force to all intents as new rati-
fication^ could make them. An answer strange at that time,
but very conformable to his proceedings since; which belike
even then were^ closely hatched^ in his own breast. For had he
not at that time had some hidden alienation of mind and design*
of an enemy towards her Majesty, so wise a king could not be
ignorant that the renewing and ratifying of treaties between
princes and states do add greater^ life and force both of assu-
rance to the parties themselves and countenance and reputation
to the world besides, and have^ for that cause been commonly
and necessarily used and practised.

In the message of Viscount Mountacute^ it was also con-
tained, that he should crave the King's counsel and assistance,
according to amity and good intelligence, upon a discovery
of certain pernicious plots of the house of Guise to annoy the
realm by the way of Scotland. Whereunto the King's answer
was so dark and so cold that nothing could be made of it, till he
had made an exposition of it himself by effects, in the express
restraint of munition to be carried out of the Low Countries
unto the siege of Leith ; because our nation was to have supply
thereof from thence. So as^^ in all the negotiations that passed
with that King, still her Majesty received no satisfaction, but
more and more suspicious and hard tokens of evil affection.

Soon after, when upon that project which was disclosed be-
fore, the King had resolved to disannul the liberties and privi-
leges unto his subjects the Netherlanders^^ anciently belonging,
and to establish amongst^^ them a martial^^ government ; which
the people, being very wealthy and inhabiting towns very strong

' the Queen Ma/ry: 0. > M<mntacu€: C,E. MowUoffue: B. Mowtague: H.

' ratificationt : B, E. * vety : C. * emoihered : A, C.

• aesiffne ; C. ^ a greater : B. a great : H, E. greate : C.

^ have omitted in C. ^ MaurUague : B. Mouniacue : C, E. Montagu : H.

^ 90 that : B, E. 11 Netherlands : A. ^^ amongst omitted in A.

^ materiaU: E.

192 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

and defensible by fortifications both of nature and the hand^
could not endure; there followed the defection and revolt of
those countries. In which action^ being the greatest of all those
which have passed between Spain and England^ the proceeding
of her Majesty hath been so just and mingled with so many
honourable regards^ as nothing doth so much clear and acquit
her Majesty not only from passion but also from all dishonour-
able policy. For firsts at the beginning of the troubles she did
impart unto him faithful and sincere advice of the course that
was to be taken for the quieting and appeasing them ; and ex-
pressly forewarned both himself and such as were in principal
charge in those countries during the wars, of the danger Ukely
to ensue if he held so heavy a hand over that people, lest they
should cast themselves into the arms of a stranger. But find-
ing the King's mind so exulcerate as he rejected all counsel
that tended to mild and gracious proceeding, her Majesty never-
theless gave not over her honourable resolution (which was, if it
were possible, to reduce and reconcile those countries unto the
obedience of their natural sovereign the King of Spain ; and if
that might not be, yet to preserve them from alienating them-
selves to a foreign lord, as namely unto the French, with whom
they much treated and amongst whom the enterprise of Flanders
was ever propounded as a mean to unite their own civil dissen-
sions), but patiently temporizing, expected ^ the good efiect which
time might breed. And whensoever the States grew into extre-
mities of despair and thereby ready to embrace the ofier of any
foreigner, then would her Majesty yield them some relief of
money or permit some supply of forces to go over unto them, to
the end to interrupt such violent resolution ; and still continue
to mediate unto the King some just and honourable capitulations
of grace and accord, such as whereby always should have been
preserved unto him such interest and authority as he in justice
could claim, or a prince moderately minded would seek to have.
And this course she held interchangeably, seeking to mitigate the
wrath of the King and the despair of the countries, till such
time as after the death of the Duke of Anjou (into whose hands,
according to her Majesty's predictions, but against her good
liking, they had put themselves), the enemy pressing them, the
United Provinces* were received into her Majesty's protection ;

^ temporited expecting : B, E, H.

> The reet of MS. A is lost, except one leaf further on.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 193

which was after such time as the King of Spain had discovered
himself not only an implacable lord to them but also a professed
enemy unto her Majesty ; having actually invaded Ireland^ and
designed the invasion of England. For it is to be noted that
the like offers which were then made unto her Majesty had been
made to her long before ; but as long as her Majesty conceived
any hope either of making their peace or entertaining her own
with Spain^ she would never hearken thereunto. And yet now
even at last her Majesty retained a singular and evident proof to
the world ^ of her justice and moderation^ in that she refused the
inheritance and sovereignty of those goodly provinces, which by
the States with much instance was pressed upon her, and being
accepted would have wrought greater contentment and satisfac-
tion both to her people and theirs ; being countries for the site,
wealth, commodity of traffic, affection to our nation, obedience
of the subjects (well used), most convenient to have been an-
nexed to the crown of England, and with all one^ charge, danger,
and offence of Spain ; only took upon her the defence and pro-
tection of their liberties ; which liberties and privileges are of
that nature as they may justly esteem themselves but condi-
tional subjects to the King of Spain, more justly than Arragon ;
and may make her Majesty as justly esteem the ancient con-
federacies* and treaties with Burgundy to be of force rather with
the people and nation than with the line of the dukes, because
it was never an absolute monarchy. So as to sum up her Ma-
jesty's proceedings in this great action, they have been* but
this, that she hath sought first to restore them to Spain, then
to keep them from strangers, and never ^ to purchase them to
herself.

But during all this time the King of Spain kept one tenor^ in his
proceedings towards her Majesty, breaking forth more and more
into injuries and contempts. Her subjects trading into Spain
have been many of them burned, some cast into the galleys,
others have died in prison, without any other crimes committed,
but upon quarrels picked upon them for their religion here at

* woords: E.

^ So all the MSS. If the reading be correct, the meaning muBt be, that by ac-
cepting the sovereignty of the Low Countries, Elizabeth would not have incurred
anj greater charge, danger, or hoetilitj, in respect of Spain, than she did incur by
undertaking their protection. But I suspect some error.

' confederates: C. * have been Jmt thus : B. have hut this: C.

• in no wise : B, E, H. « good wn/ormitif : B, B, H.

VOL. I. O

194 LETTEES AND LIFE OE FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

home.^ Her merchants at the sack of Antwerp were divers of
them spoiled and put to their ransoms^ though they could not be
charged with any part-taking; neither upon the complaint of
Doctor Wilson and Sir Edward Horsey could any redress be
had. A general arrest was made by the Duke of Alva of Eng-
lishmen's both goods and persons^ upon pretence that certain
ships stayed in this realm laden with goods and money of cer-
tain merchants of G^noa belonged to the King; which money
and goods was afberwards to the uttermost value restored and
paid back ; whereas our men were far from receiving the like
justice on their side. Dr. Man, her Majesty's ambassador^ re-
ceived during his legation sundry indignities ; himself being re-
moved out of Madrill, and lodged in a village^ as they are accus-
tomed to use the ambassadors of the Moors ;^ his son and steward
forced to assist at a mass with tapers in their hands ; besides
sundry other contumelies and reproaches.

But the spoiling or damnifying of a merchant, vexation of a
common subject, dishonour of an ambassador, were rather but
demonstrations of ill disposition than effects, if they be compared
with the actions^ of state wherein be and his ministers have^
sought the overthrow of this government.

As in the year 1569, when the rebellion in the north part of
England brake forth, who but the Duke of Alva, then the King's
lieutenant in the Low Countries, and Don Guerres de Espes,
then his ambassador lieger here, were discovered to be chief in-
struments and practisers ; having complotted with the Duke of
Norfolk at the same time (as was proved at the said^ Duke's
condemnation), that an army of ten thousand men should have
landed at Harwich^ in aid of that part which the said Duke had
made within the realm ; and the said Duke of Alva having spent
and employed one hundred and fifty thousand crowns in that
preparation.

Not contented thus to have comforted^ and assisted her Ma-
jesty's rebels in England, he procured a rebellion in Ireland;
arming and sending thither in the year [1579®] an archrebel of

1 So B, E, H. In C there is a colon after reliffion, and no stop after home :
which IB perhaps right.
> qf Moon : 0, ' wUh these aciione : B, E. wUh mattere : H.

^h€ah:Q, *same:C, ^ Banoioke : B.

7 conearted : C, E. conforted : H".

8 Blank left for date in all the MSS. Supplied from the * Besnscitatio.'

1592.] OBSEBYATIONS ON A LIBEL. 195

that country^ James Fitz Morris^ which before was fled (as^
truly to speak^ the whole course of molestation which her Ma-
jesty hath received in that realm by the rising and keeping out
of the Irish hath been nourished and fomented from Spain). But
afterwards most apparently^ in the year [1580^]^ he invaded the
said Ireland^ with Spanish forces under an Italian colonel ;^ being
but the forerunners of a greater* power, which by treaty between
him and the Pope should have followed, but that by the speedy
defeat of those former they were discouraged' to pursue the action ;
which invasion was proved to be done by the King's own order,
both by the letters of his secretary^ Escovedo and of Guerres to
the King; and also by divers other letters, wherein the particular
conferences were set down which passed concerning this enter-
prise between Cardinal Biario,^ the Pope's legate, and the King's
deputy* in Spain, touching the general, the number of men, the
contribution of money, and the manner of prosecuting^^ the ac-
tion ; and by the confession of some of the chiefest of those that
were taken prisoners at the fort. Which act being an act of ap-
parent hostility, added unto all the injuries aforesaid, and accom-
panied with the^^ continual receipt, comfort, and countenance, by
audiences, pensions, and employments, which he gave to traitors
and fiigitives both English and Irish, — as Westmoreland, Paget,
Englefield, Baltinglass, and numbers of others, — did sufficiently
justify and warrant that pursuit of revenge, which (either in the
spoil of Carthagena and San Domingo in the Indies by Mr.'^
Drake, or in the undertaking the protection of the Low Countries
when the Earl of Lricester was sent over) afterwards followed.
For before that time her Majesty, though she stood upon her
guard, in respect of the just cause of jealousy which the sundry
injuries of that king gave her, yet had entered into no offensive
action against him. For both the voluntary forces which Don
Antonio had collected in this realm were by express command-
ment restrained ; and offer was made of restitution to the Spanish

1 and:C.

^ Blank left in all the MSS. for the date. Supplied finom the * Besuscitatio.'

s the tame Iland : E,B. the same land: H.

^ The * Besuscitatio' adds, 2y name San Joeepho, * greate: 0.

• discharged: B. ' of iecretariee : 0.

• Bicario : O. • deputyee : B, E.

^ ofproeeoutinff of: B. of the prosecuiing of: C. " a: 0.

^' AU the MSS. have Mr, Drake, though he had been knighted four years before
the action alluded to, which was in 1585.

o 2

196 LETTBES AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

ambassador of sach treasure as* had been brought into this realm,
upon proof that it had been taken by wrong; and the Duke of
Anjou was (as much as could stand with the near treaty of a
marriage which then was very forward between her Majesty and
the said Duke) diverted from the enterprise of Flanders.*

But to conclude this point. When that some years after, the
invasion and conquest of this land, intended long before but
through many crosses and impediments which the King of Spain
found in his plots deferred, was in the year 1588' attempted ;
her Majesty, not forgetting her own nature, was content at the
same instant to treat of a^ peace ; not ignorantly, as a prince that
knew not in what forwardness his preparations were (for she had
discovered them long before), nor fearfully, as may appear by the
articles whereupon her Majesty in that treaty stood, which were
not the demands of a prince afraid ; but only to spare the shed-
ding of Christian blood, and to show her constant desire to make
her reign renowned rather by peace than victories. Which peace
was on her part treated sincerely, but on his part (as it should
seem) was but an abuse, thinking thereby to have taken us more
unprovided ; so that the Duke of Parma, not liking to be used
as an instrument in such a case in regard of his particular honour,
would sometimes in treating interlace " that the King his master
meant to make his peace with his sword in his hand.^^

Let it then be tried, upon an indifferent view of the proceed-
ings of England and Spain, as well towards other states as be-
tween themselves, who it is that iisheth in troubled waters, and
hath disturbed the peace of Christendom, and hath written and
described all his plots in blood.

There follow the^ articles of an universal peace, which the
libeller as a commissioner for the estate of England hath pro-
pounded ; and are these :

First, that the King of Spain should recall such forces as of
great compassion to the natural people of France he hath sent
thither to defend them against a relapsed Huguenot.

Secondly, that he suffer his rebels of Holland and Zealand
quietly to possess the places they hold, and to take unto them*

1 aa Mr, Drake had brought : B, E, H. 2 Here enda MS. B.

> A blank had beek left for the date in B, which has been corrected by another
pen. ' * of peace: B,H.

» There followeth articles : B. • him : B, H.

1592.] OBSEBVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 197

all the rest of his^ Low Countries also ; conditionally that the
English may still keep the possession of such port^ towns as they
have^ and have some half-a-dozen more annexed unto them.

Thirdly, that the English rovers mought peaceably go to his
Indies, and there take away his treasure and his Indies also.

And these articles being accorded, he saith, mought follow^ that
peace which passeth all understandings as he calleth it, in a scur-
rile and profane mockery of the peace which Christians enjoy
with God by the atonement which is made by the blood of Christ,
whereof the Apostle saith that it passeth^ all understanding. But
these his articles are sure mistaken and mispenned,^ and indeed
corrected, are briefly thus :

1. That the King of Prance be not impeached in reducing his
rebels to obedience.

2. That the Netherlanders be sufiered to enjoy their ancient
liberties and privileges, and so forces of strangers to be with-
drawn, both English and Spanish.

3. That all nations may trade into the East and West Indies ;
yea discover and occupy such parts as the Spaniard doth not ac-
tually possess and are not under civil government, notwithstand-
ing any' donation of the Pope.

V. Of the cunning of the libeller, in palliation of his malicious
invectives against her Majesty and the State, with pretence-
of taxing only the actions of the Lord Burghley,

I cannot rightly call this point cunning in the libeller, but
rather goodwill to be cunning, without skill indeed or judgment.
For finding that it had been the usual and ready practice of sedi-
tious subjects to plant and bend their invectives and clamours
not against the sovereigns themselves, but against some such as
had grace with them and authority under them, he put in ure
this learning in a wrong and unproper^ case. For this hath some
appearance to cover undutiful invectives, when it is used against
favourites or new upstarts and sudden risen coimsellors. But
when it shall be practised against one that hath been counsellor
before her Majesty's time, and hath continued longer counsellor

» his omitted in C. ' fort ; B. ' follow omitted in B.

* pleaseth : B. This MS. becomes so inaccurate towards the end, that I have
not thought it worth while to notice all the rariations.

198 LETTBBS AND LIFE OP FBANCIS BACON. [Cbap. V.

than any other connsellor in Europe ; one that must needs have
been great if it were but by surviving alone^ though he had no
other cxcelleney ; one that hath passed the degrees of honour
with great travail and long time^ which quencheth always envy,
except it be joined with extreme malice; then it appeareth mani-
festly to be but a brick wall at tennis to make the defamation^
and hatred rebound fix)m the counsellor^ upon the prince. And
assuredly they be very simple to think to abuse the world with
those shifts; since every child can tell the fable, that the wolves'^
malice was not to the shepherd but to his dog. It is true that
these men have altered their tune twice or thrice. When the
match was in treating with the Duke of Anjou, they spake honey
as to her Majesty ; all the gall was uttered against the Earl of
Leicester. But when they had gotten heart upon the expecta-
tion of the^ invasion, they changed style, and disclosed all the
venom in the world immediately against her Majesty. What
new hope^ hath made* them return to their Sinon's note in
teaching Troy how to save itself, I cannot tell. But in the mean-
time they do his Lordship much honour; for the more despite-
fuUy they inveigh against his Lordship, the more reason hath her
Majesty to trust him and the realm to honour him. It was wont
to be a token of scant^ a good liegeman, when the enemy spoiled
the country and left any particular man^s® houses or fields un-
wasted.

' VI. Certain true general notes upon the actions of the Lord
Bwghley.

But above all the rest, it is a strange fancy in the libeller that
he maketh his Lordship to be the primum mobile in every action
without distinction ; that to him her Majesty is accountant of
her resolutions; that to him the Earl of licicester and the secre-
tary Mr. Walsingham, both men of great power and of great
will,^^ were but as instruments. Whereas it is well known that, as
to her Majesty, there was never counsellor of his Lordship^s long
continuance that was so appliable to her Majesty^s princely reso-
lutions; endeavouring always, after faithful propositions and re-
monstrances (and those in the best words and the most grateful

1 diffamation: C,H. ' eounsellort: 0. * woIf^s: B. * ofimanon: B.
» happe: B. • been made: 0. ' scant of: B. » men** : 0, H.

* Here MS. E begins again. ^ wills: B.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LTBEL. 199

manner)^ to rest upon such conclusions as her Majesty in her 0¥Fn
wisdom determineth^ and them to execute to the best; so far
hath he been from contestation or drawing her Majesty into any
his 0¥Fn courses. And as for the forenamed counsellors and others
with whom his Lordship hath consorted in her Majesty^s service^
it is rather true that his Lordship^ out of the greatness of his ex-
perience and wisdom and out of the coldness of his nature^ hath
qualified generally all hard and extreme courses^ as far as the ser-
vice of her Majesty and the safety of the state and the making
himself compatible with those with whom he served would per-
mit ; so far hath his Lordship been from inciting others or run-
ning a full course with them in that kind. But yet it is more
strange that this man should be so absurdly^ malicious^ as he
should charge his Lordship not only with all actions of state^ but
also with all the faults and vices of the times ; as^ if curiosity and
emulation have bred some controversies in the church ; though^
thanks be to Ood^ they extend but to outward things; if wealth
and the cunning of wits have brought forth multitude of suits
in^ law ; if excess in pleasures or in magnificence^ joined with the
unfaithfulness of servants and the greediness of moneyed men^ have
decayed the patrimony of many noblemen and others ; that all
these and such like conditions of the time should be put on his
Lordship's account ; who hath been^ as far as to his place apper-
taineth^ a most religious and wise moderator in church matters
to have unity kept ; who with great justice hath dispatched infi-
nite causes in law that have orderly been brought before him ;
and for his own example may say that that^ few men may say^
but was sometime^ said by Cephalus the Athenian^ so much re-
nowned in Plato's works, — who having lived near to the age
of a hundred years and in continual affairs and business, was
wont to say of himself '' That he never sued any neither had
been sued by any ;" who by reason of his office hath preserved
many great houses from overthrow by relieving sundry extre-
mities towards such as in their minorities have been circum-
vented, and towards all such as his Lordship might advise, did
ever persuade sober and limited expense; nay to make proof
further of his contented manner of life, free from suits and covet-
ousness, — as he never sued any man, so did he never raise any

» assuredlif : B, E, H. ^ ^, 5^ e, H.

' The second that omitted in £,H. ^ womeiimes: C.

I

200 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

reat or put out any tenant of his own, nor ever gave consent to
have the like done to any of the Queen's tenants ; matters sin-
gularly to be noted in this age. [But he that will blame his
Lordship for the tales of every novellante and for the vain and
fond pamphlets and ballads of every idle fellow that will put news
in^ writing or in print, sometimes upon gain, sometimes upon
humour ; whereas his Lordship neither hath any charge of the
press, neither can his great and weighty business permit him to
intend such trifles ; doth show that though the libeller meant to
spare no powder, yet surely he shot but at rovers.^]

But however by this fellow, as in a false artificial glass which
is able to make the best face deformed,^ his Lordship's doings be
set forth; yet let his proceedings which be indeed his own be
indifferently weighed and considered ; and let men call to mind
that his Lordship was never no violent and transported man in
matters of state, but ever respective and moderate ; that he was
never no vindicative* man in his particular, no breaker of necks,
no heavy enemy, but ever placable and mild ; that he waa never
no brewer of holy water in court, no dallier, no abuser, but ever
real and certain ; that he was never no bearing man nor carrier
of causes, but ever gave way to justice and course of law ; that
he was never no glorious wilful proud man, but ever civil and
familiar and good to deal withal ; that in the course of his ser-
vice he hath rather sustained the burthen than sought the fruition
of honour or profit, scarcely sparing any time from his cares and
travels to the sustentation of his health ; that he never had nor
sought to have for himself or* his children any pennyworth of
land^ or goods that appertained to any person that was^ attainted
of any treason, felony, or otherwise ; that he never had or sought
any kind of benefit by any forfeiture to her Majesty ; that he was
never a factious commender of men to her Majesty, as he that
intended any ways to besiege her by bringing in men at his de-
votion, but was ever a true reporter unto her Majesty® of every
man's deserts and abilities ; that he never took the course to un-

^ The passage within the brackets is in B, E, and H ; but not in C, nor in the
* Resusoitatio.' The sentence, though uugrammatical, is intelligible. It means
that the fact of his blaming Burghley for such publications as these, proyes that
though he meant to spare no powder, etc.

' deformed and hideout: B, E, H.

* vindictive : B. * and : C. • lands : C.

7 a»y aUaynted : C. (A blank had been left bv the transcriber after any, which
has been filled up by another hand.) * ^ Majestif omitted in B, E, H.

1592.] OBSEEVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 201

quiet or offend^ no nor exasperate her Majesty^ but to content her
mind and mitigate her displeasure ; that he ever bare himself re-
verently and without scandal in matters of religion, and without
blemish in his private course of life; let men, I say, without
passionate malice call to mind these things, and they will think
it reason that though he be not canonized for a saint in Rome,
yet he is worthily celebrated as pater patrim in England \ and
though he be libelled against by fugitives, yet he is prayed for
by a multitude of good subjects ; and lastly, though he somewhat
be envied without just cause ^ whilst he liveth, yet he shall be
deeply wanted when he is gone. And assuredly many princes
have had many servants of trust, name, and sufficiency ; but
where there have been great parts, there hath often wanted temper
of aflTection ; where there have been both ability and moderation,
there have wanted diligence and love of travail ; where all three
have been, there have sometimes wanted faith and sincerity;
where some few have had all these four, yet they have wanted
time and experience ; but where there is a concurrence of all
these, there it is no marvel though a prince of judgment be con-
stant in the employment and trust of such a person f of whose
faithfulness, as she hath had proof so many years in her own time
as it were very hard but, if he had gone about to abuse her, at some
time she should have espied it; so to begin withal, he brought with
him such a notable evidence of his constant loyalty as a greater
could not have been. For to confirm her Majesty's opinion in
choosing him to be her first counsellor (as he is the only coun-
sellor living of those she did use many years from the beginning
of her Crown), she had cause to do, for that he of all other coun-
sellors in King Edward^s time refused to consent to the deter-
mination by^ a pretended will of King Edward's to deprive the
Lady Mary, afterwards Queen, and the then Lady Elizabeth, now
Queen ; for whose two titles he only of all the then counsellors
did for conscience sake adhere ; to the peril of his head if Queen
Mary had not enjoyed the crown. For the which it is well
known that Queen Mary did not only reward him, but ofiered
him to have been of her council, which he for good respects did
forbear to accept.*

' tomewhat and without jutt cause omitted in C.

^ In Kesusc tuck a servant ; omitting aU the rest of the paragraph. * qf: E.

* This passage is found in B, £, and H. C omits of whose faithfiUness she hath

had proof f and stops at constant Uty<Uty. There is some error in the sentence as it

202 LETTEM AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

VII. OJ divers particular untruths and abuses dispersed through
the libel.

The order which this man keepeth in his libel is such^ as it
may easily appear that he meant but to empty some note-book
of the matters of England^ to bring in (whatsoever came of it) a
number of idle jests which he thought mought fly abroad; and in-
tended nothing less than to clear the matters he handled by the
light of order and distinct writing. Having therefore in the
principal points^ namely the second^ third, and fourth articles^
ranged his scattered and wandering discourse into some order
such as may help and not confound the judgment of the reader^
I am now content to gather up some of his by-matters and strag-
gling^ untruths, and very briefly to censure tUem.

Pag. 9, he saith that his Lordship could neither by the great-
ness of his beads, creeping to the cross, nor exterior show of de-
votion before the high altar, find his entrance into high dignity
in Queen Mary's time. All which is a mere fiction at pleasure ;
for Queen Mary bare that respect unto him in regard of his con-
stant standing good for her title, as she desired to continue his
service ; the refusal whereof growing firom his own part, he en-
joyed nevertheless all other liberty and favour of the time ; * save
only that it was put into the Queen's head that it was dangerous
to permit him to go beyond^ the sea, because he had a great wit
of action and had served in so principal a place ; which neverthe-
less after, with Cardinal Poole, he was suffered to do.

Paff. eadem, he saith Sir Nicholas Bacon, that was Lord
Keeper, was a man of exceeding crafty wit. Which showeth that
this fellow in his slanders is no good mark-man, but throweth
out his words of defacing without all level. For all the world
noted Sir Nicholas Bacon to be a man plain, direct, and constant,
without all fineness or doubleness ; and one that was of the mind
that a man in his private proceedings, and a state ^ in the pro-
ceedings of state, should rest upon the soundness and strength of
their own courses, and not upon practice to circumvent others ;
according to the sentence of Salomon, Vir prudens advertit ad
gressus suos, stultus autem divertit ad dolos ; insomuch that the
Bishop of Ross, a subtle and observing man, said of him that he

stands, owing probably to some confusion in the original, caused by corrections and
interlineations ; but the meaning is clear enough. ^ gtramgUng : C.

^ liberties andfaooun ofUme : C. ' beyond sea : B. * and ettate : C.

1692.] OBSEBVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 203

could fasten no words upon him^ and that it was impossible to
come within him^ because he offered no play ; and Queen-mother
of France, a very politic princess,^ said of him that he should
have been of the council of Spain^ because he despised the occur*
rences^ and rested upon the first plot. So that if he were crafty
it is hard to say who is wise.

Pag. \0, he saith that his Lordship, in the establishment of
religion in the beginning of the Queen's time, prescribed a com-
position of his own invention. Whereas the same form, not fully
six years before, had been received in this realm in King Ed-
ward's time : so as his Lordship, being a Christian politic coun-
sellor, thought it better to follow a precedent than to innovate,
and to choose the precedent rather at home than abroad.

Pag. 41, he saith that Catholics never attempted to murder
any principal person of her Majesty's court, as did Burchew
(whom he calleth a Puritan) in wounding of a gentleman instead
of Sir Christopher Hatton ; but by their great virtue, modesty,
and patience, do manifest in themselves a far different spirit from
the other sort. For Biu*chew, it is certain he was mad ; as
appeareth not only by his mad' mistaking, but by the violence
that he offered after to his keeper, and most evidently by his
behaviour at his execution. But of Catholics (I mean the trai-
torous sort of them) a man may say as Cato said sometimes of
CsBsar, eum ad evertendam rempublicam sobrium accessisse : they
come^ sober and well advised to their treasons and conspiracies ;
and commonly they look not so low as the counsellors, but have
bent their murderous attempts immediately against her Majesty's
sacred person (which Ood have in his precious custody) ; as may
appear by the conspiracy of Somervile, Parry, Savage, the Six, .
and others; nay (which is more^) they have defended it in thesi
to be a lawful act.

Pag. 43, he saith his Lordship (whom he calleth the Arch-
politic) hath fraudulently provided that when any priest is ar-
raigned the indictment is farced^ with many odious matters.
Wherein he showeth great^ ignorance, if it be not malice; for the
law permitteth not the ancient forms of indictments to be altered ;
like as in an action of trespass, although a man take away another's
goods in the peaceablest manner in the world, yet the writ hath

* prince : 0. ' rath: B, H. • came: 0. * which is more omitted in C.
» forced: C, H. « ffroce: B. ff^one: H.

204 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

guare vi et armis ; and if a man enter upon another's ground and
do no more^ the plaintiff mentioneth qtwd herbam suam ibidem
crescentem cum equis, bobu8, porcis, et bideniibus, depastus sit,
conculcavit et consumpsit. Neither is this any absurdity ; for in
the practice of all law the formularies have been few and certain,
and not varied according to every particular case. And in in-
dictments also of treason it is not so far fetched as in that of
trespass ; for the law ever presumeth in treason an^ intention of
subverting the state and impeaching the majesty royal.

Pag. 45, and in other places, speaking of the persecuting of
Catholics, he still mentioneth bowelling and consuming men^s
entrails with fire ; as if this were a new torture devised. Wherein
he doth cautelously and maliciously suppress that the law and
custom of this land from all antiquity hath ordained that punish-
ment in case of treason, and permitteth no other. And a punish-
ment surely it is, though of great terror, yet by reason of the
quick dispatching of less torment far than either the wheel or
forcipation, yea than simple burning.

Paff. 48, he saith England is confederate with the great Turk.
Wherein if he mean it because the merchants have an agent in
Constantinople, how will he answer for all the Kings of France
since Francis I., which were good Catholics ; for the Emperor ; for
the King of Spain himself; for the Senate of Venice ; and other
states, that have had long time ambassadors liegers in that^ court ?
If he mean it because the Turk hath done some special honour
to our ambassador (if he be so to be termed), we are beholding to
the King of Spain for that ; for that the honour we have won upon
him by opposition hath given us reputation through the world.
If he mean it because the Turk seemeth to affect us for the abo-
lishing of images, let him consider then what a scandal the
matter of images hath been in the church, as having been one
of the principal branches whereby Mahumetism entered.

Pag. 65, he saith Cardinal Allen was of late very near to have
been elected Pope ; whereby he would put the Catholics here in
some hope that once within five or six years (for a Pope com-
monly sitteth no longer) he may obtain that which he missed
narrowly. That^ is a direct abuse ; for it is certain in all the
conclaves since Sixtus Quintus, who gave him his hat, he was
never in possibility; nay the King of Spain, that hath patro-

» of an : B. « f^ couH . B. 3 This: B,H.

1592.] OBSERVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 205

nized the Church of Rome so long as he i& become a right patron
of it^ in that he seeketh to present to that see whom he liketh,
yet never durst strain his credit to so desperate a point as once
to make a canvass for him ; no^ he never nominated him in his
inclusive nomination. And those that know anything of respects
of conclaves^ know that he is not papable ; firsts because he is an
ultramontane^ of which sort there hath been none these fifty
years ; next^ because he is a cardinal of alms of Spain^ and wholly
at the devotion of that king ; thirdly^ because he is like to em-
ploy the treasure and favours of the Popedom upon the enter-
prises of England^ and the relief and advancement of English
fugitives^ his necessitous countrymen. So as he presumed much
upon the simplicity of the reader in this pointy as in many more.

Pag. b5y and again 70^ he saith his Lordship intendeth to
match his grandchild Mr. William Cecil with the Lady Arbella.
Which being a mere imagination without any circumstance at
all to induce it, more than that they are both unmarried and
that their years agree well, needeth no answer. It is true that
his Lordship, being no stoical unnatural man, but loving to-
wards his children (for charitas reipublica incipit afamilia), hath
been glad to match them into honourable and good blood ; and
yet not so but a private gentleman of Northamptonshire, that
lived altogether in the country, was able to bestow his daughter
higher than his Lordship hath done ; but yet it is not seen by
anything past that his Lordship ever thought or affected to
match his children in the blood-royal. His Lordship's wisdom,
which hath been so long of gathering, teacheth him to leave to
his posterity rather surety than danger. And I marvel where be
the combinations which have been^ with great men, and the
popular and plausible courses which ever accompany such de-
signs as the libeller speaketh of. And therefore this match is
but like unto that which the same fellows' concluded between
the same lady Arbella and the Earl of Leicester's son, when he
was but a twelvemonth old.

Paff. 70, he saith he laboureth incessantly with the Queen to
make his eldest son deputy of Ireland. As if that were such a
catch, considering all the deputies since her Majesty's time, ex-
cept the Earl of Sussex and the Lord Grey, have been persons
of meaner degree than Sir Thomas Cecil is ; and the most that

' which have been omitted in B,H. ^ fellawe: B. followert: 0.

206 LETTEBS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

is gotten by that place is but the saving and putting up of a
man's own revenues during those years that he serveth there ;
and this perhaps to be sauced^ with some displeasure at his re-
turn.

Pag. eadem, he saith he hath brought in his second son^ to
be of the council^ who hath neither wit nor experience. Which
speech is as notorious an untruth as' is in all the libel ; for it is
confessed by all men that know the gentleman, that he hath one
of the rarest and most excellent wits of England ; with a singular
delivery and application of the same, whether it be to use a con-
tinued speech, or to negotiate, or to couch^ in writing, or to
make report, or discreetly to consider of the*^ circumstances, or^
aptly to draw things to a point ; and all this joined with a very
good nature and a great^ respect to all men, as is daily more and
more revealed. And for his experience, it is easy to think that
his training and helps hath made it already such as many that
have served long prentishood for it have not attained the like.
So as if that be true, that qui beneficium digno dat omnes obligai,
not his father only but the state is bound unto her Majesty for the
choice and employment of so sufficient and worthy a gentleman.

There be many other follies and absurdities in the book ; which
if an eloquent scholar had it in hand, he would take advantage
thereof, and justly make the author not only odious but ridicu-
lous and contemptible to the world. But I pass them over; and
even this which hath been said hath been vouchsafed to the
value and worth® of the matter and not the worth of the writer,
who hath handled a theme' above his compass.

YIII. Of the height of impudency that these men are groum
unto in publishing and avouching untruths^ with apartictUar
recital of some of them for an assay }^

These men are grown to a singular spirit and faculty in lying
and abusing the world ; such as it seemeth, although they are to
purchase a particular dispensation for all other sins, yet they
have a dispensation dormant to lie for^the Catholic cause; which

^ ta/oed: C. ^ hnmgJU IUm second ton in ; B, H. * it omitted in C.

^ touch: C. ^ the omitted in B,H.

^ orio (sptUe to draw: C. (Perhaps it should be, or to <>pp^ amd draw things
to a point.)

Here A begins again. ^ and worth omitted in C, B, H.

handled them : C. ^ esea^e: B.

1592.] OBSEEVATIONS ON A LIBEL. 207

inoveth me to give the reader a taste of their untraths^ espe-
cially such as are wittily contrived/ and are not merely gross
and palpable; desiring him out of their own writings (when any
shall ML into his hands) to increase the roll at least in his own
memory.

We retain in our calendars no other holydays but such as
have their memorials in the Scriptures; and therefore in the
honour of the blessed Virgin, we only receive the feasts of the
Annunciation and the Purification ; omitting the other of the
Conception and the Nativity ;* which Nativity was used to be
celebrated upon the seventh of September, the vigil whereof
happened to be the nativity of our Queen; which though we
keep not holy, yet we use therein certain civil customs of joy and
gratulation, as ringing of bells, bonfires, and such-like, and like-
wise make a memorial of the same day in our calendar; where-
upon they have published that we have expunged the Nativity of
the blessed Virgin, and put instead thereof the nativity of our
Queen ; and further, that we sing certain hymns unto her, used
to have been sung unto our Lady.

It happened that upon some bloodshed in the church of Paul's,
according to the canon^ law yet with us in force, the said church
was interdicted, and so the gates shut up for some few days ;
whereupon they published that, — because the same church is a
place where people use to meet to walk and confer, — the Queen's
Majesty, after the manner of the ancient tyrants, had forbidden
all assemblies and meetings of people together, and for that rea-
son upon extreme jealousy did cause Paul's gates^ to be shut up.

The gate of London called Ludgate, being in decay, was pulled
down and built anew ; and on the one side was set up the image
of Lud and his two sons, — ^who, according to the name, was
thought to be the first founder of that gate, — and on the other
side the image of her Majesty, in whose time it was re-edified ;
whereupon they published^ that her Majesty, after all the images
of the saints^ were long since beaten down, had now at last set

^ especially touching anie written contrived : A. etpecictUy such as are prittyest
and most artificiallu confirmed : B. especially such as are precysist and most
artificially contrivea: H. In C a blank had b^n left between especial^ and con-
trived as for words which the tranBcriber oonld not decipher, which has been filled
bj another pen as in the text.

3 and nativity : C. the Assumptiony Conception, and Nativity : B.

» comon: B,C. * yate: C,H. • voiced:B,

^ Here MS. A breaks off again.

208 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. V.

up her own image upon the principal gate of London to be
adored^ and that all men were forced to do reverence to it as
they passed by, and a watch there placed for that purpose.

Mr. Jewel, the bishop of Salisbury, who according to his life
died most godly and patiently, at the point of death used the
versicle of the psalm, O Lard, in Thee have I put my trust, let
me never be confounded ; whereupon, suppressing the rest, they
published ^ that the principal champion of the heretics (in his
very last words) cried^ he was confounded.

In the act of recognition of primo, whereby the right of the
crown is .acknowledged by Parliament to be in her Majesty (the
like whereof was used in Queen Mary's time), the words of limi-
tation are, in the Queen's Majesty and the natural heirs of her
body, and her lawful successors. Upon which word, natural, they
do maliciously and indeed villainously glose, that it was the in-
tention of the Parliament in a cloud to convey the crown to any
issue of her Majesty's that were illegitimate ; whereas the word
heir doth with us so* necessarily and pregnantly import lawful-
ness, as it had been indecorum and uncivil speaking of the issues
of a prince to have expressed it.

They set forth in the year a book with tables and pictures
of the persecutions against Catholics, wherein they have not only
taken^ stories of fifty years old to supply their pages, but also
taken all the persecutions of the primitive church under the
heathen, and translated them to the practice of England ; ks that
of worrying^ priests under the skins of bears by dogs, and the
Uke.

I conclude then that I know not what to make of this excess
in avouching untruths, save this, that they may truly chant in
their quires, Linguam nostram magnificabimus, labia nostra nobis
sunt : and that they who have long agone* forsaken the truth of
God, which is the touchstone, must now hold by the whetstone ;
and that their ancient pillar of lying wonders being decayed, they
must now hold by lying slanders, and make their libels succes-
sors to their legend.

Finis.

* reported : B. ' cried o«^ ; B, H. ' a* in all the MS.

* taken omitted in C. * worrowing in all the MSS. • cigoe : B, H.

209

CHAPTER VI.

A.D. 1593. JETAT. 33.

Had the foregoing paper been written a few weeks later, a fresh
evidence of the danger which hung over England from Spain must
have been added to the list. This pamphlet, in which the pacific
policy of Philip was so largely set forth, proved to be the immediate
forerunner, if not the actual preparative and accomplice, of a new
intrigue in Scotland more alarming than any of the rest. And be-
fore the reply was finished, several of the most powerful nobles had
formally pledged themselves to receive Spanish forces in Scotland,
and to raise, by help of Spanish money, forces of their own to join
with them. Of this fact the English government received certain
intelligence early in January, 1592-3. It was necessary therefore to
be prepared for an invasion at both ends of the kingdom at once ;
and as the double subsidy granted three years before had been
already spent in aids to the Netherlands and France, no time was
to be lost in summoning a new parliament and obtaining fi^sh and
liberal supplies.

The Houses met on the 19th of February. The Lord Keeper, in
the Queen's presence and by her command, informed them why they
had been called, what they were to do, and what not to do. . He told
them that the King of Spain had since 1588 been furnishing himself
with ships of a different build, fitter for our waters ; had possessed
himself of the principal strongholds in Brittany, places convenient
to assaQ us from by sea ; had won a party in Scotland to give land-
ing to his forces there, sent him large sums of money, and received
written promises of assistance ; and that his purpose was to invade
us by land and sea at once, from north and south. Meantime, the
Queen's treasure being spent, she had called them '* that she might
consult with her subjects for the better withstanding of these in-
tended invasions, which were now greater than were ever heretofore
heard of." He told them that they were not called to make any new
laws, of which there were already so many that an abridgment of

VOL. I. P

210 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VI.

those there were was more wanted than an addition to the number ;
that the session could not be long, for spring was near, when gentle-
men would be wanted in their counties and the justices of assize in
their circuits ; therefore that the good hours must not be lost in idle
speeches, but employed wholly in the needful business of the time.

In these admonitions there was nothing unusual. No remon-
strance was made ; no symptoms of opposition manifested ; nor did
there seem to be any reason for doubting that if the Commons were
left to take their ordinary course without further interference, they
would do the business willingly and satisfactorily. It is true that
they had shown themselves on late occasions very jealous of their
trust, and very reluctant to make precedents for double subsidies.
But in times of war subsidies were understood to be the constitu-
tional resource. The wars in which the country was then engaged
were popular. There was no suspicion of waste or misemployment
or ill success in the administration of former grants. And if extra-
ordinary sacrifices were due to extraordinary occasions, never was
there a time in which they might have been more reasonably expected
than upon the fresh alarm (for the King of Spain's design was not
known to the English public before parliament met) of so formidable
a danger. Yet scarcely a week had passed before obstructions and
misunderstandings arose, and that in a manner and quarter so unex-
pected, that historians have had to seek far, and hitherto I think un-
successfully, for an explanation of them.

That there had grown up under the leadership of the Earl of Essex
a parliamentary "opposition," whose object was to embarrass the
ministers in the hope of supplanting them, is a modem suggestion,
drawn from modem experiences, without a shadow of direct evidence
to support it, and incredible to any one acquainted with those times.
To embarrass Queen Elizabeth's government in a crisis of national
danger was no man's way to a seat at her council-table. To me it
appears more probable that the opposition she met with was legiti-
mately provoked by the Queen herself; for that, seeing the gradual
encroachments which for some years Privilege had been making upon
Prerogative, she had intended to take advantage of what seemed a
favourable crisis, not merely for obtaining those supplies which she
was entitled to ask for, but also for establishing one or two prece-
dents in her own favour upon certain points of form which custom
had not yet settled. The right of free debate in the Lower House,
for instance, had its limits in fact, as we know ; but Peter Went-
worth had formally disputed them ;^ and the dispute, though silenced,
had not been decided. So also the rule of voting only one subsidy
> 28th February, 1586-7. See D'Ewee, p. 411.

1593.] THE GOVERNMENT AND THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 211

at a time had been broken by the last Parliament ; but it was with
an intimation that the case was extraordinary, and a proviso that it
should not be taken for a precedent. Now this rule was inconve-
nient for the public service, and by a little judicious management
might be made to lose its prescriptive authority. Again, the Com-
mons had been allowed hitherto to discuss all questions of supply by
themselves, without dictation or interference. But since it was not
possible tp judge how large a supply ought to be offered, without
knowing the occasion which called for it ; and since the Commons
were not then admitted to be fit judges of council-table matters ; it
would certainly be convenient for the government, and might appear
not altogether unreasonable in itself, to introduce a custom of dis-
cussing such questions in conference with the Lords. Here then
were three constitutional points, all fairly disputable, which the Queen
would naturally wish to settle in her own favour ; and it probably
occurred to her that the urgency of the occasion, and the enthusias-
tic loyalty which she could so well count upon in times of national
danger, might enable her silently to advance a step in these direc-
tions. Nor was she altogether mistaken. In the first point she
succeeded completely for the time, and without a struggle. For
when the Speaker proffered the usual petition for liberty of speech,
the Lord Keeper was instructed to answer '' that liberty of speech
was granted in respect of the Aye and No ; but not that every one
should speak what he listed;"^ a declaration which, in strict con-
struction, denied liberty of speech and allowed only liberty of vote.
And this principle, so frankly avowed, she took the earliest opportu-
nity of enforcing in practice. For the first proceeding in the Lower
House being the delivery of a petition relating to the succession of
the Crown,' the members who introduced it, — Peter Wentworth and
others, — ^were immediately called before the Council, and committed,
some to the Tower and others to the Fleet ; where they remained, I
believe, to the end of the session ; thus losing their liberty of vote
and speech both. And when it was proposed to petition the Queen
for their release (lest their constituents should complain of having
to pay taxes to which their representatives had not consented), an-
swer was made by the privy councillors that " her Majesty had com-
mitted them for causes best known to herself," and that to press her
with the proposed suit " would only hinder them whose good they
sought ;"^ with which answer the House seems to have been satisfied.
This was no novelty, it is true ; for many precedents might have been

1 22nd Febmaiy. See D'Ewes, p. 469.
» 24th February. D'Ewes, p. 470.
* lOth March. D*Ewes, p. 497.

212 LETTEBS AND LIFE OP PBAWCIS BACON. [Chap. VL

cited in justification ; but it was one more added to the list, and a
strong one. And so that point was made good for that time.

How she fared with regard to the two others will appear in the
narrative of the proceedings ; which I must give at some length, be-
cause of the prominent and unexpected part which Bacon played in
them. If my interpretation of the Queen's policy be correct, the
course he took will be more easily understood.

2.

The question of supply was brought forward on the 26th of
Februaiy. Sir Bobert Cecil set forth at large the danger in which
England stood from the King of Spain ; his ancient malice, visible
in all the proceedings of past years, still as active as ever ; his ad-
vantages greater than ever, by reason of his recent successes in Lor-
raine and Brittany, his intrigues in Scotland, and the numbers of
the Catholic party gradually increasing. Sir John Wolley (another
privy councillor) explained the conditions and designs of the Leaguers
in France. And Sir John Fortescue (Chancellor of the Exchequer)
followed with a statement of the Queen's finances, past and present ;
showing that all had been spent upon the great services of the king-
dom, — in clearing the Crown of debt, in increasing the strength of
the navy, in assisting the French king, and protecting the Nether-
lands ; — ^that subsidies did not now yield above half the sum which
they yielded in Henry VIII.'s time ; and that all borrowed money
had been repaid.

When the case had been thus set forth on behalf of the govern-
ment, and motion made for " a select and grave Committee to con-
sider of the dangers of the realm and of speedy supply and aid to
her Majesty," Bacon (now knight of the shire for Middlesex, and
therefore entitled, I suppose, to take a leading part among the inde-
pendent members) rose to support the motion. Of his speech
only the few opening sentences have been preserved, and, strange
to say, they seem at first sight to have no bearing on the ques-
tion under discussion. Speaking in favour of supply in a Parlia-
ment expressly called not for laws but money, all that remains of
his speech relates not to money but to laws. But the truth was
(and this it is which gives an interest to the small and mutilated
fragment which has floated down to us) that he had notions of his
own concerning the relations which subsisted between the Crown
and Parliament, and the courtesies appertaining to them, which the
proceeding of the Queen and her ministers on this occasion did
not quite satisfy. In his later life at least, he held it for a point

1593.] BACON'S SPEECH ON MOTION FOE SUPPLY. 213

of constitutional doctrine that between the sovereign and the people
in a monarchy there was a tie of mutual obligation ; the sovereign
by advice and consent of Parliament making laws for the benefit of
his people, and the people by their representatives in Parliament
supplying the wants of the sovereign ; therefore that the voting of
money should never be proclaimed as the sole cause of calling a Par-
liament, but always accompanied with some other business of state
tending to the good of the commonwealth.^ It was also his con-
stant opinion, expressed both early and late in life, that no greater
benefit could be conferred on the commonwealth than a general re-
vision of the whole body of laws, and the reduction of them into
one consistent and manageable code. Now although it cannot be
said that this Parliament was called for no business of state ex-
cept money, considering how vitally the state was interested in
the cause for which the money was wanted, — yet I suppose he
thought it unfit that the necessities of the Crown and the demand
for money should be placed so nakedly in the foreground, and all
other functions of Parliament so completely set aside, as they seemed
to be both in the Lord Keeper's speech on opening the session,
and in those of the privy councillors on moving for the committee
of supply. Seeking therefore to remove such an impression, and
remembering what the Lord Keeper had said about the multipli-
city of laws and the expediency of abridging them, he set that great
topic in the firont of his speech ; and so contrived not only to draw
attention towards the project itself, but also to impart to the meet-
ing between the Queen and her people a more gracious aspect, by
suggesting that if she wished them to make no more laws at that
time, it was not from any forgetfulness of their just interest in
legislation.

Such I take to be the most probable explanation of the appa-
rent irrelevancy of the commencement of Bacon's speech ; the end
of it being (as we learn from the journals) to enforce the neces-
sity of "present consultation and provision of treasure" to pre-
vent " the dangers intended against the realm by the King of Spain,
the Pope, and other confederates of the Holy League."* Of the
particulars we know nothing but what is contained in the following
imperfect and inaccurate report : —

Opening op Speech on Motion por Supply.

" Mr. Speaker.

" That which these honourable personages have spoken of

^ See a letter to James I., in 1613, which will be giyeu in its place.
» D'Ewes, p. 471.

214 LETTERS AND LIFE OF PEANCIS BACX)N. [Chap. VL

their experience, may it please you to gi?e me leave to deliver
of my common knowledge.

** The cause of the assembling of all Parliaments hath been
heretofore for Laws or Money; the one being the sinews of
Peace, the other of War. To the one I am not privy ; but the
other I should know.

'' I did take great contentment in her Majesty's speeches the
other day delivered by the Lord Keeper, how that it was [fitting
an abridgment were made of the laws and statutes of the realm] :
a thing not to be done suddenly nor at one Parliament ; nor
scarce a whole year would suffice, to purge the statute-book nor
lessen the volume of laws; — being so many in number that
neither common people can half practise them, nor the lawyer
sufficiently understand them ; — ^than the which nothing should
tend more to the eternal praise of her Majesty.

*^ The Romans appointed ten m6n who were to correct and
recall all former laws, and set forth their Twelve Tables, so
much of all men to be commended. The Athenienses likewise
appointed six to that purpose. And Lewis IX. ^ of France did
the like in reforming of laws,'' etc.

Now to proceed with the narrative.

The committee was appointed without further discussion; met
that afternoon ; the next day» which was Tuesday, brought up their
report, recommending the same grant which had been made by the
last Parliament, — two subsidies and four fifteenths and tenths ; with
the same condition, that the present necessity should be stated in
the Bill as the motive for so extraordinary a supply ; to all which the
House assented without opposition, and appointed another com-
mittee to meet on the following Saturday for the purpose of drawing
up the articles and preamble.

So far all seemed to be going smoothly and rapidly enough. But
the Lords were impatient. And whether it were that they reaUy
thought that the question would not bear three days' delay (which is

* So aU the copies. I belieye it should be XI. I hare followed a MS. in the
Hargraye Collection (324. 10), which agrees, except for a few yerbal differences,
with the copy in Townsend and D'Ewes. None of the journals which I have met
with, either in print or manuscript, give any more. The words within brackets I
haye supplied bj conjecture, something to that effect being necessary to complete
the sense. But the inaccuracies of this report are of the less consequence, because
the substance of all this will be found hereafter, in the " Proposal for an Amend-
ment of the Laws," the " Offer of a Digest of Laws," and other places.

1598.] CONFEBENCE PBOPOSED TOUCHINa SUBSIDY. 215

hard to believe), or that they had resolved (which I think more likely)
to seize the first fair pretext for putting in their own daim to take
part in such deliberations, — certain it is that on Thursday (only four
days after the first motion) they sent a message to the Commons re-
minding them of the business, saying that they had expected to hear
something from them before, and therefore had omitted as yet to do
anything therein themselves, and now demanding a conference.^ To
this no objection was made. A committee was immediately named
for the purpose ; the conference took place the same afternoon, and
the result was reported to the House the next morning by Sir Bobert
Cecil.

They had been invited to confer, it appeared, for the purpose of
receiving some information from the Lord Treasurer, showing that a
double subsidy would not be sufficient for the exigency. Subsidies,
owing to some error or mismanagement in the assessment, did not
now yield so much as they used to do. The double subsidy last
granted, with its four fifteenths and tenths, had not brought into the
treasury more than £280,000 ; and since it was granted, the Queen
had been obliged to spend in these defensive wars above £1,030,000
of her own. Therefore a larger supply was required now, and a more
speedy collection.

Thus far the proceeding seems to have been legitimate and un-
objectionable. These explanations were material to an understand-
ing of the case ; the Lord Treasurer was the person who could best
give them ; and a conference between the two Houses was, according
to the practice of those times, the constitutional channel of commu-
nication. Had they stopped there, the Commons would have taken
the facts into consideration, and instructed their Committee of Supply
accordingly.

But the Lord Treasurer, who was the spokesman, went further ;
and here it was that the Commons had need to be on their guard.
He warned them, in the name of the Upper House, that '^ their Lord-
ships would not in anywise give their assents to pass any act in their
own House of less than three entire subsidies," payable in the three
next years at two payments in each year.* "Whether they would
assent to so little as three, he left doubtful. '' To what proportion
of benevolence, or unto how much their Lordships would give their

» D'Ewes, p. 480.

3 <* Their denial" (says another report, Hargrave MS. 824. 21) "waa flat.
They might not, nor they would not, give their consents to less than a treble sub-
sidy ; imd not to a treble nor a quadru^de, unless the same were the better qualified,
both in substance and in circumstance of time.'* The statement in the text is taken
from the journal-book of the Hbuse, as quoted by D'Ewes. This report is from a
MS. journal kept by some member, and probably gires more of the words actually
spoken, though it may not represent more accurately the general effect.

216 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chajp. VI.

assents in that behalf, they would not as then show ;" but desired
another conference.

Such was the substance of the Lord Treasurer's communication,
as I gather it from the memorandum of Sir Bobert Cecirs report
entered in the original journal-book of the House of Commons;^
and if it was not a proposal that the two Houses should, at a confer-
ence, discuss the question of supply together, I am at a loss for an in-
terpretation of the Wjords. Cecil, having finished his report, made
no motion of his own, but referred it to the House.

Bacon, who had been a member of all the committees on this ques-
tion, was present at the conference, and therefore had had all the
night to consider what he should do. As his affairs then stood, it
could have been no slight matter which determined him to oppose
the Lord Treasurer's proposition. But the case was critical. Once
admit the claim of the Lords to take part in deliberations on ques-
tions of supply, and half the power of the Commons would be gone.
The encroachment must be withstood then and there. He came
prepared ; and as soon as Cecil sat down, he rose. " He yielded to
the subsidy," — that is, he was willing to vote for the additional sub-
sidy which appeared by the statement of the Lord Treasurer to be
required by the public service, — ''but misliked that this House
should join with the Upper House in the granting of it. For the
custom and privilege, he said, of this House hath always been first to
make offer of the subsidy from hence unto the Upper House.^ And
reason it is that we should stand upon our privilege. Seeing the
burden resteth upon us as the greater number, no reason the thanks
should be theirs. And in joining with them in this motion we shall
derogate from ourselves ; for the thanks will be theirs and the blame
ours, they being the first movers. Wherefore I wish that in this
action we should proceed, as heretofore we have done, apart by our-
selves, and not joining with their Lordships. And to satisfy them,
who expect an answer from us tomorrow, some answer would be made
in all obsequious and dutiful manner." And out of his bosom he
drew an answer framed by himself, to this effect : that they had con-
sidered of their Lordships' motion, and thought upon it as was fit,
and in all willingness would address themselves to do as so great a
cause deserved. But to join with their Lordships in this business
they could not but with prejudice to the privileges of this House ;

» D'Ewes, p. 483.

* The report from which this is taken adds here : — " Except it were that they
present a Bill unto this House, and then we used to giye our assents to the Bill and
send it up again ;" a sentence which, as it stands, interrupts the sense, and is
probably either incorrectly reported or left incomplete ; most likely the latter : for
in the MS. t;opy of D'Ewes's Joumab, the next sentence begins a fresh paragraph.

1698.] DECLINED BY THE LOWEB HOUSE. 217

wherefore desired, as tbej were wont, so that now they might proceed
therein by themselves apart from their Lordships. " Thus, I think,"
he added, "we may divide ourselves from their Lordships, and yet
without dissension; for this is but an honourable emulation ^d
division." To this he cited a precedent in Henry VIII.'s time,
where four of the Lords came down into the Lower House, and in-
formed them what necessity there was of a subsidy, and thereupon
the Bouse took it to consideration apart by themselves, and at last
granted it." 1

The motion seems to have taken the government party by surprise ;
for it met with no opposition, but being " well liked by the House,"
the Subsidy Committee was ordered to meet in the afternoon for the
purpose of framing an answer, to be reported to the House the next
morning. The Committee met accordingly at two o'clock on Friday.
But doubts being raised as to the nature and extent of their com-
mission, — some thinking that the question was already carried in
favour of an answer in the spirit of Bacon's note, and that their
business was only to agree upon the wording of it ; others that they
were appointed to consider generally what answer they thought
fittest, — they parted for that day without agreeing upon anything.
On Saturday morning however they met again, and the question
being put to the vote, a majority of the Committee was in favour of
an answer to the opposite effect, namely that they toauld grant a
conference. Sir Bobert Cecil reported their proceedings to the
House, and delivered this as the recommendation of the Committee.
The question was, whether it should be adopted.

Now this was precisely the proposition which should have been
moved as an amendment to Bacon's motion the morning before. The
point at issue was exactly the same, — Shall the Lower House con-
sent to a conference with the Upper for the avowed purpose of as-
senting to a proposition, or discussing a question, of supply ? They
were not asked to come and receive information about the necessities
of the kingdom or the state of the finances ; they had heard all that
at the last conference, and had been willing to hear whatever else the
Lords had to communicate. What they had not heard then was the
amount of subsidy which they must vote if they meant the bill to
pass ; and what they were now invited to hear must have been either
that or something bearing upon that specific point. Still therefore
the question was, what answer they should send. Bacon's opinion
had been given already in the House, and the case being no way
changed, there was no occasion for him to speak again. The other

^ D'Ewes, p. 483 ; compared with the original MS. (Harl. 75) and with another
report (Hargrave MSS. 324. 21).

218 LETTEBS AOT) LtPE OP FEANOIS BACX)N. [Chap. VL

member for Middlesex, Mr. Wroth, had voted with him in committee,
and now spoke against the conference, as " prejudicial to the ancient
liberties and privileges of the House, and to the authority of the same."
Mr. Beale was of the same mind, and produced a precedent in point
from the reign of Henry lY., when upon a like occasion the same
proposal had been made, and upon the same ground refused, and the
refusal had been allowed by the King as just. Sir Bobert Cecil in
reply pleadedybr the conference, on the ground that the Lords, being
some of them privy councillors, understood both the strength of the
enemy and the resources of the kingdom better than the Commons
could. But as to any misapprehension of the object of the confer-
ence, he said not a word. The debate ended at last in a resolution,
carried by 217 to 128, ''That no such conference should be had."
Whereupon (to quote the fullest report I have met with, for the
terms of the answer are important) " Committees to the number of
thirty were appointed to go up to the Lords, and to say that we humbly
thanked their Lordships for imparting to us, at our last meeting with
them, matters of great consideration and needful for the state. We
would think upon them accordingly as to such causes appertained.
But where they desired our conference about an aid and subsidies to
he yielded to the Queeny we would do therein amongst ourselves our
best endeavours; because without breach of privilege to our own
House we could not have conference with their Lordships ; and for
the maintenance of this privilege some precedents have been showed
us in the like case."

The terms of the answer therefore left no room for any mistake
as to the nature and limits of the objection which the Commons took
to the proposal ; and if they had mistaken the nature of the proposal
itself, so that the objection was inapplicable, now was the time to
set them right. But no. The answer of the Lords shows that the
nature of the proposal had been understood quite correctly. For the
report proceeds, —

'' This answer Sir John Fortescu delivered to the Lords from the
Lower House, speaking for the Committees. And the Lords, having
received it and considered it apart after the delivery of it, came
again and told the Committees, that they thought very well of it, and
took it in kind part that the House did so well accept of their last
meaning, and considered so throughly upon the things delivered;
and desired us to go on our course with our best endeavours in these
great causes. But where we denied a conference with them about
the subsidy, they thought that point of honour a niceness more than
needed to be stood upon ; for they and we make one House, wherefore
QO such scruples ought to be observed, that we should not confer

1593.] TACTICS OF THE GOVEENMENT. 219

together. It was for the aid of the realms where they had as great
an interest, bare as great a burden, as we ; therefore Jlttest we should
Join. And for the precedent alleged, they desire it may be sent
them."

How could the Upper House more distinctly assert its pretension
to take part with the Lower in deliberations concerning supply?
How more distinctly dispute the privilege of the Commons to deal
with such questions *' apart by themselves, and not joining with their
Lordships " ? But the Commons were not disposed to retreat.

'* This being put to the question (continues the reporter), whether
the precedent should be sent, it was clearly answered No."^ They
then merely ordered the Committee of Supply to meet again on
Monday ; and so Saturday's work ended.

4.

Sunday coming between gave the Court time to consider. The
Queen, to whom of course everything was reported, foimd she had
gone a step too far. She must give way ; how to retreat without
seeming to be beaten, was the question. But this was an art in
which she excelled, and it may be fairly suspected that the plan of
operations which commenced on Monday morning was designed and
guided by herself.

In the first place, the Lower House was not to be pressed to sub-
mit its precedents to the consideration of the Upper. That motion
was to be silently dropped. But it was privately explained to Mr.
Beale that the precedent which he had produced was not in point ;
for in that case the Lords, having agreed among themselves to a
greater subsidy than the Commons had granted, invited them to a
conference in order that they might confirm what they had done ;
which was not the present proposition ; and lie was content to ac-
knowledge in the House that he had mistaken the question, and that
if he had understood it as it was meant, he would have been of a
different opinion.

If upon this explanation the Commons should consent to reverse
their resolution, so much the better : the principle of joint discus-
sion might still be saved. But that could hardly be reckoned upon.
For their objection to the conference had not in fact turned upon
any such point. They had objected, not because they were asked to
confirm a resolution which the Lords had taken, but because they
were asked to join in conference with them about a subsidy. In the

^ Haivrave MSS. 824. 29. A joaraal eridentlj made by some member of the
Lower House.

220 LKTTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VI.

second place therefore, the objection, if persevered in, was to be met
by boldly declaring that it was not about a subsidy that they had
been asked to confer ; that the subject of the proposed conference
was the dangers of the kingdom and the means of withstanding
them ; and that if any one had thought it was to be about a subsidy,
he was mistaken. To do this after what had passed would require
a firm countenance ; but once done it would make all the rest easy ;
and since it would involve a virtual concession of the entire principle
for which the Lower House contended, they would let it pass if they
were wise.

The plan of operation having been thus laid (so at least I suspect ;
for we have no means of knowing what did actually pass between the
Queen and her ministers, but are left to infer it from the proceedings
which followed), the business was opened on Monday morning by an
explanation from Mr. Beale. He said that since the decision of the
House was supposed to have been influenced by the precedent which
he had quoted, it was right they should know that he had quoted it
under a misapprehension of the question under discussion. He
showed in what respects his precedent failed to fit the present case ;
and wished that, if any had been led by him, they would now be
satisfied ; for if he had conceived the matter aright, he should him-
self have thought difierently. " There being but a conference desired
of the Lords, and no confirming of anything they had done, he thought
they might, and it was fit they should, confer.** The explanation
being made, it was immediately moved by two of the privy council-
lors (Sir Thomas Heneage and Sir John WoUey) that Saturday's re-
solution be reversed, as having proceeded upon a mistake.

For this however the House (as might have been expected) was
not quite ready. What the precise mistake had been, — to what there-
fore, if they revoked their No, they would be understood as saying
Yes, — was not yet clear. And to remove all doubt, Sir Henry TJnton,
afler reciting the whole proceeding, moved that they should agree to
" confer with the Lords about a subsidy, hut not in any sort to he con-
formed therein unto them" Hereupon Sir Eobert Cecil, finding I
suppose that they were falling back into the old dispute, resolved at
last to throw the disputed point fairly overboard ; w^ondered what the
last speaker could be thinking of; "his motion was that they should
confer with the Lords about a subsidy, but not conclude a subsidy
with them ; which motion seemed contrary to his meaning, or else it
was more them ever toas meant ; for it was never desired of them by
the Lords to confer about a subsidy," This avowal removed at once
all obstacles to agreement, and when, upon the motion of Sir Walter
Baleigh, " the Speaker put the question, whether they would have a

1593.] CLAIM, OF THE LORDS SILENTLY DROPPED. 221

general conference with the Lords or no P it was answered by all,
Aye." ^ A message was sent accordingly, which was graciously re-
ceived, and it was agreed that the conference should take place next
day.

Still it was necessary to be watchful, for still there was room for
more misunderstanding. They had agreed to confer; but "what
(asked Sir Thomas Heneage) are we to confer upon P For either we
must conform ourselves to somewhat that they will say, or else we
must deliver them somewhat that we will say ; for toe denri/ng their
cot^ference, and to come with nothing to say to them, will be unfit
for us."^ A statement of the case so obviously inaccurate, that one
can hardly help suspecting a design in it ; the rather because, when
it was very justly objected to as '' a mistaking of the thing agreed
upon," the objector was suddenly called to account by two of the
privy councillors for imputing a mistake to the Yice-Chamberlain,
and that with a degree of unnecessary sharpness which is most easily
explained by supposing that the objection was fatal to their scheme.
But however that may be, it was resolved at last that they should
have authority to coiner generally about the dangers and remedies,
but " not in any manner of wise to conclude anything particularly "
without first reporting the whole proceeding to the House and re-
ceiving further orders

With this commission they went up to the Lords, and told them
that " if they desired to ent^r into speech of the great cause, they
were ready to hear them. But if they would have them to descend
into consideration of it amongst themselves, they desired a little re-
spite, and by Thursday would bring them a resolute determination."'

And now what had the Lords to say, which they might not have
said last Thursday P Of the subsidies not a word. Not a word of
what they had said before on that subject (if two independent reports
of the conference may be trusted) was repeated ; not a word added
to it. But they had to inform them of " divers dangers not heard of
before ;" a new sum of 60,000 crowns had been sent into Scotland by
Spain ; the Scotch king had gone into the north, and there was
fear that, willingly or unwillingly, he would be taken by the lords
who were combined against him. These and the like intelligences
they imparted to the Commons for their consideration ; consented to
give them a clear day to consult upon the case ; and expected their
answer on Thursday afternoon.

It is clear therefore that the Lords had at last silently abandoned
their former position ; for what they now so easily assented to was

1 Hargrare MSS. 824. 27. ' Hargraye MSS. 324. 27 b.

> Hargraye MSS. 324.

222 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VI.

in fact all that the Commons upon Bacon's motion had asked. The
communication from the Upper House had been received ; thej would
take it into consideration apart by themselves.

5.

The point of privilege being bow no longer in the way, the original
qaestion came on again, and was referred to the same Committees,
who were ordered to meet on Wednesday afternoon, with a general
commission " to confer of all matters of remedies." And now Bacon,
— whose name has not been mentioned in any of the proceedings
since Friday, when he raised the question which we have just seen
settled, — appears again upon the stage.

The Lords had in their first conference demanded a bill of not less
than three subsidies, payable in three years. Now the invariable
custom had hitherto been to allow two years for the payment of each
subsidy. The proposition would therefore involve a double innova-
tion, ^ot only the total amount of taxation ordinarily imposed by
one Parliament would be trebled (which if Parliaments were less fre-
quent might, as far as the burden went, have come to the same thing),
bat the amount payable in each of these three years would be dou-
bled. And it might well be thought a hazardous experiment, how-
ever unexceptionable the purpose and however popular the occasion,
to introduce two such novelties at once ; first a breach of constitu-
tional usage, which in so tender a matter might naturally awaken
jealousy in the people ; and next, at the very same instant to send
the tax-gatherer among them to demand twice as much as they had
ever before been called on to pay. The latter was probably the more
hazardous step of the two ; for it could hardly be known till tried
whether the people could pay so much ; and accordingly it was upon
this point that dispute arose in the Committee. Indeed the Govern-
ment party themselves so fieu* modified the proposal as to allow four
years instead of three for the payment of the three subsidies.^ And
this, as I gather, was the motion submitted to the Committee.

Now Bacon, it will be remembered, had from the first declared his
assent to the treble subsidy ; but the innovation in the mode of col-
lection, even thus modified, was greater than he was prepared to ad-
vise ; and after a speech from Mr. Heale in favour of a still larger
grant than the one proposed, — which he contended that the country,
being so much richer than heretofore, could well afford, — ^he rose at
once to oppose it. The note which has been preserved of his speech
runs thus : —

> D'Ewee, p. 498.

€€ ■
€€i

1593.] SUBSIDT BILL: BACON'S AMBNDBiENT. 228

Speech on Motion for a Grant of Three Subsidies^
Payable in Pour Years.

'^ Mr. Francis Bacon assented to three subsidies^ but not to
the payment under six years; and to this propounded three rea-
sons, which he desired might be answered.
1. Impossibility or difficulty.
^2. Danger and discontentment.
' 8. A better manner of supply than subsidy.
^ For impossibility, the poor men's rent is such as they are not
able to yield it, and the general commonalty is not able to pay
so much upon the present. The gentlemen must sell their plate
and the farmers their brass pots ere this will be paid. And as
for us, we are here to search the wounds of the realm and not to
skin them over; wherefore we are not to persuade ourselves of
their wealth more than it is.

''The danger is this : we [shall thils] breed discontentment in
the people. And in a cause of jeopardy, her Majesty^s safety
must consist more in the love of her people than in their wealth.
And therefore [we should beware] not to give them cause of dis-
contentment. In granting^ these subsidies thus we run into
[two] perils. The first [is that] in putting two payments into one
[year], we make it a double subsidy ; for it maketh 4*. in the
pound a payment. The second is, that this being granted in this
sort, other princes hereafter will look for the like ; so we shall
put an ill precedent upon ourselves and to our posterity ; and in
histories it is to be observed that of all nations the English care
not to be subject, base, taxable, etc.

" The manner of supply may be by levy or imposition when
need shall most require. So when her Majesty^s coffers are empty,
they may be imbursed by these means.'^'

So ends the note; the last paragraph breaking off, as it would
seem, abruptly ; and not giving even the substance (so at least I in-
fer from comparing it with Bacon's own words in a letter written
shortly after, which will appear in its place) of the proposition with
which he concluded; which I think was this : that tuH) subsidies should
be granted and raised in the ordinary way ; but that some difference
should be made with regard to the third, with a view partly to mark

^ paying in MS.

3 Hargraye MSS. 824. 38 ; compared with D'Ewee, p. 493. The wordB within
brackets supplied by conjecture.

224 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VI

it as extraordinary (for the mere insertion of a proviso that it was
not to be a precedent, though it might do for once, woiild if often
repeated lose all its value, and pass into a precedent itself), and
partly to prevent the burden from falling upon the poorer classes.^
But of the exact terms of his amendment no record has been pre-
served.

How far these objections were just, it is not easy at this distance
of time to judge. But that they were urged out of a sincere appre-
hension that the measure proposed was hazardous, and rather to save
the government from embarrassments to come than to obstruct them
at the moment, no one I think can doubt who considers Bacon's po-
sition, and reads the record, imperfect as it is, of the proceedings
which followed. "We may not indeed conclude that he was the only
speaker who opposed the proposition of the government in the Com-
mittee : for many speeches may have been, and some probably were,
made of which we have no account ; but when we find that, of the
only speakers who are mentioned as having risen after him, four ad-
dressed themselves directly to answer his arguments, and the other
four all spoke in favour of the grant, only recommending some inde-
pendent measures to accompany it ; and that a proposition to grant
three subsidies and six fifteenths and tenths, — payable, the first at a
single payment in the first year, the second at a single payment in
the second year, the third at two payments in the third and fourth
years,:— was agreed to without a division in the Committee, and con-
firmed " by all without any contradiction "^ in the whole House ; we
may at least conclude that there was no popular party in opposition
strong enough to be worth conciliating at the expense of offending
the party in power. The result of the experiment proved indeed
that he was mistaken in thinking that the country could so ill bear
such an increase of taxation ; for though the struggle in anticipation
of which it was imposed never came, and during the two years in
which the double payment was exacted internal peace gave leisure
enough for discontent to express itself, it does not appear that any
difficulty was experienced in the collection, or that the overpressure
of subsidies (though the burden was increased instead of diminished
during the remaining years of Elizabeth's reign) ever took a promi-
nent place among grievances. But the mistake (if mistake it was)
was a natural one, and shared by many. It is evident from the re-
cords which remain of the speeches both in this Parliament and the

**It is trae that, from the beginning, whaUoetfer was above a double eubsidjf I
did wish might for precedent's sake appear to be extraordinary, and for discon-
tent's sake might not be levied upon Uie poorer sort." — Letter to Boighley, un-
dated. See p. 288.
2 D'Ewes, p. 495.

1693.] THE TRIPLE SUBSIDY PASSED. 225

last, that the continual increase of taxation' was a subject of general
anxietj among the Members. And it was one on which Bacon might
easily suppose himself in some respects better able to form an opi-
nion than the Queen or her ministers. As a Member of the Com-
mons, now of some years' experience, and representing such consti-
tuencies as Liverpool and Middlesex ; as a lawyer, who heard the
talk of the Inns of Court and Westminster Hall ; as a poor man,
before whom people would talk without reserve ; as a seeker for
knowledge in all quarters, whereby he was brought into familiar
communication with craftsmen as well as learned men ; he had op-
portunities of feeling the popular pulse which greater persons could
not have. And thinking the measure proposed by the Government
hazardous, he recommended another which he thought safer and yet
sufficient for the occasion. Being out-voted however, he acquiesced
in the decision and offered no further obstruction.

6.

On Thursday, at the hour appointed, the resolution of the Com-
mons was sigidfied to the Lords, and received with expressions stu-
diously framed to efface all traces of the previous misunderstanding :
the Commons '* desiring their Lordships* correspondency with them
in this their cause,** and at the same time intimating a hope that " in
some other things which they had not yet resolved" they would
''join with them in recommending the matters to her Majesty ;*' the
Lords, on their part, acknowledging that the offer of subsidy '' came
from them as feeling and understanding the dangers they were in,"
praising their zeal, and adding that " they would commend nothing
unto them, because they did perceive it needless."* Thus all was in
tune again. The Bill — aflber a little delay in arranging details, some
of which were new, but without any further dispute on the main
points— passed through its regular stages, and was in due time pre-
sented by the Speaker to the Queen ; who (after a slight rebuke con-
veyed by the mouth of the Lord Keeper to " some persons," — mean-
ing Bacon, — " who had seemed to regard their countries, and made
their necessity more than it was, forgetting the necessity of the
time,") received it in her own person with all thanks and gracious ac-
knowledgment. And on the whole she had good season to be satisfied.

The project of introducing a custom of joint consultation between
•
^ During the first twenty-six years of Elizabeth's reign, only six subsidies had
been granted, the interrals between one and another being generally four and some-
times five years. During the last eight, four had been granted ; more than double
the arerage. During the next twelve, there were granted no less than ten ; nearly
quadruple. ^ Hargrave MSS. 824. 87.

VOL. I. Q

226 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FKANCIS BACON. [Chap. VI.

the two Houses in matters of supply had indeed failed, and the Com-
mons remained in secure possession of their privilege ; but the pre-
scription which forbade one Parliament to grant more than one sub-
sidy was effectually overthrown. And this was a better thing : for
subsequent experience showed that when their privilege was not ques-
tioned, they were &t from niggardly in the use of it.

7.

There were many other businesses during this Parliament in which
Bacon was engaged, but only one in which a memorandum has been
preserved of what he said or did, full enough to deserve a place in
this work. One or two reports made by him of the proceedings of
Committees ;^ one or two observations made in the middle of half-
reported debates,^ I pass by as unimportant in themselves and scarcely
intelligible without long discussion, which would throw no light upon
his character or opinions. Of the part he took in mitigating the
severities of a bill against Becusants no record remains, except what
may be inferred from a passage in one of his brother's letters, in which
he says that *' the rigours contained in it were of many misliked, and
namely of us brothers, who will do our best against them."^ But we
have a tolerably full abstract of a speech which he made on the 20th
of March against a '' Bill for the better expedition of justice in the
Star Chamber," in which, as holding the reversion of the clerkship
of that Court, he had a personal interest. The office was then held
by Mr. Mill, against whom complaints were made which led after-
wards to a commission of inquiry, as we shall see in due time ; and it
was probably against the alleged abuses of his administration that
this bill was aimed ; but as it was rejected upon the second reading,
no record of the provisions has come down to us, more than may be
gathered from this speech. I transcribe all that relates to it from
the Hargrave MS. to which I have so often I'eferred, and which seems
to be a copy of that " Journal of the House of Commons, very ex-
actly and elaborately taken by an anonymous being a member of the
same," so frequently quoted by D'Ewes; and a more correct copy than
the one he used.

Speech on the Second Readino of a Bill for the better
Expedition of Justice in the Star Chamber.

Neither profit nor peril shall move me to speak against my
conscience in this place. Yet because I am a party interessed in

» D'Ewes, pp. 503, 516.

2 D'Ewes, p. 515. Lincoln's Inn MSS. (Hale, 138. 178).

» Letter to A. Standen, 14th March, 1592-3. Lambeth MSS, 6i8. 98.

1593.] SPEECH AGAINST STARCflAMBER FEES BILL. 227

this office wbicli the Bill aims at^ and so may seem to speak with
feeling, — myself also not thinking it fit that being here a judge I
should speak also as a party, — yet I beseech you, as the manner
is in places judicial, if the Judge be a party, though he sit not
then as a Judge, yet may he descend^ and speak as a party at
the bar in his own cause, — so I beseech you, because T may hap
yield reason to the satisfying of any that yet may stand for the
Bill, let me be heard speak at the bar.

He offered to go to the bar, but the House in favour would needs
have him speak in the place where he sat.

First, there is cunning showed in the Bill, and for that my
Lord Keeper might be affected unto it, it seems to give him the
bestowing of the Clerk^s place.

Secondly, to insinuate with practising lawyers, it gave them a
fee; for no interrogatories should be ministered whereto their
hand was not subscribed.

Thirdly, it offered also some kindness to myself; for it gave a
present forfeiture of the office upon sundry causes.

Fourthly, to the subjects generally it pretended great relief.
So it carried a very plausible show.

But indeed the Bill was in itself prejudicial to her Majesty,
injurious ' to the Judges of that Court, and burthensome to the
subject.

Prejudicial to her Majesty ; for it made a diminution of her
inheritance. For the Clerk's place hath always been in her Ma-
jesty's gift, and this Bill would carry it to the Lord Keeper, who
never before had it.

An indignity offered to the Judges of that Court; for that
their Clerk must be ordered by an Act of Parliament, as if their
wisdom and care were not sufficient to relieve any abuse they
should find in their officers to the grievance of the subject.

Great injury hereby offered to the parties interessed; for
first an office which is incident to the Clerk is given from him,
and he shall not have the appointing of his own examiner.'

1 defend in UB.

' So the Hargrave MS. Another in the Lincohi's Inn Library (Hale MSS.
138. 171), which D*Ewe8 seems to have followed, gives ineonvemenL I suspect
that a clause has dropped out, and that we should read, " injurious to the parties
interessed, an indignity to the judges," etc.

3 So the Lincoln's Inn MS. and D'Ewes. The Hargrave MS. has " j^an office,
etc., should be given from him, ?ie should not" etc.

Q 2

228 LETTEBS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VI.

Again^ the ancient fee hath always been 12d. the sheets and as
much is in other Courts^ therefore this not intolerable : and con-
sidering the place of his attendance, his fee^ is in the highest
Court, whereupon in reason his fee is to have proportion with
the place of his attendance.

Now where relief and ease of charge and suits is pretended
to the subject, no such thing will come by this Bill, but rather a
greater charge.

For it gives a fee for judicial acts, as for making reports, for
which no fee is due.

It appoints that a counsellor's hand must be to all interroga-
tories, so their client must pay for a fee more than he used.

Also whereas usually, upon commission, the parties talking
with their deponents have cause presently to draw interrogatories
they thought not upon before, now they cannot minister any such
interrogatories. Nay to every commission sitting they must
bring their counsel, which will be an exceeding charge.

Besides the Commissioners are bound under a pain not to accept
interrogatories that are not signed under a counsellor's hand. So
the Commissioners must take notice at their perils who be coun-
sellors admitted to the parties, who not.

These with many other reasons, etc.

8.

This is all we know of this matter as far as Bacon is concerned.
But the conclusion of the debate, as recorded by the same hand, may
as well be added ; the rather because it introduces us to a person with
whom we shall hereafter have much to do, in a position very charac-
teristic.

** Many (continues the reporter) spake against the Bill, and others as
earnestly stood for it, that it might be recorded. The Speaker hereupon
propounded the question: As many as will have the Bill rejected, say
I ; as many as will not have the BiU rejected, say No. The House
was divided, because the voice was so indifferent as it could not be dis-
cerned which was the greater. The question then grew whether part
should go out, those that said I or those that said No.

Mr, Speaker.
** The order of the House is that the ' I ' being against the Bill always

^ So the HargniTe MS. The sentenoe is altogether inoorrect, a clause having
probably dropped oat. Bat the meaning is clear. The Lincolii*B Inn MS. has
place instead of fee.

1698.] EDWABD COKE AS SPBAKEB. 229

sit, and the ' No ' being for the Bill must go out. And the reason is that the
inyentors that will have a new law are to go out and bring it in, and they
that are for the law in poBseBsion muat keep the House, for they sit to
continue that which is."

" The subtilty in propounding the question gained the casting away of
the Bill ; for, as it was afterwards murmured amongst the most part, the
Bill having been read now the second time, the question by right should
have been whether they would have it committed or no."

The Speaker was Mr. Edward Coke, who had been Solicitor-Gene-
ral since June, and aspired to be Attorney-General upon the next
vacancy, of which there was now an immediate prospect; for the
Mastership of the Eolls was already vacant by the death of Sir Gil-
bert Garrard on the 4th of February preceding.' Coke had had no
experience in Parliament ; but had got up the precedents and was
ready in every emergency to lay down the law ; and what with his
great reputation, what with his confidence and force of will, what
with his dexterity, he contrived to keep the House in very good
order, and proved himself a most eflfective ally of the Government.
The instance just quoted was not the only one in which, if the same
reporter may be trusted, his "subtlety in putting the question"
saved an inconvenient discussion. The preamble of the Subsidy Bill,
we are told, would have undergone further consideration, " but that
the Speaker, perceiving the privy councillors of the House desirous
to have the Bill expedited, did overreach the House in the subtle
putting of the question."^ He had also borne a principal part in dis-
posing of another difficulty, which involved considerations of still
higher moment. A motion had been made (27th February) by Mr.
Morris, Attorney of the Court of "Wards, — a lawyer of very high
character, — for leave to bring in a Bill to restrain certain abuses of
authority practised by the Ecclesiastical Commission.' This being a
forbidden subject, for raising which, that day six years, four members
had been sent to the Tower,^ the Bill was objected to by the more
moderate of the Government party on that ground ; and Sir Eobert
Cecil, observing that " it seemed to contain things needful,*' proposed
to avoid the difficulty by having it first " commended to the Queen '*
privately, that so it might be " recommended " by her to them ; in
which behalf he offered his own services. Here, as the question
seemed to be turning upon a point of order or privilege. Coke, though
not appealed to, felt called upon to give an opinion ; but first, be-
cause the Bill was long and had many parts, so that " if they put

* See Extract from the parish register of Ashley, where he was buried. — Notes
and Queries, toI. rii. p. 609.

^ D'Ewes, p. 600. » D'Ewce, p. 474. ♦ See above, p. 66.

230 LETTEBfl AND LIFE OF FEANOIS BACON. [Chap. VI.

him presently to open it, he could not (he said) so readily under-
stand it and do it as he should," he was allowed to take it home to
read, the debate being in the meantime adjourned. He had scarcely
read it through, when a special messenger summoned him to the
Queen. She, to his great comfort, did not ask to see the Bill (which
he had promised that none but himself should see), but only to know
'' what were the things in it that were spoken to by the House."
Which having heard, she commanded him to tell them from her that
it was in her power to call Parliaments, in her power to end them, in
her power to assent or dissent to anything done in them ; that haying
declared her pleasure by the Lord Keeper, namely *' that it was not
meant they should meddle with causes of state or matters ecclesias-
tical," she " wondered any could be so forgetful of her commandment
to attempt a thing " which she had so expressly forbidden ; finally, to
prevent all further misunderstanding, "her present charge and express
command was that no Bill touching the said matters of state or
reformation in causes ecclesiastical be exhibited." All this she com-
manded the Speaker to deliver as from herself to " the body of the
realm," as she called them. Ail this he delivered faithfully ; adding
only for himself that " upon his allegiance he was commanded, if any
such Bill were exhibited, not to read it," and leaving them to conclude
that he had no duty but to obey.^ All this the House heard without
remonstrance in word or deed. So that a precedent more full and
unequivocal in favour of the Queen's right to determine what sub-
jects should be discussed in Parliament and what not, could hardly
have been devised. The imprisonment of Peter "Wentworth and his
friends a few days before did not directly raise, and therefore could
not directly settle the question ; for the House had avoided the diffi-
culty by afiecting not to know what their Members had been im-
prisoned for.^ Now they had no such subterfuge. The Queen's formal
message through the Speaker lefb no room for doubt either as to the
fact that she was interfering with their proceedings, or as to the
grounds upon which she claimed the right to interfere. Nor was it
a trifling increase of weight which the precedent gained from the
part which Coke had to take in it. For so ready as he was to inter-
pose his opinion in the debates of the House whenever any question
of law or usage gave him an opportunity, his acquiescence in a course
of silent submission on this occasion could hardly go for less than an
admission on his part that the Queen had the right which she claimed.
And though it be true that in his later life he decided the question
the other way,* we are not therefore justified in doubting that his

» D'Ewes, p. 478-9. Httrgr. MSS. 824. ^ ^ee above, p. 211.

' IiiBt. part It. chap. 1. *' This " (the Speaker's petition on being presented to

1593.] BACON AND COKE AS COMPETITOBS. 281

admission was on this occasion sincere and conscientious. It is cer-
tain that many similar acts might have been cited in defence of the
Queen's proceeding, and if the question had at that time been de-
termined by the preponderance of precedents, it would probably have
been carried in her favour.

9.

But whether he were right or wrong as regarded the constitutional
point, there can be no doubt that he was right as regarded his own
prospects of promotion. His conduct as Speaker, besides being good
service in itself, had given token of a serviceable disposition, and con-
tained promise of merits to come as well as proof of merits past.
And therefore it may seem strange that, when it was resolved to pro-
mote the Attorney- General to the vacant Mastership of the Eolls,
the Queen should have hesitated whom to make Attorney. That her
choice settled at last upon Coke need surprise no one. But that
Bacon was put forward and upheld for a whole year as a likely com-
petitor, is a fact which calls for explanation. Coke was in the very
prime of life, and though rather young for the office (being only forty-
one), his reputation was already so great, his professional learning
and experience so extensive, and his mastery of all the weapons of
his crafl so perfect, that youth was in his case no disadvantage ; his
energy was unrivalled ; his constitution equal to any quantity ot
work ; he had incurred no suspicion of popularity ; and his devotion
to the service of the Crown was not likely to be interfered with either
by nice scruples or by alien interests. Bacon was nine years younger ;
had had little or no practice in the Courts ; what proof he had given
of professional proficiency was confined to his readings and exercises
in Gray's Inn : his influence as a speaker in the House of Commons
would be of no avail, for the Attorney- General was not then con-
sidered eligible ; Law, far from being his only, was not even his fa-
vourite, study ; his constitution was delicate and his health uncertain ;
his head was full of ideas so new and large, that to most of those

the EiDg) ** is in the Parliament Bolls called a Protestation, in respect of the first
part/* i.e. that the Commons may have free speech, etc. ; ** the nature of which
is to be the exclusion of a conclusion ; and herein, that the House of Commons be
not concluded to speak only of thoae things which the King or Lord Chancellor hath
delivered to them to be the causes of the calling of this Cowrt of Parliament^ but in
a Parliamentary course of all other arduous and urgent business, which principally
consists of these five branches," etc. ; the state of the Church of England being ex-
pressly mentioned as one.

His argument turns chiefly upon the terms used in the writs of summons, and
is by no means so conclusive as to justify us in assuming that he saw the force of
it in 1593. It is, in truth, one of those arguments which do very well for the
stronger party, but are worth little or nothing in the mouth of the weaker.

232 LBTTEBS AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. YI.

about him they must have seemed visionary ; he had just shown that
he was not to be reckoned upon even as a supporter, on all occasions,
of the Government, much less as an unscrupulous partisan or obedi-
ent instrument ; and he was at this very time and for that very thing
an object of the Queen's marked and serious displeasure. How came
such a man at such a time to be so much as proposed or seriously
thought of as a fit competitor with Coke for such an office as that of
Attorney-Gheneral P The true answer I suspect is, that the Queen
knew them both, and was aware not only of some very great merits
in Bacon which were not in Coke, but also of some very great defects
in Coke which were not in Bacon. Such merits and such defects there
certainly were, as after-trial abundantly proved — merits and defects
sufficient in my opinion (the nature of the times and the duties of
the office considered) to have turned the scale in favour of the
younger man, the less learned lawyer, and the more scrupulous
politician. For Coke was, from defect of judgment, always putting
himself in the wrong, and from defects of temper, always turning
men's hearts against him ; whereas Bacon's judgment rarely failed
to guide him to the most impregnable position which his case con-
tained ; and his temper never betrayed him into the use of language
justly offensive or needlessly irritating. Of this the Queen had pro-
bably seen something, but not all ; and it is to her partial apprehen-
sion of the truth that I attribute the difficulty she found in making
up her mind, out of which grew the greater part of the correspon-
dence through which we have next to travel, and which I will endea-
vour to make as little tedious as the case admits.

10.

At whose suggestion Bacon was proposed for Attorney (his pre-
tensions to the Solicitorship were obvious and natural), it is not diffi-
cult to guess. The Earl of Essex had every motive for wishing his
friend in the higher office. He really believed him to be the fitter
man, he knew him to be affectionately attached to himself, the mere
reputation of procuring such an appointment under such circum-
stances would draw all suitors into his service, and his was a temper
and a time of life upon which obstacles act as incentives. The great-
est obstacle was the offence which the Queen had taken at Bacon's
conduct in Parliament ; but Essex's strength was in her affection,
and his pride in subduing her inclinations to his own.

Her displeasure was no secret. Bacon had heard of it from Burgh-
ley, find written him a letter in explanation, the tone of which is very
remarkable ; remarkable not only for the absence of all expressions

1593.] BACON'S DEFENCE OF HIS SPEECH. 288

implying regret for what he had done or intention to do otherwise
in future (which is the less surprising, because as he could have had
no motive for what he did except a conyiction that it was right, so
nothing had happened since to alter his opinion), but also for his
apparent unconsciousness of having given any just cause of offence.
He writes as if he thought it strange that any fault should be found
with a member of Parliament for moving an amendment which he
honestly believed to be an improvement upon the original motion, —
as if his opposition to the Government measure could require no
justification even in the eyes of ministers beyond an assurance that
he really disapproved of it. Nor is there any reason for thinking
that his surprise was affected. For when we remember that the pro-
ceedings of the Commons were then quite private, aud that a member
of the House had no more right to publish abroad what had been
said within its walls, than a privy councillor to divulge the secrets
of the Council Tahde, we may understand how this might really be
the case then, strange as it sounds now ; for in every assembly which
is truly deliberative, — in every assembly whose business is not to
decide whether this or that shall be done, but to consider what shall
be done, — this liberty of counsel must always be expected and al-
lowed ; and such was still the character of the Lower House, though
symptoms of a great change were already showing themselves. The
letter is without date, but was probably written in March, 1692-8 ;
the speech in question having been made on the 7th of that month.
It is the first of Bacon*s letters which has been preserved by his own
care.^

A Letter to the Lord Treasurer Burohley^ in excuse of
HIS Speech in Parliament against the Triple Subsidy.

It may please your Lordship,

I was sorry to find by your Lordship's speech yesterday
that my last speech in Parliament, delivered in discharge of my

1 The coUection from which it is taken (Additional MSS. Brit. Mus. 6508. 1)
appears to be a fair copy of that " Register Book of Letters" mentioned in Bacon's
will, from which Bawlej published the first division of the letters in the ' Besusci-
tatio.' The hand is (I tlunk) that of one of Bacon's own men, — certainly a con-
temporary ; and the collection is the same, or an independent copy of the same,
which Bawley used. Where the two copies differ, the MS. seems to me, in most
cases, to give the better reading ; and therefore I shall follow it in my text, giving
the readings of the * Beeuscitatio ' in the notes.

Of many of the letters (this among the rest) there are also copies in the ' Cabala ;'
all very inaccurately printed, but some from originals differing considerably from
the copies in the Kegister Book. These I shall carefully collate, and preserre in
the notes such differences as seem to be imi>ortant.

5J34 LErXEES AKD LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VI.

conscience and duty to Grod ter Majesty and my country, was
offensive. If it were misreported, I would be glad to attend your
Lordship to disavow anything I said not. If it were miscon-
strued, I would be glad to expound my words,^ to exclude any
sense I meant not. If my heart be misjudged by imputation of
popularity or opposition by any envious or officious informer, I
have great wrong ; and the greater, because the manner of my
speech did most evidently show that I spake simply and only to
satisfy my conscience, and not with any advantage or policy to
sway the cause ; and my terms carried all signification of duty
and zeal towards her Majesty and her service. It is true that
from the beginning, whatsoever was above a double subsidy, I
did wish might (for precedent's sake) appear to be extraordinary,
and (for discontent's sake) mought not have been levied upon the
poorer sort ; though otherwise I wished it as rising as I think
this will prove, and more. This was my mind, I confess it. And
therefore I most humbly pray your Lordship,* first to continue
me in your own good opinion : and then to perform the part of
an honest' friend towards your poor servant and ally,^ in draw-
ing her Majesty to accept of the sincerity and simplicity of my
heart, and to bear with the rest, and restore me to her Majesty's
favour.^

11.

This letter, being a justification and no apology, was far from satis-
fying the Queen. It was not so that she chose to be served. Bacon,
whom she bad hitherto distinguished by unusual freedom of access,
was now forbidden to come into her presence ; and as he had nothing
more to offer in the way of submission or defence, at least nothing
that was likely to be more satisfactory, — for a repetition of his argu-
ments would have made matters worse, — the road in which he had
been hitherto encouraged to look for fortune seemed to be closed for
ever. At the same time his means were running very low. He had
some heavy debts, and his brother, who was always ready to lend,
even at the cost of becoming himself a borrower, was now obliged by
importunate creditors to think of selling a part of his patrimony.
Some course must be thought of at once either for increasing income

^ myulf: R. * good lordship : R.

' honourable : R. honourable good : Cab. ^ alliance : R.

' to accept of the sincerity and simplicity of my zeal^ and to hold me in her Met-
jesty*s favour^ which is to me dearer than my l\fe. And so^ etc.^ Your Lordship's
most humble in all duty, Fr, Bacon : Cab.

1593.] CHANGE OF PROSPECTS AND PLAINS. 285

or reducing expenditure. He explained the case to Essex, and told
him what he thought of doing. Essex disapproved his project and
endeavoured to dissuade him. But the fragment of letter from which
I learn this circumstance unluckily breaks off without explaining
more, and leaves us equally in the dark as to Bacon's design and
Essex's objection. I print it from a copy at Lambeth,^ written in the
hand of one of his brother's men, and docketed '* Une lettre au
Mons. le Compte d'Essex de Mons. Fran9ois Bacon, 1593, au moia
d'AvriU." The rest it must tell for itself.

To THE Earl op Essex.
My Lord,

I did almost conjecture by your silence and countenance a
distaste in the course I imparted to your Lordship touching mine
own fortune ; the care whereof in your Lordship as it is no news
to me, so nevertheless the main effects and demonstrations thereof
past are so far from dulling in me the sense of any new, as con-
trariwise every new refreshetb the memory of many past. And
for the free and loving advice your Lordship hath given me, I
cannot correspond to the same with greater duty, than by assu-
ring your Lordship that I will not dispose of myself without your
allowance ; not only because it is the best wisdom in any man in
his own matters to rest in the wisdom of a friend (for who can
by often looking in the glass discern and judge so well of his own
favour, as another with whom he converseth?), but also because
my affection to your Lordship hath made mine own contentment
inseparable from your satisfaction. But notwithstanding, I know
it will be pleasing to your good Lordship that I use my liberty
of replying ; and I do almost assure myself that your Lordship
will rest persuaded by the answer of those reasons which your
Lordship vouchsafed to open. They were two ; the one that I
should include « . .

Here our light goes suddenly out, just as we were going to see
how Bacon had resolved to dispose of himself at this juncture. Know-
ing however which way his thoughts had turned the year before,'^
when the same question pressed for decision, and were again to turn
two years afber,^ we may venture to guess that his plan was to abandon
the Court, from which he could no longer hope for preferment, to

» Lambeth MSS. 649. 74. ' See letter to Burghley, p. 109.

' See Letter to Anthony Bacon, Jan. 25, 1594.

286 LETTEE8 AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACX)N. [Chap. VI.

give up the practice of a profession by which he could not earn a liyeli-
hood without the expense of more time than he was willing to spare,
to turn his fortune into an annuity, and himself into a poor student.
Prom such a course, Essex both from public and private reasons
would naturally wish to dissuade him ; nor is anything more likely
than that (the Mastership of the Bolls having just fallen vacant) the
eagerness of his friendship, joined with a somewhat presumptuous
confidence in his influence with the Queen, should tempt him to en-
force his arguments by promising to get Bacon made Attorney-Ge-
neral upon the first change of offices. Upon which Bacon could
hardly do otherwise than suspend his determination till he saw how
the undertaking was likely to succeed.

This being agreed on, the first thing to be done was to engage
Burghley's interest in the cause, and, if possible, as a first mover.
Bacon did not however venture (remembering perhaps the admoni-
tion he had received from him on a former occasion) to propose it to
him directly ; but, breaking the matter to Sir Thomas Cecil, requested
him to ascertain first how his father was likely to receive such a pro-
posal. This I learn from the following letter,' unluckily without date,
but written evidently about this time. Sir Thomas Cecil was Burgh-
ley's eldest son by his first wife.

It may please your Lordship : The title of being your son, as it is the
cause that many do use me as their mediator unto your Lordship in their
private suits, an office which often through importunity I am thrust unto
against my will, yet at this time I must confess I am importuned with my
will to be a motioner unto your Lordship for one nearly allied to your
house, and whose gifts and qualities of mind I know your Lordship will
not think unfit [for] the place he seeketh. It is Mr. Francis Bacon, who
hearing of late that the Attorney is likened for the Master of the Bolls, his
desire is to be remembered by me unto your Lordship's good acceptance
and conceit of him for' that place which Mr. Attorney shall leave, and
thereby to be recommended by your Lordship to her Majesty. My Lord,
I cannot better recommend the good parts that are in the gentleman than
I know your Lordship's own opinion is of him. But I know none that is
likely to be called to the place that is and ought to be more assured to
your Lordship than he ; and an honour to your Lordship to prefer them
that are assuredly tied to your Lordship in blood as well as in benefit, if
their worth be fit for the place.

Thus my Lord I have discharged both my promise and desire to do the
gentleman good, and he doth rest to know by me bow your Lordship doth
accept of this motion ; which I humbly beseech your Lordship to signify
unto me by your letter, or to himself in my absence ; who according as he

» Lansdowno MSS. 89. 209. 2 ^y-jn MS.

1598.] BECOMMENDED FOB ATTOBNEY-GBNEBAL. 287

shall hear from your Lordship, meaneth himself to wait upon yoar Lord-
ship ; in the meantime forbeareth for modesty's sake to speak for himself.
And so craving pardon of your Lordship for this my boldness, I humbly
take my leave. From

Your Lordship's most loving and obedient Son.
I had myself moved your Lordship herein, bat that at my passing by
I had neither fit time nor place.

This letter is a copy, in the hand I believe of Michael Hicks,
Burghley's secretary ; docketed : — " Coppy. S' Tho. Cecill to my L.
touching Mr. Era. Bacon." It has no date, except a large 1606 in
pencil ; put in, I suppose, by the arranger of the volume, and cer-
tainly wrong, for Burghley died in 1598, and Bacon was knighted in
1603.

In the meantime Bacon, having communicated his wishes to Sir
Bobert Cecil and received an assurance of goodwill, requested him
also to use his influence with his father for the same purpose, as ap-
pears by the following letter: —

To THE Bight Honourable Sir Robert Cecil^ Enioht,

ONE OF HER MaJESTY^S MoST HONOURABLE PrIVY CoUNCIL.^

Sir,

I thank your Honour very much for the signification which
I received by Mr. Hickes of your good opinion, good afibction,
and readiness. And as to the impediment which you mention
and I did forecast, I know you bear that honourable disposition
as it will rather give you apprehension to deal more efiectually
for me than otherwise ; not only because the trial of friends is
in case of difficulty, but again for that without that circumstance
your Honour should be only esteemed a true friend and kinsman,
whereas now you shall be furder judged a most honourable
counsellor. For pardons are ever honourable, because they come
from mercy, but most honourable towards such offenders. My
desire is your Honour should break with my Lord your father
as soon as may stand with your convenience, which was the cause
why now I did write. And so I wish your Honour all happiness.
Prom Gray's Inn, this 16th of April, 1593.

Your Honour's in faithful affection to be commanded,

Fr. Bacon.

^ Lansdowne MSS. 76. f. 82. Original : own hand.

238 LBITERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BA(X)N. [Chap. VI.

How Borghley received tbe motion we are not informed. Probablj
in silence, as not wishing to cross it, and jet thinking it injudicious,
and feeling that it would be idle to apply for so high a preferment on
behalf of a man whom the Queen was at the very time, whether justly
or not, taking pains to distinguish by her displeasure. Such at least
was the opinion of Sir Eobert Cecil ; as appears by the following
letter, written about three weeks after the last, in answer to some
application from Bacon for advice ; the question being (it seems)
whether he had better keep near the Court, so as to be at hand to
take advantage of any favourable accident, or stay away until the
Queen's displeasure abated. Cecil's advice, though worded (whether
from caution or carelessness) rather obscurely, amounts to this:
" make it your first object to obtain leave of access again, of which
your best chance is through the Earl of Essex. Till this is obtained,
it will be premature to apply for preferment ;" advice which seems
to me very judicious, and in the spirit of which Bacon, so far as he
interfered in the matter himself, appears to have acted. Cecil's letter*
runs thus : —

CouBin, I have received your letter wherein you request my help [and]
advice. For the first, I do and will assure you of it as firmly and ho-
nestly as any man that can do it powerfully. But for the second, I must
be tender with you, because the efiect may be doubtful in things which are
here so variable.

Of the matter which you speak of I do assure you there passeth not
so much as any bruit by mine ears ; and therefore in mine opinion the va-
cation may happily pass over before the places be altered ; but thereof
I can only speak conjecturally ; and therefore do I think that as time may
do you good, so loss of occasion may do you much harm. And therefore
for your coming or not coming, this is my conceit, — that if either by your
own presence or by other mediation your way be not made so as that

the veil now covering you may be uncovered, though it do but

' you, according to the slender proportion of her Majesty's

mislike, whereof you have given so small cause, that surely it will be
stiU a stumble for any man that shall thrust resolutely to deal for that pre-
ferment, which being a thing second in honour will be second or dine, and
therefore the first must be gained to open the way for the second. In con-
clusion, I thus write because you seem to care for my advice, which with
my best means and poorest wit likewise shall be at your commandment to
do you any pleasure ; assuring [you] that you must press the Earl for it,
who hath both true love towards you and the truest and greatest means to
win it of her Majesty. From the Court, this 7th of May, 1593.

Your loving cousin and friend,

EoB: Cycbll.

* Lambeth MSS. 649. 37. Copy, in the hand of one of Anthony Baoon*B servants.
^ I cannot make out these words.

159B.] STATES HIS CASE FOE HIMSBLF. 289

12.

That zealous friend needed no pressing, but ratber tbe contrary.
As early as tbe 16tb of April, Antbonj Bacon writes to bis motber,
" Tbe Earl of Essex batb been twice very earnest witb ber Majesty
toucbing my brother; wbose speecb being well grounded and directed
to good ends, as it cannot be denied but it was, I doubt not tbat God
in bis mercy will in time make it an occasion of ber Majesty's better
opinion and liking.*'^ And so earnestly did tbe Earl continue bis me-
diation, tbat by tbe beginning of June tbe stumbling-block seemed to
be removed. Of tbe particulars and progress of tbe negotiation no ac-
count has been preserved ; but there are two letters of Bacon's, both
unluckily without date, and one without the name of tbe person to
whom it was addressed, which may be referred to this period more pro-
bably I think than to any other. Essex would naturally inform Bacon
of the progress of bis suit and the state of the Queen's feelings ; and
this would naturally supply Bacon with an occasion to write, since
be could not speak, for himself ; an occasion which he would be the
more apt to take, if he felt, as he could hardly help doing, tbat Essex
was likely to urge the matter on both too fast and too far. He would
naturally wish to state for himself, first, the true ground on which he
claimed pardon for his speech, and secondly, the true nature and ex-
tent of the favour for which he* presumed to ask. Tbe one he did in
a letter which, though it has always been printed as a letter to the
Lord Keeper Puckering, I ratber believe to have been addressed to
Essex ; the other in a letter to tbe Queen herself.

A copy of the first lies by itself in the middle of a volume of tbe
Harleian MSS. ; without address, beading, date, signature, or indorse-
ment ; but it explains and fathers itself' And it will be seen that
the remarks which I just now made upon the letter to Burghley,
written upon tbe first intimation of the Queen's displeasure, are
equally applicable to this ; in which though tbe expression of regret
is stronger (time having shown how deep the displeasure bad sunk in
ber mind, and bow little satisfactory bis excuse had been), yet the
substance of his plea is precisely the same ; nor is there any approach
to an acknowledgment that be is sorry for having made the speech ;
he is still only sorry that she should take it in bad part.

1 Lambeth MSS. 649. 68.

^ It IB entered in the catalogue as, " Copie of a letter to the Lord Keeper
Puckering ? concerning the writer's speech in Parliament, which had disfusted the
Queen." Birch saw that the writer was Bacon, and adopted the ^ess of the cata-
logue-maker as to the person addressed, but omitted the note of mterrogation.

240 LBTTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VI.

My Lord,i

It is a great grief unto me^ joined with marvel, that her
Majesty should retain an hard conceit of my speeches in parlia-
ment. It mought please her sacred Majesty to think what my
end should be in those speeches, if it were not duty, and duty
alone. I am not so simple but I know the common beaten way
to please. And whereas popularity hath been objected, I muse
what care I should take to please many, that taketh a course of
life to deal with few. On the other side, her Majesty's grace and
particular favour towards me hath been such, as I esteem no
worldly thing above the comfort to enjoy it, except it be the
conscience to deserve it. But if the not seconding of some par-
ticular person's opinion shaU be presumption, and to differ upon
the manner shall be to impeach the end, it shall teach my de-
votion not to exceed wishes, and those in silence. Yet notwith-
standing (to speak vainly as in grief) it may be her Majesty hath
discouraged as good a heart as ever looked towards her service,
and as void of self-love. And so in more grief than I can well
express, and much more than I can well dissemble, I leave your
Lordship, being as ever.

Your Lordship's entirely devoted. -

A copy of the letter to the Queen is preserved among Anthony
Bacon's papers, and needs no comment. It is docketed *' Gopie que
Mons' Fnm^ois Bacon a escrivit k sa Ma^, 1593." But the date
does not appear to have been written at the same time as the rest.

To THE Queen.'
Madam,

Remembering that your Majesty had been gracious to me
both in countenancing me and conferring upon me the reversion
of a good place, and perceiving your Majesty had taken some
displeasure towards me, both these were arguments to move me
to offer unto your Majesty my service, to the end to have means
to deserve your benefit and to repair my error. Upon this
ground I affected myself to no great matter, but only a place of

1 Haii MSS. 286. 282. Fair copy, in tho hand, I think, of Edward Tates, a
servant of Anthony Bacon's.
^ Lambeth liSS. 649. 815.

1593.] LETTER TO THE QUEEN. 241

my profession^ such as I do see divers younger in proceeding to
myself, and men of no great note, do without blame aspire unto.
But if any of my friends do press this matter,^ I do assure your
Majesty my spirit is not with them. It sufficeth me that I have
let your Majesty know that I am ready to do that for your ser-
vice which I never would do for mine own gain. And if your
Majesty like others better, I shall with the Lacedemonian^ be
glad that there is such choice of abler men than myself. Your
Majesty's favour indeed, and access to your royal person, I did
ever, encouraged by your own speeches, seek and desire ; and I
would be very glad to be reintegrate in that. But I will not
wrong mine own good mind so much as to stand upon it now,
when your Majesty may conceive I do it but to make my profit
of it. But my mind turneth upon other wheels than those of
profit. The conclusion shall be that I wish your Majesty served
answerable to yourself. Principis est virttts maxima nosse suos.
Thus I most humbly crave pardon of my boldness and plainness.
God preserve your Majesty.

The appeal seems not to have been without effect. On the 2nd of
June, Bacon went to Twickenham for the vacation, having just re-
ceived intelligence from Essex that the Queen was at length " tho-
roughly appeased, and that she stood only upon the exception of his
years for his present preferment. But I doubt not, saith my Lord,
that I shall overcome that difficulty very soon, and that her Majesty
will show it by good effects."* News which, if true, was as favourable
as he could have expected, and might fairly serve him for encourage-
ment during the rest of the summer. Por the long vacation, — the
season of progresses and general dispersion, — was now near; and if
the question were not decided during the next fortnight, it was likely
to stand over till September. Such delay was a ground for anxiety
but not for discouragement ; for the Queen did not know, probably,
how ill Bacon's .case could bear the uncertainty, and how nearly it
concerned him to have the question one way or another settled.

^ The words " more than as a simple nomination *' follow in the MS., with a line
drawn through them.
^ lAicedemoniana in MS.
» Anthony Bacon to his mother, 2nd June, 1593. Lambeth MSS. 649. 128.

VOL. I.

242

CHAPTEE VII.

A.D. 1593. JETAT. S

Had the question been settled once for all, it would have mattered
little perhaps which way. .With a view to the great purposes of
Bacon's life either fortune would have had its special advantages and
its special disadvantages. Much worse than either was the suspense
which, making it doubtful which road he ought to take, postponed
all decided action at a time when sudden resolution was especially
necessary. To have given up politics and business at once and se-
questered himself to philosophy, would have answered very well;
though, considering the growing importance of civil questions and
the advantageous position in which he stood by reason of his repu-
tation and influence in the House of Commons, the sacrifice would
have been considerable. But he would have had a worthy vocation,
and means sufficient (after paying his debts) for the comparatively
inexpensive life of a private student. To have been advanced at
once to office with its ordinary emoluments would have answered, all
things considered, still better. The income would have enabled him
to bear the expenses of public life. The duties of his place would
have given him work worthy of his powers and for which they were
eminently suited, and yet left him leisure for other studies. And
the loss of time would have been in great part made up by the in-
fluence and authority incident to an eminent position, — the com-
mandment (to use his own words) of more wits than his own. But
to be kept spending much and earning nothing, tempted on by hopes
continually renewed and never realized, while creditor^ were growing
impatient, and debts increasing, for the satisfaction of which it
seemed only necessary to have patience till the next term, — what was
this but practice in the fatal art of sleeping on a debtor's pillow ?
Let Bacon be blamed, not for his anxiety to be relieved from this
condition of dangerous uncertainty, but for not putting an end to it
at once, at whatever sacrifice. And yet in what particular week or
mouth or quarter he could have taken such a step without appearing

J 693.] PECUNIARY DIFFICULTIES. 243

to be deliberately throwing away his fairest chance of obtaining that
which, on his country's account scarcely less than his own, he had
most reason to desire, it is not by any means easy to say. For it
would almost seem that this was the condition in which the Queen
wished to keep him ; not knowing probably how dangerous such a
condition was for him, as his affairs then stood. To understand how
great an injury she was thereby doing him, we must look into the
letters which were passing at the time between his mother and his
brother.

It seems that he had borrowed a considerable sum of money from
a Mr. Harvey,^ which he proposed to pay off by the sale of an estate
called Markes. This estate had been left to him, but could not be
sold without the consent of his mother, — who was entitled, I sup-
pose, as dowager, to a third of the annual proceeds. On the 16th of
April, 1693, a letter of anxious inquiry from Lady Bacon to An-
thony, — '* for the state of want of health and of money and some
other things (she said) touching you both ovjc ^a fi€ cvSeiv,"^ — ^was
crossed on the road by the following letter from Anthony to her :* —

" My duty most humbly remembered, I assure myself that your Lady-
ship, as a wise and kind mother to us both, will neither find it strange nor
araiss, which, tendering first my brother's health, which I know by mine
own experience to depend not a little upon a free mind, and then his credit,
I presume to put your Ladyship in remembrance of your motherly offer
to him the same day you departed : which was that to help him out of debt
you would be content to bestow the whole interest in Marks upon him ;
the which unless it would please your Ladyship to accomplish out of hand,
I have just cause to fear that my brother will be put to a very shrewd
plunge, either to forfeit his reversion* to Harvie, or else to undersell it
very much ; for the avoiding of both which great inconveniences I see no
other remedy tham your Ladyship's surrender in time, the formal drafl
whereof I refer to my brother himself, whom I have not any way as yet
made acquainted with this my motion, neither mean to do till I hear from
you ; the ground whereof being only a brotherly care and affection, I hope
your Ladyship will think and accept of it accordingly ; beseeching you to
believe that being so near and dear unto me as he is, it cannot but be a grief
unto me to see a mind that hath given so sufficient proof of itself in having

1 See letter from Harrey to A. B., 24th February, 1692-8, Lambeth MSS., 648.
94. " The fortnight wherein you willed me to pend unto you for the money due
unto me (by your brother), on the last of January, being now fuUy expired, I am
bold," etc. The sum ia £32. 10*. ; probably the half-year's interest.

3 Lambeth MSS. 649. 65. ' Lambeth MSS. 649. 67.

* Meaning the reversion of the Clerkship of the Star Chambei*.

R 2

244 LETTERS AKD LIFE OF FBAWCIS BACON. [Chap. VH.

brought forth many good thoughts for the general, to be oyerbordened
and cambered with a care of clearing his particular estate.
" Touching myself," etc.

To this proposition Lady Bacon, being strongly possessed with a
notion that both her sons were preyed upon by unfaithful servants,
was not ready to agree, except upon a condition which, for an ex-
pectant Attorney-General, was certainly rather hard of digestion.

" For your brotherly care of your brother Francis's state (she replied ')
you are to be well liked, and so I do as a Christian mother that loveth you
both as the children of God : but as I wrote but in few words yesterday
by my neighbour, the state of you both doth much disquiet me, as in
Greek words I signified shortly."

After reminding him of something which she had said to them
lately about her will and the disposal of her goods, she proceeds : —

" I have been too ready for yon both till nothing is left. And surely
though I pity your brother, yet so long as he pitieth not himself but keep-
eth that bloody Percy,' as I told him then, yea as a coach companion and
bed companion, — a proud profane costly fellow, whose being about him I
verily fear the Lord God doth mislike and doth less bless your brother
in credit and otherwise in his health, — surely I am utterly discouraged
and make a conscience further to undo myself to maintain such wretches
as he is. That Jones (P) never loved your brother indeed, but for his own
credit, living upon your brother, and thankless though bragging. But
your brother will be blind to his own hurt. . . . The Lord in his mercy re-
move them from him and evil from you both, and give you a soimd judg-
ment and understanding to order yourselves in all things to please Grod in
true knowledge and in his true fear unfeigned, and to hearken to his word
which only maketh wise indeed. Besides, your brother told me before
you twice then that he intended not to part with Markes, and the rather
because Mr. Mylls would lend him nine hundred pounds ; and as I re-
member I asked him how he would come out of debt. His answer was
that means would be made without that. ... It is mort certain till first
Enney (P), a filthy wasteful knave, and his Welshmen one after another —
for take [one] and they will still swarm ill-favouredly-^id so lead him as
in a train, he was a towardly yoimg gentleman and a son of much good
hope in godliness. But seeing he hath nourished most sinful proud vil-
lains wilfully, I know not what other answer to make. Grod bless you
both with his grace and good health to serve him with truth of heart.

" Gorhab. 17 Apr.

" A. Bacok."

» 17th April. Larabeth MSS. 653. 175. Original : own hand.

3 Birch road the name Perez ; taking it for Antonio Perez, the Spanish refugee.
But he supposed this letter to he of later date. One of Francis Bacon's servants
was called Henry Percy.

1698.] LADY BACON'S CONDITIONS. 245

Then follows on the other leaf of the same sheet her definite an-
swer in the following words : —

" If your brother desire a release to Mr. Harvey, let him so require it
himself, and but upon this condition by his own hand and bond I will not ;
that is, that he make and give me a true note of all his debts, and leave to
me the whole order and receipt of all his money for his land, to Harvey,
and the just payment of all his debts thereby. And by the mercy and
grace of Grod it' shall be performed by me to his quiet discharge without
cumbering him and to his credit. For I will not have his cormorant se-
ducers and instruments of Satan to him committing foul sin by his coun-
tenance, to the displeasing of God and his godly true fear. Otherwise I
will not pro certo.

" A. B."

Now though Lady Bacon may have had some reason for thinking
that Francis was an over-trustful and over-indulgent master, — and
later experience showed that this was really one of his principal
weaknesses, — it does not follow that she was herself very fit to be
his stewardess ; for if he had too little suspicion of those about him,
she roost certainly had too much ; which in most human dealings is as
bad a fault. And at any rate, even if she had been the best woman
of business in the world, an arrangement which implied that he was
not fit to manage his own afiairs would at that time, when he was
aspiring to be the Queen's Attorney, have had an awkward appear-
ance. His reply is lost ; but the general effect of it may be gathered
from his mother's remarks in a letter sent to Anthony the next
morning (April 18th*) which, being very characteristic and inter-
esting from the sudden relapse into tenderness which follows the
first discharge of passion, I shall give at length.

" I received somewhat late yesterday all sent by the Glover. All the
notes savour of discontents mixed. God turn all to the best. Your con-
tinuance in debt still I fear still. Often and divers surveys, and no good
effect procured. I doubt the bargain ; but look you if troubles threaten,
purchasers will be low, more '

" I send herein your brother's letter. Construe the interpretation. I
do not understand his enigmatical folded writing. Oh that by not heark-
ening to wholesome and careful good counsel, and by continuing still the
means of his own great hindrance, he had not procured his own early dis-
credit ; but had joined with God that hath bestowed on him good gifts of
natural wit and understanding. But the same good God that hath given
them to him will I trust and heartily pray to sanctify his heart by the
right use of them to glorify the Giver of them to his own inward comfort.
The scope of my so called by him circimistance, which I am sure he must

1 Lambeth MSS. 653. 165. Original : own hand.
^ I cannot make out these words.

246 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VIL

nndentand, was not to use him as a ward, — a remote phrase to my plain
motherly meaning, — and yet, I thank the Lord and the hearing of his
word preached, not void of judgment and conceiTing. My plain proposi-
tion was and is to do him good. Bat seeing so manifestly that he is robbed
and spoiled wittingly by his base exalted (P) men, which with Welsh
wiles prey npon him, and yet bear him in hand they have other mainte-
nance, because their bold natures will not acknowledge, I did desire only
to receive the money to discharge his debts indeed ; and dare not trust
such his riotous men with the dealing withaL I am sure ho preacher, nor
lawyer, nor firiend, would have misliked this my doing for his good and my
better satisfying."

So far she is carried on in vrrath ; then comes the relenting : —

" He perceives my good meaning by this, and before too. But Perde had
winded him. Grod bless my son. What he would have me do and when
for his own good, as I now write, let him return plain answer by Fynch.
He was his father's first choice* (P), and Qod will supply if he will trust
in him and call upon [him] in truth of heart ; which Qod grant to mother
and sons.

" I send the first flight of my doves to you both, and God bless you in
Christ.

"A.B."

What was further done in the matter I do not know ; but as I
find on the 6th of September an arrangement spoken of for " the re-
deeming of Markes out of Mr. Harvey's hands,"^ I conclude that
Lady Bacon consented to what was necessary.

3,

There follows in the Lambeth papers a great deal of correspon-
dence, in which Francis Bacon took part, concerning the sale of
Barly^ an estate of Anthony's, to Alderman Spencer. The estate
was entailed ; the Alderman was a sharp bargainer ; Sir Nicholas
Bacon, the eldest of the half-brothers, being a " remainder-man " and
required therefore to join in the bargain and sale, was difficult and
suspicious ; Anthony was hard pressed for money ; the lawyers were
subtle, and the law complicated. Here are materials enough for a
dispute, which it would take long to explain, and upon the merits of
which it would be impossible probably, for want of completer infor-
mation, to adjudicate. What I have said will enable unprofessional
readers to understand as much as they will care to understand of the

* Tlie word is written bo close to the edge of the paper that I cannot make it
oat. It looks like cMs,
3 A. B. to Lady B., Lambeth MSS. 649. 210.

1598.] NEGOTIATIONS FOR SALE OF LANDS. 247

letters relating to it ; and if anything of more special interest to a
professional eye be hidden in them, I must leave it to professional
skiD to discover and elucidate. The negotiation was continued till
the end of November, and does not appear to have been concluded
even then. But as it is a bye-matter which comes in rather as an
interruption to the main business of Francis Bacon's life than as a
part of it, I have thought it better to collect all the letters belonging
to it, and insert them here together ; which being removed, the rest
of the correspondence will proceed more continuously.

The first is the draft of a letter which Francis wished his brother
to write to Sir Nicholas.* A copy of the letter actually written is to
be seen in the same volume.* The differences are very slight, and only
in words. But I give Francis's draft, which is written all in his own
hand ; and docketed by one of Anthony's men, " Copie de Monsr.
Fran9oi8, frere de Monsieur, 1693."

Draft of a Letter from Anthony Bacon to his Brother
Sir Nicholas.

My very good brother,

I have concluded with Alderman Spencer for my land in
Barly, who after the manner of purchasers demandeth fine and
recovery to his liking ; which because they cannot pass out of
Term, he is content nevertheless, if you who are last in remainder
shall jom with my brother and me in the sale, to rest upon that
assurance for the payment, and to pay me now in August the
whole sum agreed between us. And because it concemeth me
to keep credit with such to whom I owe money, and [I] would
be loath to trouble any friend anew for my payments, and that it
may be doubted iu regard of the sickness whether there will be
any Michaelmas Term, and my days draw on, I am earnestly to
desire you, since it is much pleasure to me and no prejudice to
yourself, that you would join with us only in the bargain and
sale, and not in any covenant. Thus with both our commenda-
tions to yourself and my good sister, and my thanks for the
buck, which upon my letter you bestowed upon this gentleman,
who saith it was of the best, I leave.

Your very loving brother.
Twicknam Park,
thi8 28thof July, 1593.

1 Lambeth MSS. 649. 146. ^ Lambeth MSS. 649. 143.

248 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACX)N. [Chap. ^U.

The uext letter is from Francis himself to Mr. Trott, a gentleman
of Graj*8 Inn, who had been employed to communicate with Alder-
man Spencer on behalf of the Bacons. The letter to which it is an
answer is preserved among the Lambeth papers (649. 161), and re-
ports certain points upon which the Alderman insisted for his better
security. Francis's consent was necessary as being second in re-
mainder.

To Mr. Trott.

Mr. Trott,!

It may appear that I never assented to the general war-
rantis by this, that in the end of the book of the deed of feoff-
ment I entered a memorandum that it should be altered accord-
ing to the indenture. For the defeasance, I perceive that my
meaning was not understood ; for my meaning was agreeable to
all reason, that I should not join in any statute at all ; foras-
much as by a recovery all my encumbrances are in law avoided.
And it was not so much the violation of the statute that I feared,
as I disliked that so great a sum should appear of record to be
upon my estate.

I have accordingly reformed it, and on my brother's behalf I
have added in the end of the defeasance a disjunctive of satisfac-
tion to be made, without the which it is indeed, as you write,
wild and ticklish. The book for my brother Bacon,' though I
have not reformed, yet I doubt he will check at it, if the grant
of the things by name be not altered into all his right and in-
terest in them.

I send you Sir Thomas Gerrard's letter, pregnant with my
letters to the purpose we agreed. Thus I wish you as my very
good friend, resting

Your very assured,

Fr. Bacon.
You shall not need to take care for the coming of our venison,
because I have written it should be sent to Mr. Mencks who
would send it to me. But if difficulty be made, then stand you
to your promise.

This was followed a few days after by a letter to Alderman Spencer
himself, relating to the same point.

» Lambeth MSS. 649. 186. Copy : Docketed "22nd August, 1593.**
^ Sir Nicholas.

1598.] DIFFICULTIES AND DELAYS. 249

To Alderman John Spencer.^

Mr. Alderman Spencer^

Though I be ready to yield to anything for my brother's
sake, so yet he will not I know expect, no nor permit me, that
I should do myself wrong. For me that touch no money to
have a continual statute hanging upon my estate of that great-
ness, were a thing utterly unreasonable, and not to be moved,
specially since your assurance is as good without. There is much
land bought and sold in England, and more entailed than fee-
simple ; but for a remainder-man^ to join in seal,^ I think was
never put in practice. Marry for a time, till your assurance may
pass, so it pass with convenient speed, because of the uncertainty
of life, I am content to enter into one ; looking nevertheless for
some present of gratification for my very joining in conveyance,
and much more having yielded to this. For any warranty or
charter, I had had neither law nor wit if I would have meant
it ; and the reforming of the covenant and the deed of feoffment
doth sufficiently witness my intention. Thus bid I you heartily

farewell.

Your very loving friend,

Fr. Bacon.
Twickenham Park,
this 26th of August, 1693.

When these matters were adjusted with the Alderman, it remained
for Sir Nicholas to do his part. But he appears to have made so
many difficulties that Anthony was obliged to wait for Michaelmas
Term and finish the businesa without him. Hence three months
more had to pass before the bargain could be concluded, and it seems
that even then there were some unsettled questions to be arranged.
The letter that follows is the last of Francis Bacon's which relates to
it. It is a copy in the hand, I think, of Edward Yates, and docketed
*' Lettre de Mons. Francois Bacon a Mons. I'Alderman Spencer le
22»« de Novembre, 1593."4

To Alderman Spencer.

Mr. Alderman Spencer,

Your presence was very requisite at the conclusion of the
assurance ; the rather because we have dealt with you not strictly

* Lambeth MSS. 649. 186. Copy : in the hand of Anthony Bacon's amanuensis.
3 more : MS. ' ^tate : MS. * Lambeth MSS. 649. 282.

260 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VIL

nor curiously, but upon good meaning ; which now in the latter
end would be set down in some remembrance or bill, and not
left wholly to memory. And therefore accordingly we have sent
you a memorandum of certain points, which as they were ever
meant, so would now be expressed under your hand; heartily
praying you therefore, if you will not be here yourself, you would
authorize Mr. Altham in these points of meaning to use his dis-
cretion, referring it to hira by your letter. But I may not here-
withal forget to let you understand of a mistaking of your ser-
vant^s, who seemed to take knowledge of your mind to be that
you would not accomplish the payment behind upon the reco-
very suffered and the statute acknowledged without my brother
Bacon^s release ; contrary to all agreement and your own sealed
bill : which I will not do you the wrong to believe, desiring you
nevertheless to deny it by your letter. We for our parts are
ready, upon advertisement from you, to proceed ; and so I wish
you very well.

Your loving friend.
Gorhambury, this 20th of 9*»'«, 1693.

These private cares, however importunate, formed but a small part
of the occupations which made this vacation a busy one for both the
Bacons. The Earl of Essex had just been made a Privy Councillor,
and plunged with characteristic ardour into the business belonging
to his new dignity. The times, by the alarms and anxieties which
they bred, gave an impulse and a value to his activity. Both in
France and Scotland, Spanish intrigue joined with internal faction
was so powerful, that the cause of Protestantism had rarely seemed
in greater jeopardy than in this summer of 1593 ; while the King of
Scots on the one side was tossed helplessly this way and that between
the contending parties, and the King of France on the other was
driven, as the only apparent means of securing his crown, settling
his kingdom, and saving the Protestant cause from utter overthrow,
to the deplorable alternative of publicly renouncing the faith for
which he had so long fought, and conforming outwardly to a church
to which he scarcely pretended to be a real convert. In both these
countries Essex had correspondents, in his intercourse with whom
Anthony Bacon appears to have served him in a capacity very like
that of a modem under-secretary of state; receiving all letters,
which were mostly in cipher, in the first instance ; forwarding them

1593.] LABOUBS IN THE SBBVICE OF ESSEX. 251

(generally through his brother Francis's hands) to the Earl, deciphered
and accompanied with their joint suggestions ; and finally, according
to the instructions thereupon returned framing and dispatching the
answers.^ The three thus acting together formed a kind of small
Foreign Office, the business of which seems to have grown so rapidly
in extent, importance, and credit with the Queen, that before the
end of the year " all matters of intelligence " were reported to be
"wholly in the Earl's hands." »

There is evidence enough to show that Francis, who attended the
Court during the greater part of this summer, was constantly con-
sulted in all these matters, and in frequent communication with the
Earl. But he had not yet begun to keep his letters, and none of
them have been preserved. Of the hind of services however in
which he was employed, the following letter, addressed to him by
Essex about this time, and remaining among his brother's papers,
may serve as an illustration.

Mr. Bacon,^
The Queen hath sent for me in such kindness this morning as I must
not refuse to go on to her. I hear not of Mr. Phillips. I will acquaint
you with my business, that you upon conference with him may do that
which myself would have done. The Queen did require of me a draft of
an Instruction for matter of intelligence, seeming* willing now she hath
sworn me one of her Council* to use my service that way. I persuade my-
self she doth it rather to try my judgment in it than for any present neces-
sity for direction of any man that is to go. The places are Eheims and Borne.
Mr. Phillips hath known Mr. Secretary's courses m such matters ; so as I
may have counsel from you and precedents from him. I pray you, as your
leisure will serve, send me your conceipt as soon as you can ; for I know
not how soon I shall be called on. I will draw some notes of mine own
which I will reform and enlarge by yours. In haste, this Friday morning.

Your most assured Mend,

ESSBX.

Two letters of Bacon's own, in which I cannot find anything to
fix the date, refer either to this or to some similar occasion, and

1 See Lambeth MSS. 649, pp. 119, 120, 169, 202, 204, 205, 206, 226, 228, 273.
Also Birch's Memoirs, pcunm.

3 A. Standen to A. Sacon, 20th December, 1693. Birch, L 144. We must be-
"ware however of inferring too much firom this expreeoion. The matters of intelli-
gence which were then wholly in the EarFs hands related, I think, chiefly to the
Lopez conspiracy, of which an account will be given in the next chapter.

> Lambeth MSS. 653. 2. Original : own hand. Addressed, " To my assured
good friend, Mr. Fra. Bacon."

4 « The Earl of Essex was lately sworn of the Ck>uncil.'* Letter from A. B. to
Standen, undated, but written after the 7th of March, 1592-3, and during the Par-
liament. Birch, i. 93. Captain Devereux says he was sworn in on the 25th of
February. See Lives of the Earl of Essex, i. 382.

252 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. VII.

therefore I insert them here. The first is addressed to Mr. Thomas
Phillips, the same gentleman, no doubt, to whom Essex alludes ; and
who had been employed by " Mr. Secretary " (that is, Walsingham),
as a decipherer of intercepted letters ; in which capacity he now
served the Earl.^

Mr. Ph.2

I send you the copy of my letter to the Earl touching the
matter between us proposed. You may perceive what expecta-
tion and conceit I thought good imprint into my Lord both of
yourself and of this particular service. And as that which is in
general touching yourself I know you are very able to make good ;
so in this beginning of intelligence I pray spare no care to conduct
the matter to sort to good effect. The more plainly and frankly
you shall deal with my Lord, not only in disclosing particulars,
but in giving him caveats and admonishing him of any error which
in this action he may commit, (such is his Lordship^s nature)
the better he will take it. I send you also his letter which ap-
pointeth this afternoon for your repair to him; which I pray,
if you can, perform ; although if you are not fully resolved of any
circumstance, you may take a second day for the rest and show
his Lordship the party^s letter. If your business suffer you not
to attend his Lordship to-day, then excuse it by two or three
words in writing to his Lordship, and offer another time.

In haste.

Yours ever assured,

Fr. Bacon.

Whereas I mentioned in my letter an intelligence standing^ in
Spain of my brother's, I pray take no knowledge at all thereof.

^ *' At this yery instant Mr. Lawson arriyed from the Earl, who had sent for
him expressly from Twicknam, with letters from Dr. Morison, and most earnest
request to return them deciphered with all speed possible ; which JPhillips could not
dispatch before to-morrow^'* etc. A. B. to F. B., 15th November, 1693. Lambeth
MSS. 649. 273.

* 8. P. O. : Domestic, 1691 (September to the end of the year). This date has
been assigned by the arranger of the bundles ; I do not see on what groimd. It
is the original letter, all in Bacon's own hand ; addressed " To the r. wor" my
verye lovinge freind, M' Thom* Phillips j" but the fly-leaf has been torn off, and
there is neither date nor docket.

' I am not sure as to this word. Perhaps it should be read Stcmdyne ; meaning
Anthony Standen, one of A. B.'s correspondents, who was at San Sebastian on the
30th April, 1593 (Birch, L 98), and whose intelligence he was in the habit of for-
warding to Bwrghley^ from whom he hoped to obtain employment for him on his
return to Engluid. This may hare beien the reason why nothing was to be said
about him to Essex ; there b^g great jealousy between the two in the matter of
foreign intelligence.

1698.] LABOtJES IN THE SEEVICE OF ESSEX. 258

The other letter is addressed to the Earl himself, and comes from
the supplement to the collection in the * Eesuscitatio.* I have not
met with anything which suggests any probable explanation of the
circumstances to which it refers, or which enables me to guess the
date. I only place it here because I suppose the " Mr. Philip " spoken
of to be the same Thomas Phillips to whom the last letter was ad-
dressed, and we know that the three were at this time in communica-
tion with each other.

To MY Lord op Essex.^
My singular good Lord,

The message it pleased your Lordship to send me^ was to
roe delivered doubtfully : Whether your Lordship said you would
speak with me at the Star Chamber, or with Mr. Philip. If
with me, it is needless ; for gratitude imposeth upon me satisfac-
tion. If with Mr. Philip, it will be too late ; because somewhat
must perchance be done that day. This doubt not solved maketh
me write again ; the rather because I did liberally, but yet pri-
vately, affirm your Lordship would write ; which if I make not
good, it may be a discouragement. Your Lordship^s letter,
though it have the subject of honour and justice, yet it shall have
the secrecy of a thing done upon affection. I shall ever in a firm
duty submit my occasions, though great, to your Lordship's re-
spects, though small ; and this is my resolution, that when your
Lordship doth for me, you shall increase my obligation ; when
you refuse to do for me, you shall increase my merit. So leaving
the matter wholly to your Lordship's pleasure, I commend your
Lordship to the preservation of the divine Majesty. From
Gray's Inn.

Your Lordship's ever most humbly bounden.

Meantime the Earl of Essex was on his part doing everything
which zeal and assiduity could do to make good the expectations which
he had held out to Bacon ; and that with an appearance of success
which was in fact unfortunate; for it inflamed a self-confidence of
which he had naturally too much, kindled in him a pride in the con-
sciousness and display of court-influence and an ambition to over-
bear court-rivals, and betrayed him into a misapprehension of the

^ Bawley's * Besuscitatio,' Supplement, p. 113.

254 LETTKBS AND LIFE OF FEAN0I8 BACON. [Chap. VH.

real tenure of his power over the Queen. Elizabeth admired his en^
thusiasm, liked to see and hear him pleading for his friend with an
ardour which became him so well, and her pleasure and patience in
hearing him sue flattered him into the belief that he was prevailing.
He had yet to learn that she could be well pleased in listening to
suits which she had no intention of granting. In the beginning of
the long vacation, when the time of decision was yet far off, she ap-
pears to have been very encouraging. ''Our most honourable and
kind friend the Earl of Essex " — so Anthony writes to his mother
from Twickenham on the 18th of July^ — " was here yesterday three
hours, and hath most friendly and freely promised to set up, as they
say, his whole rest of favour and credit for my brother's preferment
before Mr. Cooke, whensoever the now Attorney shall be removed to
the place of the EoUs. His Lordship told me likewise that he had
already moved the Queen for my brother, and that she took no ex-
ceptions to him, but said that she must first dispatch the French
and Scotch Ambassadors and her business abroad, before she think
of such home matters." But as the time of decision drew near, her
former exceptions revived, and her old offence at the speech in Parlia-
ment, which two months before Essex had supposed to be " thoroughly
appeased," was found to be as much in the way as ever. The effect
cannot be described so well as in the words of the Earl's own letter
to Francis, written on the 24th of August.^

Sir.-
I spake with the Queen yesterday and on Wednesday. On Wednes-
day she cut me off short ; she being come newly home and making haste
to her supper. Yesterday I had a fall audience, but with little better
success than before. The points I pressed were an absolute dfunjaria, and
an access as in former times. Aigainst the first she pleaded that you were
in more fault than any of the rest in Parliament ; and when she did forgive
it and manifest her receiving of them into favour that offended her then,
she will do it to many that were less in fault as well as to yourself. Your
access, she saith, is as much as you can look for. If it had been in the
King her father's time, a less offence than that would have made a man be
banished his presence for ever. But you did come to the Court when you
would yourself ; and she should precipitate too much from being highly dis-
pleased with you to give you near access, such as she shows only to those
that she favours extraordinarily. I told her that I sought for you was not
so much your good, though it were a thing I would seek extremely and

> Lambeth MSS. 649. 145.

3 Lambeth MSS. 649. 165. Copy by A. Bacon*B amanuensis. Docketed " Lettre
de Mons' Le Compte D*Essex a Mons' Francois Bacon, le 23»« d'Aoust, 1593 ;"
but as it seems by the first sentence to have been written on a Friday, and the
23rd was a Thursday, it should probably have been dated the 24th.

1693.] BUBaHLEY'S PBOFESSION OF aOODWILL. 255

please myself in obtaining, aa for her honour, that those excellent transla-
tions of hers^ might be known to them who could best judge of them. Be-
sides, my desire was that you should neither be stranger to her person nor
to her service ; the one for your own satisfaction, the other for her Ma-
jesty's own sake, who if she did not employ you should lose the use of the
ablest gentleman to do her service of any of your quality whatsoever. Her
humour is yet to delay. I am now going to her again : and what I can-
not effect at once I will look to do scepe cadendo. Excuse my ill writing.
I write in haste and have my chamber full of company that break my head
with talking. I commend myself to your brother and to yourself, and rest
your assured friend,

ESSBX.

And what was Burghley doing all this time ? To the application
made to him through his sons in April, his answer, if he gave any,
has not been preserved* But on the 29th of August, Lady Bacon re-
ceived from him the following letter : —

Good Madam,'
I thank you for your kind letter ; and for your sons, I think your
care of them is no less than they both deserve, being so qualified in learning
and virtue as if they had a supply of more health they wanted nothing. But
none are, or very few, ab omni parte heati ; for such are not elect, but
subject to tentations from the highway to heaven. For my goodwill to
them, though I am of less power to do my friends good than the world
thinketh, yet they shall not want the intention to do them good. And so
Gt>d continue you in his favour by your meditations, and that I as your
old friend may be partaker of your good wishes and prayers.

From my house at Theobald's, the 29th of August, 1693.

Your Ladyship's loving brother-in-law,

W. BUBOHLET.

If I am right in supposing that from the beginning Burghley
thought the suit for the Attorneyship unlikely to succeed, and there-
fore injudicious, this is just such a letter as might have been ex-
pected. He did not wish to cross the suit ; to encourage it would
have been to flatter with false hopes. I see no reason whatever to
doubt the sincerity of his profession of goodwill ; and if he was pre-
pared to recommend Bacon for Solicitor when Coke should be made
Attorney (which the event showed would have been the wiser course),
no one can say that he belied it.

* Alluding perhaps to some translations from Boetius, ' De Consolatione,' with
which she is said to have consoled herself after the news of the French king's
apostasy.

3 Lambeth MSS. 649. 180. Ck}py.

256 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VH.

Towards the end of September, when it was likely that something
would be resolved on, the canvass grew more eager on both sides.
But the following letters, some relating to this suit and some to other
things, tell their own story clearly enough, and may follow in their
order without comment.

Francis Bacon to the Lord Keeper Puckering.^

My very good Lord^

I received a letter from a very friend of mine, requesting
me' to move your Lordship to put into the commission for the
subsidy Mr. Richard Kemp,* a Reader of Gray's Inn and besides
bom to good estate, being also my friend and familiar acquaint-
ance. And because I conceive the gentleman to be every way
sortable with the service, I am bold to commend him to your
Lordship's good favour. And even so, with remembrance of my
most humble duty, I rest.

Your Lordship's affectionate to do you humble service,

Pr. Bacon.
Twicknam Park, July 3, 1593.

Francis Bacon to Michael Hicks.^

Mr. Hicks, still I hold opinion that a good solicitor is as good
as a good counsellor. I pray you, as you have begun, so continue
to put Sir Robert Cecil in mind. I write now because I under-
stand by occasion of Mr. Solicitor's being at the Court things
are like to be deliberated if not resolved. I pray learn what you
can both by your nearness to my Lord and by speech with Sir
Robert, and write what you find. Thus in haste I wish you
right well; from Gorhambury * this 26th of September, 1593.

Your friend assured,

Fr. Bacon.

I pray send me word what is your day of payment, and

1 Harl. MSS. 6997. 66. Original: own hand.

3 Bichard Kemp, admitted 1656, barrister 1668, ancient 1669, reader 1678. —
Gray's Inn Eegiater. Harl. MSS. 1912. fo. 178 b.

' Lansdowne MSS. 76. 66. Original : own hand. Written in great hurry.
Addressed, " To my very loving friend, Mr. Michael Hickes, Secretary to the Lord
Hiffh Treasurer."

* He had gone to Gk>rhambury a few days before, to be with his mother, who
was suffering from a quartan ague. See Lambeth MSS. 649. 194, 203.

1598.] THE CANVASS: BUBaHLEY AND CECIL. 257

whether you can be certain to renew^ because my brother's land
is not yet sold.

Sib Robert Cecil to Francis Bacon.^

Cousin,
AflBure yourself that the Solicitor's coming gare no cause of speech,
for it was concerning a book to be drawn for the bargain of wines. If
there had been yon should hare known, or when there shall. To satisfy
your request of making my Lord know how recommended your desires
are to me, I have spoken with his Lordship, who answereth, he hath done
and will do his best. I think your absence (loi^i^r than for my good
aunt's comfort) ' will do you no good : for, as I ever told you, it is not likely
to find the Queen apt to give you an office, when the scruple is not re-
moyed of her forbearance to speak with yon. This being not yet perfected
may stop good when the hour comes of conclusion, though it be but a
trifle, and questionless would be straight dispatched, if it were luckily
handled. But herein do I, out of my desire to satisfy you, use this my
opinion, leaying yon to your own better knowledge what hath been done
for you,* or in what terms that matter standeth. And thus, desirous to
be recommended to my good aimt, to whom my wife heartily commends
her, I leave you to the protection of Almighty God. From the Court, at
Windsor, this 27th of September, 1593.

Your loving cousin and friend,
EoBBBT Cecil.

I have heard in these causes, Fades hominis est tanquam leonis.

Lord Treasurer Burghley to Francis Bacon.^

Nephew,
I have no leisure to write much ; but for answer I have attempted
to place you, but her Majesty hath required the Lord Keeper* to give to
her the names of divers lawyers to he preferred, wherewith he made me
acquainted, and I did name yon as a meet man; whom his Lordship
allowed in way of friendship, for your father's sake : but he made scruple
to equal you with certain whom he named, as Brograve and Branthwayt,
whom he specially commendeth. But I will continue the remembrance of
yon to her Majesty, and implore my Lord of Essex help.

Your loving uncle,

27 Sept., 1598. W. Bubohlbt.

> Lambeth MSS. 649. 197. Copj.

' Lady Bacon was ill at GK>rhambtury, and Frands with her.

' ».0. bv the Earl of Essex.

< Laraboth MSS. 649. 197. Copy : addpeesed, " To my very loving nephew, M'
Francis fiaoon."

* It seems that Francis had written to the Lord E!eeper, whose answer was con-
veyed in the following letter from his secretary, Morsan Coleman, to Anthony : —
** Sir, Presently I dehveied the letter to his Lordship, whose answer to me was,

VOL. I. 8

258 LETTBBS AND LIFE OP FKANOIS BACON. [Chap. VIL

The Earl op Essex to Francis Bacon.^

Mr. Bacon,
Your letter met me here •yesterday. When I came I found the
Queen so wayward as I thought it no fit time to deal with her in any suit,
especially since her choler grew towards myself, which I have well satis-
fied this day, and will take the first opportunity I can to move your suit ;
and if you come hither, I pray you let me know still where you are ; and
so being fall of business I must end, wishing you what you wish to your-
self.

Tour most assured friend,

ESSBZ.

The Earl of. Essex to Anthony Bacon.^

Mr. Bacon,
I have broken promise by necessity and not for negligence. I spake
largely with the Queen on Saturday in the evening, and forced myself to get
up this morning, because the Queen on Saturday told me that she would
resolve this day. But ere I could get from the Queen to my chamber,
pain had so possessed my head and stomach, as I was sent to my bed,
where I have remained ever since. On Saturday the Queen kindly ac-
cepted your promise to come to her, and as she said herself, sorrowed for
your sickness which arrested you by the way. She used many words
which showed her opinion of your worth and desire to know you better.
She was content to hear me plead at large for your brother, but condemned
my judgment in thinking him fittest to be Attorney whom his own Uncle
did name but to a second place ; and said that the sole exception against
Mr. Cooke was stronger against your brother, which was youth. To the
first I answered that it was rather the humour of my Lord to have a man
obnoxious^ to him ; and to the second, that the comparison held not good ;
for if they were both of one standing, yet herself knew there was such a
difference in the worthiness of the persons, as if Mr. Cooke's head and
beard were grown grey with age it would not counterpoise his other dis-
advantages. And yet Mr. Bacon was the ancient in standing by three or

that he would speak with Mr. Francis on his return, and said that thd^ matter was
thought upon the last Sunday concerning that he writeth of ; but whatsoever it is,
it seemeth no great comfortable success for him ; which as I observed by the
manner of his Lordship's speeches, as wishing him well, so I heartily commend
me to your good self, and for all your kindness thank you most heartily. Xewe,
the 27th September, 1593."— Lambeth MSS. 649. 196. " Last Sunday " was the
23rd.

1 Lambeth MSS. 649. 197. Copy : docketed 27th September, 1593.

» Lambeth MSS. 653. 172. Ongmal : own hand. No date j but docketed "le
19"« d*Octobre receue 1693 d'Essex." If the docket bo correct, the interview
here described must have been on Satiu^ay, October 13th ; the day in which An-
thony Bacon was stopped on his way to Windsor by a fit of the stone. See Birch,
il26.

' t.0. dependent upon him.

f

1698.] THE CANVASS: ESSEX AND THE QUEEN. 259

four years. Your offers' and my mingling of arguments of merit with ar-
guments of affection mored somewhat ; but all had been too little if I had
not ... a promise . . .' negative, and desired her before she resolved
upon any of them to hear me again. So she referred me over till this
day. To-day I found her stiff in her opinion that she would have her own
way. Whereupon I grew more earnest than ever I did before, insomuch
as she told me that she would be advised by those that had more judgment
in these things than myself. I replied, so she might be and yet it would
be more for her service to hear me than to hear them ; for my speech had
truth and zeal to her without respect of private ends. If I lacked judg-
ment to discern between the worth of one man and another, the world
would teach it me ; and it was not an ill rule to hold him for a wise and
honest man whom many wbe and honest men held in reputation; but
those whom she trusted did leave out the wisest and worthiest and did
praise for affection. Whereupon she bade me name any man of worth
whom they had not named. I named Mr. Morris, and gave him his due.
She acknowledged his gifts, but said his speaking against her in such man*
ner as he had done should be a bar against any preferment at her hands ;
but seemed to marvel that in their bills they had never thought of him. I
I told her that I was a stranger to the law and to almost all that professed
it, but I was persuaded there were many unspoken of more worthy than
those that were commended in the bill. To conclude, the last stratagem
hath stalled their proceeding; which yet hath been as violently urged
this day as ever was anything. I am full of pain and can write no more.
I wish to you as to myself, and am your most assured friend,

ESSBX.

I pray you bum this.

Francis Bacon to Sir Thomas Coneysby.*

My very good Cousin,

Whereas this gentleman, Mr. Nicholas Trot, one to whom
besides familiar acquaintance I am much beholden, hath con-
veyed unto him for his money a lease of the prebend of With-
ington under the title of Mr. Leyghton, that was sometimes of
the Counsel of the Marches, a man not like to be overreached
in his bargains ; against the which one Wallwyne claimeth by
a former deed of gift supposed to be forged and appearing to
be fraudulent, because the same party undertook afterwards to
sell it; and his interest hath been quietly enjoyed by twenty
years' space; I am earnestly to recommend the assistance of

^ Probably to accept his brother's preferment as a full recompeuse for his own
serrices.

^ These words illegible firom the pasting down of the leaf.

> Lambeth MSS. 649. 236. Copy : docketed ** Let' de Mons' Francois Baoo k
S' Thomas Ck)ney8bey en Tendroit de M' Trot, le 27»« d'Octobre, 1593.'*

s 2

260 LETTERS AND LIFE OP PBANCIS BACON. [Chap. VH.

this my friend^ according to the equity of the case^ to your good
favour, whereof there will be the more need both because he is a
stranger in the country and because the adverse party, as I un-
derstand, hath used force about the possession. And therefore,
good Cousin, let him use your experience and careful counte-
nance for direction and help, according to that good affection
which I persuade myself you bear me, and which I am ready to
answer in all kindness. And so I wish you as

Your assured loving cousin.

Fa. Bacon.

Francis Bacon to his Aunt Cooke.^

Aunt,

I had spoken a good while since with my Lord Treasurer,
whose Lordship took pains to peruse the will which I had with
me, and in conclusion was of opinion that if the younger chil-
dren wanted reasonable allowance it should be supplied, and the
overplus to be stored for their advancement. Of the same mind
I ever was and am ; and there is nothing in my cousin Moris's
note against.

Accordingly I have enclosed a note of a proportion which I
think you cannot dislike, and which I pray communicate with
my cousin Moris and the rest of the executors.

For my part I wish you as a kind alliance. But the question
is not between you and me, but between your profit and my
trust. I purpose, as soon as I can conveniently, to put the
money I have into some other hand, lest you should think the
ease of the money prevaileth with me. But I will endure in a
good cause ; and so wish I you right well, in haste.

Your loving nephew,

Fra. Bacon.
Windsor Castle, this 29th October, 1593.

The revenues Mrs. Cooke receiveth for the education and main-

^ Lambeth MSS. 649. 237. Copy : docketed, " Gopie d'one lettre de Mons'
Francois Bacon h sa tante Cooke, le 29*"* d^Octobre, 1593." Mrs. Cooke, wa«, I
presume, the widow of one of Ladj Bacon's brothers ; and Francis one of his
executors.

1593.] PRIVATE AFFAIRS. 261

tenance of the younger children, of Langport, Hocford, and part
of Hartshill, are, as I am informed,

P' ann : c^.
The allowance convenient for the children, being four, may be
xV^ to Mrs. Anne Cooke in regard of her years, xxx*^ to each of
the other three.

Sum tot. is cxxx^^.

So that Mrs. Cooke is to be answered xjlx}^ overplus above that
she receiveth.

But because there are received by the executors both two parts
of the interest money and the profit of the parsonage of Mickle-
kirke, it is fit that the overplus go out of the interest, because it
is for the daughters, inasmuch as the lands of Langport and
Hocford do suffice for the two sons ; and so the profit of Mickle-
kirke to be wholly stored for their advancement, and the residue
of the interest for the mending of young Fr. Cook^s portion ac-
cording to the will.

Francis Bacon to Robert Eemp.^

Good Robin,

There is no news you can write to me which I take more
pleasure to hear than of your health and of your loving remem-
brance of me. The former whereof though you mentioned not
in your letter, yet I straight presumed well of it because your
invention was so fresh to make such a flourish ; and it was after
accordingly confirmed by your man Roger, who made me a parti-
cular relation of the furder negotiation between your ague and
you. Of the latter, though you profess largely, yet I make more
doubt, because your coming is turned into a sending. Which
when I thought would have been repaired by some promise or in-
tention of to yourself, your man Roger entered into a very subtle
distinction to this purpose, that you would not come except you
heard I were Attorney. But I ascribe that to your man's inven-
tion, who had his reward in laughing ; for I hope you are not
grown so stately, but that T shall be one to you stylo vetere or
stylo novo. For my fortune (to speak court) it is very slow, if
anything can be slow to him that is secure of the event. [In]

' Lambeth MSS. 649. 281. Copy : docketed, " Lre de Mons' Fran9oi» Bacon k
Mods' Robert Kemp, le 4 de November, 1593." Bobert Kemp was a young
lawyer of Gray's Inu, and a cousin of Bacon's.

262 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VU.

short nothing is done in that. But I purpose to remain here at
Twickenham till Michaelmas term, then to St. Alban's, and after
the term to the Court. Advise you whether you will play the honest
man or no. In the meantime I think long to see you^ and pray
to be remembered to your father and mother.

Yours in loving affection,
TwickenLam Park, this 4th of .. . ^^' Bacon.

Francis Bacon to the Eabl of Essex.^

My Lord,

I thought it not amiss to inform your Lordship of that which
I gather partly by conjecture and partly by advertisement of the
late recovered man that is so much at your Lordship^s devotion,
of whom I have some cause to doubt that he worketh for the
Huddler^ underhand. And although it may seem strange, con-
sidering how much it importeth him to join straight with your
Lordship in regard both of his enemies and of his ends ; yet I
do the less rest secure upon that conceit, because he is a man
likely to trust so much to his art and finesse (as he that is an
excellent wherryman, who you know looketh towards the bridge
when he pulleth towards Westminster) that he will hope to serve

^ Lambeth MSS. 649. 283. Original draught or copy in Bacon's own hand :
docketed, " Lettre de Mons' Fran9oia Bacon k Mons' le Gompte d'Essez le 10^
d*Octobre, 1598." 8o at least I copied it firora the originaL But Birch dates it the
10th of November, which is the more probable date ; for it was on the 13th of Oc-
tober that Essex " drove in the nail for the negative " of Coke. See Essex's letter
to Anthony Bacon, p. 258.

' By the Ruddier there can be no doubt that Coke is meant. Who '* the late
recovered man " was is not so clear. Birch thinks Puckering, but does not say
why. It is not impossible that Biurghle^ may be meant, who had been ill, and was
at that time reported to be better (see Birch, i. 130) ; but I think it unlikely, be-
cause I know no other instance in which Bacon speaks of Burghley except in atone
of great respect. I rather incline to suspect that Sir B. Cecil is meant. *' Sir
Bobert " (writes Standen to A. B., Lambeth MSS. 650, f. 238, date, I regret to say,
either not given or not noted) " often at London and often here. When he oometh
he always finds me in i^y Lord's chamber [i,e. Essex's], whom he courteth with
great outward observations. But in Spain they say —

Quien fiesta os haze y no suele hazer

O 08 quiere engafiar o di os ha menester."

It is true, on the other hand, that Puckering, though he seemed not long ago to
be standing rather in Bacon's way (see Burghley's letter of the 27th of September),
had of late been showing him favour. Anthony Bacon writes to his mother on the
2nd of November, 1593:— "My brother, I think, will go to St. Alban's sooner "
[than tomorrow or next Monday se'nniglit] "with my Loni Keeper, who hath kindly
ofiered him room at his own lodging there, as he hath already of late resigned unto
him the use of liis chamber in the Court " (Lambeth MSS. 649. 274).

1598.] BACON TO HIS MOTHEB. 268

his turn and yet to preserve your Lordship^s good opinion. This
I write to the end that if your Lordship do see nothing to the
contrary you may assure him more or trust him less; and
chiefly that your Lordship would be pleased to sound again
whether they have not amongst them drawn out the nail which
your Lordship had driven in for the negative of the Huddler,
which if they have^ it will be necessary for your Lordship to
iterate more forcibly your former reasons^ whereof there is such
copia as I think you may use all the places of logic against his
placing.

Thus, with my humble thanks for your Lordship's honourable
usage of Mr. Standen, I wish you all honour.

Your Lordship's in most faithful duty,

Fe. Bacon.

I pray. Sir, let not my jargon privilege my letter from burn-
ing, because it is not such but the light showeth through.

Francis Bacon to Anthony Standen.^
Mr. Standyne,

Understanding since I spake with you, from my Lord, that
the Court is like within these three or four days to remove to
Richmond, I was enforced to retain the coach to supply my
necessary attendance now at Hampton Court, where it was in
vain to agree for a lodging for so small time. In which regard
I pray hold me excused, as I have also excused the detaining
thereof to my brother. Thus I wish you very well. From
Twickna Park, this 2nd of 10^«, 1593.

Your Friend in hearty aflFection,

Fr. Bacon.

Francis Bacon to his Mother.^

Madam,

I received this afternoon at the Court your Ladyship's letter,
afl;er I had sent back your horse and written to you this morn-
ing. And for my brother's kindness, it is accustomed, he never
having yet refused his security for me, as I on the other side

^ Lambeth MSS. 649. 800. OriginAl : own hand ; written in great hurry, and
blotted in the folding up.
s Lambeth MSS. 649. 248. Copj.

264 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [CHAP.Vn.

never made any difficulty to do the like by him according to our
several occasions. And therefore if it be not to his own disfor-
nishing, which I reckon all one with mine own want^ I shall re-
ceive good ease by that hnndreth pounds ; specially your Lady-
ship of your goodness being content it be repaid out of Mr.
Boldroe's debt, which it pleased you to bestow upon me. And
my desire is it be paid to Knight at Gray's Inn, who shall receive
order from me to pay two fifties (which I wish had been two
hundreths) where I owe and where it presseth me most. Sir
John Hosken is not yet in Court. Both to him and otherwise I
will be mindful of Mr. Downing's^ cause and liberty with the
first opportimity. Mr. Nevell, my cousin, though I be further
distant than I expected, yet I shall have an apt occasion to re-
member. To my cousin Kemp I am sending. But that would
rest between your Ladyship and myself, as you said. Thus I
commend your Ladyship to God's good providence. From the
Court, this 4th of IC*", 1593.

Your Ladyship's most obedient son,

P. B.

Francis Bacon to Sib Fbancis Allen.^

Sir Francis Allen,
I do so much favour this gentleman, Mr. Garret, who from
my service entered a course of following the wars, which hath
succeeded unto him, as to his own commendation, so yet never-
theless not hitherto to his settling in any place answerable to his
desert and profession ; in regard whereof, understanding of the
nomination and appearance of your employment in Lreland, he
conceiveth it will be some establishment to him if he may run
your fortune, being by you accepted in the place of your lieute-
nant, your own virtue and reputation considered, and the imcer-
tainty of the French employment. Of his proof and sufficiency
to serve I write the less, because I take it to be well known to
yourself. But for my particular I do assure you I can hardly
imagine a matter wherein you shall more effectually tie me unto

^ " Brother, my mother hath willed me to recommend unto you, in her name, the
earnest sollcitmg of Mr. Downing's speedy liberty, whose letter to her Ladyship you
shall reoeire enclosed." A. B. to F. B., from Gk>rhambary, 8rd December, 1698.
Lambeth MSS. 649. 806. Mr. Downing was one of the ** preachers."

3 Lambeth MSS. 649. 810. Copy.

1598.] COBSESFONDEl^CE WITH SIB F. ALLEN. 265

you than in this. I wished him to use me but as a means of
my brother's commendation^ which I esteemed to be of extraor-
dinary weight with you.. But because this was the readier and
that the entireuess between my brother and myself is well known
imto you, he desired to begin with this. Thus I wish you all
prosperity. Prom Hampton Court, the 20th of December, 1593.

Yours in unfeigned good affection,

Fb. Bacon.

I was sorry to hear from Mr. Anthony Standen how sharply
and unseasonably you were assailed by the gout. But you have
of him a careful solicitor, and if I can come in to him with any
good endeavour of mine you may reckon of it.

The employment to which Sir Francis Allen bad been " nominated"
(that is, recommended) is described by Standen in a letter to Anthony
Bacon^ as " a fine and profitable government in Ireland, worth more
than three hundred pounds yearly," vacant by " the late decease of
one Mr. Carlisle;" for which there was much canvassing; and Sir
Francis having been persuaded to apply for it, the Earl of Essex
" according to his accustomed manner and forwardness to pleasure
his friends" had embraced his suit. Burghley on the contrary, ''ac-
cording to bis laudable custom, having an eye to her Majesty's pro-
fit," wanted to extinguish the office. So there grew a struggle for
it among the Court parties, which caused a long delay. What the
business of the office was does not clearly appear, but Sir Francis,
to judge by his answer to Bacon's letter, did not take it to be a
sinecure.

8ir,»
I have recseived your letter in the behalf of one I love very well,
and think myself much beholding to him for his good will, I mean Mr.
Garret. But to dispose of that I have not is not my custom. My most
honourable Earl of Essex hath embarked himself for me concerning an
Irish preferment. How it will please God it shall succeed, with or
against me, I am resolved to be his Lordship's thknkful ever. If I should
have it granted, the quality of the command beareth no such place as a
Lieutenant's. And moreover, Sir, to be plain with so honourable a friend
as I esteem you, it were mere folly to place such under me that hath no
experience of the country service. For myself I have served there;
[which] nevertheless will not make me so able but to have great need to

> 17th Norember, 1593. See Birch, L 180.

3 Lambeth MSS. 653. 168. Indorsed in Sir F. Alien's hand, **The coppy of
my letter to Mr. Fran. Bacon.**

266 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VU.

be seconded with some one of larger continuance upon the govemment.
When I see you next I will delate to you more at large my oourt-hopee,
aU and some. In the meantime I pray, Sir, love me, for I will ever
honour your house. And so I commit you td Gk>d.

Yours most assured to do you service.

It is proper to add that Anthouy Bacon (whose approyal of the
application his brother seemed to assume), on receiving from Sir
Francis a copy of this reply, heartily approved of it '^ to the last
and least tittle," — protesting that "the straitest link of german
consanguinity should never have prevailed so far with him as to have
once moved him to have given his bare consent to his brother for
such his request and commendation,"^ from which it would seem
that he thought Francis to blame for making the application ; though
I do not see how it could have been made in a manner more inoffen-
sive and less importunate.

Meantime Christmas passed without any resolution concerning
the Attorneyship either way. On the 18th of January, Bacon was
informed by the Earl that he might retire at his pleasure, for no-
thing more would be done till Easter term ;^ and his thirty-third
birthday found him still unpreferred, still without professional prac-
tice, still entangled in the unavoidable expenses of attendance about
the Court, and gradually growing familiar with the fatal necessity of
borrowing money to pay the interest due upon money already bor-
rowed.

1 Lambeth MSS. G4Q. 809. 25th December, 1593.
3 Lambeth MSS. 650. 20.

267

CHAPTER VIII.
A.D. 1594, January — June, jbtat. 34.

1.

The strongest point against Bacon's pretensions for the Attorney-
ship was his want of practice. His opponents said that '' he had
never entered the place of battle." ^ Whether this was because he
could not find clients or because he did not seek them, I cannot say.
It is certain that his ambition never pointed to the life of a private
lawyer as his fit vocation, and that as often as he began to despair of
employment in the service of the Crown, he began likewise to think
of giving up his profession. It was important however in present
circumstances to meet the objection by showing what he could do ;
and opportunity favoured him. On the 25th of January, 1593-4, he
made his first pleading in the King's Bench — appearing for the heir
of Lord Cheyney against the purchasers of his land^ — and acquitted
himself so well that Burghley sent his secretary " to congratulate
unto him the first-fruits of his public practice," and to ask for a
note of " his case and the chief points of his pleading, to the end he
might make report thereof there where it might do him most good."*
On the 5th of February he argued another case in the King's Bench,^
and on the 9th appeared again " in a most famous Chequer Chamber
case, where the Lord Keeper and the Lord Treasurer (if he were
able), the two Lords Chief Justices, with two other judges of each
bench, the Lord Chief Baron, and the rest of the Barons," were ex-
pected to be present. 'Of the impression produced by this last argu-
ment we have some record, in a letter from Henry Gosnold, a young
lawyer of Gray's Inn, to Anthony Bacon :* a letter full of juvenile

» Birch, L 164.

2 Standen to A. B., 24th Janoaiy, 1593-4. Lambeth MSS. 650. 16.

* A. B. to his mother, 8th February, 1593-4. Lambeth MSS. 649. 29.

^ A. B. to his mother, 5th February. Lambeth MSS. 649. 31.

' Anthony Bacon sent it to his mother on the 12th of Febroarr, 1593-4. ** I
am bold to send your Ladyship a letter from Mr. Harry Gk)8nall8, thinking it more
oonyenient for myself and comfortable to your Ladyship that you should understand
rather by other men's letters than by my own report that which concerns him that
is so near and dear to us both." — Lambeth MSS. 650. 32. It may be howerer
that this was notathird case, but the same which was to have come on on the 5th.

268 LETTERS Am) LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [CHAP.Vm.

affectations, but as the report of one who was present, and the onlj
report we have, worth reading : —

My news are good hut not great, and my thanks great hut not cere-
monious. That Mr. Francis Bacon retains his reputation gained, is not
strange to any that knows him. That he hath increased it, is not in-
credible. The absence of the Lords that were looked for was recompensed
with a presence of learned. Judges, and seemed an assembly rather capable
than honourable. The respect they gave him, although it was extraordi-
nary, was weU noted but not envied. The attention of the rest, springing
from an experience of good and an expectation of better, could not be
better. His argument, contracted by the time, seemed a bataille serried
as hard to be discovered as conquered. The unusual words wherewith he
had spangled his speech, were rather gracious for their propriety than
strange for their novelty, and like to serve both for occasions to report
and means to remember his argument. Certain sentences of his, some-
what obscure, and as it were presuming upon their capacities, will I fear
make some of them rather admire than commend him. Li sum, all is as
well as words can make it, and if it please her Majesty to add deeds, the
Bacon may be too hard for the Cook.^

A letter from Nicholas Faunt also (lith of February) speaks of
this pleading as having obtained general applause. *' I hope (he says)
his Saturday's work (though half-holiday) shall weigh more than the
whole week's travel employed by some. Howsoever, in my poor
opinion, it cannot but be well in the end that is generally of all sorts
so well taken." ^

No doubt it was a successful performance, and Bacon prepared
to retire to Twickenham for the vacation (which began on the 18th
of February and lasted till the 17th of April) with an increased re-
putation, and the appearance of a better chance of success in his
suit ; which Essex continued to follow on his behalf as earnestly as
ever, though without making any real way. Two vacancies among
the puisne judges had been recently filled up, but the Master-
ship of the EoUs was still empty ; no one had yet been appointed
to succeed Walsingham, who had been dead now nearly four years ;
and there was another secretaryship vacant besides. Burghley,
weary of the delay, had begun to press the Queen for a decision,
and '* straitly urged her to the nomination of Coke to be her Attor-
ney-General" — (the Eolls seem to have been all along destined for
Sir Thomas Egerton) — ''and also to the nomination of a pair of
secretaries, Sir Robert Cecil and Sir Edward Stafford, and a pair of
other officers in her household."^ But Essex set his face against

1 Lambeth MSS. 653. 101. Original : no date. > Lambeth MSS. 650. 67.

' A B. to his mother, 5th February, 1598-4. Lambeth MSS. 649. 31.

1594.] THE CANVASS : ESSEX ANB CECIL. 269

all these appointments, and in a conversation with Sir Bobert Cecil
(30th of January) declared himself more resolutely than ever in
favour of Bacon. Sir Eobert ** prayed him to be better advised ;
saying, ' If your Lordship had spoken of the soUcitorship, that might
be of easier digestion to the Queen.' Digest me no digesting (said
the Earl) ; for the Attorneyship is that I must have for Francis
Bacon ; and in that I will spend my uttermost credit, friendship, and
authority against whomsoever, and that whosoever went about to
procure it to others, that it should cost both the mediators and the
suitors the setting on before they came by it. And this be you as-
sured of, Sir Bobert, quoth the Earl, for now do I fuUy declare my-
self; and' for your own part. Sir Bobert, I do think much and strange
both'of my Lord your father and you, that can have the mind to seek
the preferment of a stranger before so near a kinsman ; namely con-
sidering if you weigh in a balance his parts and sufficiency in any
respect with those of his competitor, excepting only four poor years
of admittance, which Francis Bacon hath more than recompensed
with the priority of his reading,^ in all other respects you shall find
no comparison between them."^

In such terms the matter stood at the beginning of the Easter va-
cation, before the end of which it was likely at last to be settled.
I do not find that at this time Bacon took any part in the can-
vass himself.

2.

Before he left Gray's Inn for Twickenham, the following letters
passed between him and his mother, relating entirely to private
matters, of which I cannot offer any further elucidation. "My
cousin Kempe " was probably the " Good Bobin " to whom Bacon's
letter of the 4th of November was addressed. What was the nature
of the unkind dealing of which Lady Bacon complains, does not ap-
pear ; but from the quiet tone of Francis's answer I should infer
that it was some charge suggested by that irritable jealousy which
was her weakness, and which would have been aggravated by ex-
postulation.

" I sent you my Cousin Zempe's letter by goodman Bolff. His mamier
of writing is very unkind and almost unchristian, knowing as he doth mine

* Meaning Coke's readinf at the Inner Temple, I sappose. For Coke is said to
haye been appointed Beader at Lyon's Inn m 1579, two years before Bacon was
called to the Bar. He was admitted of Clifford's Inn, 24th April, 1572 ; and
chosen Bencher of the Inner Temple in 1590. Bacon was admitted of Cray's Inn
27th June, 1576 ; Bencher, 1686 ; Reader, 1588.

* A. B. to his mother, 5th February, 1598-4. Lambeth MSS. 649. 31.

270 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VHI.

umnoyable pnrpose to tliat last UBe, and that it was only of trust upon a
month's warning betwixt him and me. I never thought it possible such
dealing from him. He hopes belike for some delay after my time. But
I will, by the grace of the Lord, follow it to have it by law out of hand.
I pray you send me advice by law how to begin and to proceed. For I
cannot away with such dealing in such a matter for such a use.

"I mean also, Grod willing, to send for my implements there upon
Wednesday next. If Mr. Yates your man may go, I would have him ready
there by two of the clock, with horses if he may. If his leisure serve not,
I will send Lawrence and some other, because my cousin will be away
about the end of the week at Windsor, and uncertain of his return to
London, if not unwilling. Cura ut bene valeas.

" Send my letter from my cousin I pray."*

This letter has neither date nor address. But the following from
Francis Bacon, of the 14th of February, 1693, being evidently a
reply either to it or to another that came between on the same
subject, fixes the date as nearly as we want.

^After the remembrance of my humble duty, it is so that my
cousin Kemp is gone to Windsor, and, as he appointed^ not to
return till the end of the next week. He acquainted me of his
going upon this occasion^ that he brought to me and left with
me a couple of keys^ saying that he thought your Ladyship
would send for certain apparel^ which by the means of these
keys your Ladyship might receive. So that by reason of his
absence your Ladyship^s letter could not be delivered. And
your servant Lawrence was of opinion, and so methought he had
reason, that such things as your Ladyship sent for, being de-
livered and Qharged by inventory, could not be safely redelivered
without his presence.

For your Ladyship's money, my cousin Kemp told me that
rather than purchase your Ladyship's displeasure he would pro-
vide it^ what shift soever be made. And so I think verily he
wiU. Therefore my intention is at his coming to deliver your
Ladyship's letter, and to proceed as you have directed, except I
hear otherwise from your Ladyship in the meantime.

Further, if your Ladyship withdraw any implements of house
from thence, which I take it were such as served in York House,'
your Ladyship had ever an intention they should be bestowed of

» Lambeth MSS. 653. 190. Original : docketed " L* de Madame."
3 Lambeth MSS. 649. 40. Copy, in the hand of A. B.'s amanuensiB.
* His father's London residence.

1694,] THE CONSPIRACY OF DB. LOPEZ. 271

Markes or Twicknam^ and indeed I want them^ and find how
costly thQ buying of new is. TV hereof I do but remember your
Ladyship ; for I am fain^ as they say^ between Gray^s Inn and
Twicknam to rob Peter and pay Paul^ and to remove my stuff to
and firo, which is chargeable^ and hurteth the stuff. And there-
fore, Madam, they would do wondrous well if you thought so
good ; and if your Ladyship would give me leave to see what I
want, the rest may remain where it shall please you. But herein
I refer myself to your Ladyship^s good pleasure.

Besides my cousin hath in custody my residue of plate, which,
if your Ladyship take all out of his hands, I pray let me receive.

I have sent your Ladyship the key of your jewel-casket, which
I lately received from my cousin.

I humbly thank your Ladyship for your good counsel every
way, and I hope by God^s assistance to follow the same. For
my health, I shall have now some leisure to use the benefit of
the spring season for the confirming thereof, and I am right glad
to understand it is so well with my brother as it is ; and thus I
leave your Ladyship to the good pleasure of the Almighty;
hoping this spring will recover [you] clearly from your quartain.
Prom Gray^s Inn, this 14th of February, 1593.

Your Ladyship's most obedient son,

Fr. Bacon.

The vacation supplied Bacon with a little piece of work of another
kind ; which also fell in seasonably to prove his capacities for business.
The Earl of Essex had been engaged for the last three months in
tracing the particulars of a conspiracy, which, though nothing was
suspected at first more than a Portuguese intrigue with the King of
Spain, turned out to be nothing less than a plot to murder Queen
Elizabeth. Don Antonio was at that time entertained in England as
the lawful King of Portugal, driven from his throne by Philip. But
as his prospects grew dimmer, his followers began to fall away and to
think of making their peace with the usurper ; whose favour they
could best deserve (living as they did about the English Court) by
the sale of English secrets. About the middle of October, 1593,^
suspicion of some such transaction falling upon one Ferrera de Gama,
a Portuguese gentleman in Don Antonio's service, he was appre-

1 Harl. MSS. 871. 7.

272 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [CHAP.Vni.

bended ; himself handed over to his master, and his papers to the
Earl of Essex, with commission to search the matter out. Order was
accordingly taken to intercept all letters and messengers addressed
to subjects of Portugal resident in England. Bj these it soon ap-
peared that some important secret was in hand, but so carefuilj
wrapt up that nothing could be distinctly made out, until Ferrera
himself, in his anxiety to avoid detection, furnished a clue which
being closely followed led to the discovery of all. This was a letter
dispatched by him in great secrecy to one Dr. Lopez, physician to
Queen Elizabeth, which fell into the hands of Don Antonio. By this
it appeared that a certain messenger was expected from the Continent
with letters, the discovery of which would be fatal to them loth. It
was clear therefore that Lopez, of whose fidelity nobody had the least
suspicion, was somehow concerned in the intrigue; and Ferrera
being interrogated upon the matters thus disclosed, and finding that
it was useless to deny all, and concluding that Lopez had betrayed
him, was content to admit thus much : — that himself and others had
indeed been endeavouring to make their peace with Spain, and that
Lopez, who had for some years been in correspondence with the
King, was a party to the negotiation. This declaration, though set
down in writing for Don Antonio as early as the 11th of November,
was not made known to the Government till the 20th of January ;*
for what reason I cannot guess. It seems however that the Cecils
rwere either wanting in their usual sagacity on this occasion, or un-
1 willing to help forward an investigation which, having been entrusted
almost entirely to their young rival, would put a new feather in his
uxsap if it led to anything important. It is certain that at first neither
they nor the Queen attached any importance to the charge against
Lopez ; and when he was examined upon it (21st January) and his
house searched, and no papers of intelligence found there, the accusa-
tion was set down as a malicious calumny, and Essex himself as " a
rash and temerarious youth to enter into a matter against the poor
man which he could not prove," thereby compromising the Queen's
honour.' But Essex had better grounds for his suspicion than they
thought. He had conducted the examination in person ; had seen
the faces of the witnesses and heard their voices ; had closely studied
all the intercepted correspondence ; and so received deeper and truer
impressions, probably, than the written depositions could convey.
And though he took the Queen's rebuke in such dudgeon that for
the next two days he would not come out of his chamber, yet pre-
sently relenting he resolved to justify himself by following up the
scent. This he did with such skill and assiduity that through a care-
» HarL BiSS. 871. 18 b. * Birch, L 160.

1594.] CONSPIRACY OF DR. LOPEZ. 278

fill scrutiny of all the intercepted letters and repeated examination of
the several parties whom they had in custody, evidence enough was
extracted within a few days to implicate Lopez in a much more seri-
ous charge than even he had suspected. " I have discovered " (he
writes to Anthony Bacon on the 28th of January) " a most danger-
ous and desperate treason. The point of conspiracy was her Majes-
ty's death. The executioner should have been Dr. Lopez ; the manner
poison. This I have so followed as I will make it as clear as the noon-
day."^ Lopez was then sent to the Tower ; and in the course of the
ensuing month a case was made out (not however, I am sorry to say,
till one of the chief witnesses * had had the " manacles " shown to
him) clear enough to go to a jury with, and on the 28th of February
he was tried at Guildhall and found guilty.

Up to this point Bacon had had nothing to do with the case ; un-
less Essex, whom he frequently saw while it was going on, consulted
him about it privately ; which we do not know. But it was no ordi-
nary business. Two principal officers of the King of Spain were
directly and deeply implicated in the plot. It is hardly possible to
doubt that the King himself knew and approved of it : and proof
of this was inextricably interwoven with the evidence produced on
the trial. Now it was desirable for many reasons that a case so^
grave, so singular, and_8p_complicateA Aould ba embodied in^an au-
thentic narrative for the information and satisfaction of the public.
But how was Philip's part in it to be treated ? Elizabeth was always ^
strongly disposed to stand by her order ; always loath to degrade her
office byj)ublishing the crimes of kings and queens, even though thev
were enemies and~sBe herselfthe party sinned against. And itA
would seem from the number of narratives of this case which were I
drawn up at the time but not published,^ that upon this point there^
was a division of opinion among her councillors. The final resolution
however was to publish nothing for the present, and to delay the
execution of Lopez ; in hope that Philip (who must have known well
enough from the proceedings at the trial how much his own cha-
racter was concerned) would take some step to clear himself of the
imputation.^

Meanwhile, among the other narratives which were drawn up but
not published, was one by Bacon, who was present at the trial;
written (as appears by an incidental allusion noticed in its place) be-

1 Birch, i. 152. ' Manuel Lewis Tinoco. See Harl. MSS. 871. p. 42 b.

• Three in the State Paper Office : one in Murdin, p. 669 ; another (from whiclTA
I haye gathered the account Tieri^ given of the discovery of the plot) in Harl. MSS. J
871.

* See * True Beport of Sundry Horrible Ck>nspiracie8/ etc., printed at London,
November, 1594, p. 14. Also Birch's Negotiations, p. 15.

VOL. I. T

274 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. . [Chap. VIII.

•

fore the end of March ; but whether by the Queen's direction, or at
Eesex's request, or at his own suggestion, I cannot say. Judging by
the elaborate title which it bears, I should think it was composed with
/ a view tojublication, though I believe it appeared in print for the first
time in the ' Eesuscitatio ' (1657), and as I have met with no manu-
script copy, I conclude that it had never been much circulated. It
is interesting, though the composition is hasty and careless, not only
as containing the clearest and most compendious account of the case
that is to be found, but also as giving Bacon's idea of the manner in
which the King of Spain's part in the business was to be touched
upon. I have compared it with the account given in the Harleian
MS. 871 — an account drawn up apparently by some one who was
himself employed in the examinations,^ with a view to explain, not
BO much the nature and evidence of the crime, asjbhe^ proce ss and,
particulars of the discovery^ ... This is in most parts much fuller, and
contains all the examinations and confessions set forth at length, with
the dates. Had Bacon's narrative been published, the most impor-
tant of these would probably have been added in an appendix ; as

rTEey were in the * True Beport of Sundry Horrible Conspiracies,' etc.,
printed in the following November; which appears to have been

^jlrawn up by Coke.^ I have not however thought it necessary to
print them here, but have only given references to the pages where
authority may be found for the principal statements in the text;
together with notes, taken either from that MS. or the record of the
indictment in * Baga de Secretis,' of the dates at which the principal
transactions occurred. One circumstance, which I have pointed out
in its place, appears to be misdated, but the error is of no importance,
and in all other respects the report seems to be carefully and minutely
accurate.

A TRUE REPORT OP THE DETESTABLE TREASON, INTENDED BY

DR. RODERIOO LOPEZ^

A PHYSICIAN ATTENDING UPON THE PEBBON OP THE QUSBN'S MAJESTY,

Whom he^ for a sum of money ^ promised to he paid to him by the
King of Spain, did undertake to have destroyed by poison ; with
certain circumstances both of the plotting and detecting of the same
treason. Penned during the Queen^s life?

The King of Spain, having found by the enterprise of '88

^ " As soon as he saw that we were in good earnest," etc. Harl. MSS. 871. 42 b.
' See the copy in the British Museum, with a MS. note in Coke's handwriting
on the titlepage.
» About the 20th of March, 1593-4.

1594.] A TRUE REPORT OP DR. LOPEZ HIS TREASON. 275

the difficulty of an invasion of England^ and having also since
that time embraced the matters of France (being a design of a
more easy nature and better prepared to his hand)^ hath of neces-
sity for a time laid aside the prosecution of his attempts against
this realm by open forces; as knowing his means unable to wield
both actions at once, as well that of England as that of France.
And therefore, casting at the fairest, [he] hath in a manner bent
his whole strength upon France^ making in the meantime only a
defensive war upon the Low Countries. But finding again that
the supports and aids which her Majesty hath continued to the
French King are a principal impediment and retardation to his
prevailing there according to his ends, he hath now of late by
all means projected to trouble the waters here, and to cut us out
some work at home; that by practice, without diverting and
employing any great forces, he mought nevertheless divert our
succours from France.

According to which purpose, he first proved to move some in-
novation in Scotland ; not so much in hope to alienate the King
fix)m the amity of her Majesty, as practising to make a party
there against the King himself, whereby he should be compelled
to use her Majesty^s forces for his assistance. Then he solicited
a subject within this realm (being a person of great nobility) to
rise in arms and levy war against her Majesty ; which practice
was by the same nobleman loyally and prudently revealed. And
lastly (rather, as it is to be thought, by the instigation of our
traitorous fugitives in foreign parts and the corrupter sort of his
counsellors and ministers than of his own nature and inclina-
tion), either himself,^ or his said counsellors and ministers using
his name^ have descended to a course against all honour, all so-
ciety and humanity, odious to God and man, detested by the
heathen themselves ; which is, to take away the life of her Ma-
jesty (which God have in his precious custody) by violence or
poison. A matter which mought be proved to be not only against
all Christianity and religion, but against nature, the law of na-
. tions, the honour of arms, the civil law, the rules of morality and
policy ; finally to be the most condemned, barbarous, and ferine
act that can be imagined ; yea (supposing the quarrels and hos-
tility between the princes to be never so declared and so mortal)
yet were it not that it would be a very reproach unto the age

» o/him*elf:'ReB.

T 2

276 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VHI.

that the matter should be once disputed or called in question, it
could never be defended. And therefore I leave it to the cen-
sure which Titus Livius giveth in the like case upon Perseus, the
last king of the Macedons, afterwards overthrown, taken with
his children, and led in triumph by the Romans ; Quern non jus-
turn bellum gerere regio animo, sed per omnia clandestina gras-
sari scelera latrociniorum ac veneficiorum cemebant,^

But to proceed, certain it is that even about this present
time there have been suborned and sent into this realm divers
persons, some English, some Irish, corrupted by money and pro-
mises, and resolved and conjured by priests in confession to
have executed that most wretched and horrible fact ; of which
number certain have been taken, and some have suffered, and
some are spared because they have with great sorrow confessed
these attempts, and detested their suborners. And if I shoul d
c onje cture what the reason is why this cursed enterprise was at
this time so hotly and with such devilish diligence pursued, I
take it to be chiefly because the matters of France wax ripe, and
the King of Spain made himself rea dy to u nmask himself, and
to reap that in France which he had been long in sowing ; in re-
gard that there being like to be a divulsion in the League by the
reconciliation of some of the heads to the King, the more pas-
sionate sort, being destituted by their associates, were like to cast
themselves wholly into the King of Spain's arms, and to dis-
member some important* piece of that crown ; though now upon
this fresh accident of receiving the King into Paris,* it is to be
thought that both the worse affected of the League will submit
themselves upon any tolerable conditions to their natural king,
thus advanced in strength and reputation; and the King of
Spain will take a second advice ere he embark himself too far
in any new attempt against France. But (taking the affairs
as they then stood, before this accident unexpected, espe-
cially of the counsel of Spain) — during this his supposed harvest
in France his counsel had reason to wish that there were no

* Lib. xlii. cap. 18. Quern noniustum modo etdparare bellum^ etc. One of in-
numerable instances of slight verbal inaccuracy in Bacon's quotations ; showing that
he was in the habit of quoting* from memoir.

2 This happened on the 12th of March, 1593-4 (o.a.), and was fresh news in
England on the 19th. See Birch's Memoirs of Elizabeth, i. 164. Hence we learn
the date of the composition of this report. From the wording of this paragraph I
should suspect that the news came after it was begun and before it was finished ;
there being a little confusion among the tenses, such as would be caused by the
after-insertion of such a clause.

1594.] A TRUE EEPOBT OF DB. LOPEZ HIS TREASON. 277

disturbance from hence ; where they make account that if her
Majesty were removed (upon whose person God continue his
extraordinary watch and providence) here would be nothing but
confusion; which they do not doubt but with some no great
treasure and forces from without may be nourished^ till they can
more fully intend the ruin of this state according to their an-
cient malice.

But howsoever that be^ amongst the number of these execrable
undertakers there was none so much built and relied upon by the
great ones of the other side, as was this physician Lopez.; nor
indeed none so dangerous ; whether you consider the aptness of
the instrument^ or the subtlety and secrecy of those that prac-
tised with him, or the shift and evasion which he had provided
for a colour of his doings, if they should happen to come into
question. For firsts whereas others were to find and encounter
infinite difSculties in the very obtaining of an opportunity to ex-
ecute this horrible act, and besides cannot but see present and
most assured death before their eyes, and therefore must be (as
it were) damnable votaries if they undertake it; this man, in
regard of his faculty and of his private access to her Majesty,
had both means to perpetrate and means to conceal ; whereby
he might reap the fruit of his wicked treason without evident
peril. And for his complices that practised with him, being
Portugueses and of the retinue of King Antonio, the King of
Spain's mortal enemy, they were men thereby freed and dis-
charged from suspicion, and mought send letters and receive letters
out of Spain without jealousy, as those which were thought to
entertain intelligences there for the good of their master. And
for the evasion and mask that Lopez had prepared for this trea-
son, if it had not been searched and sifted to the bottom, it was
that he did intend but to cozen the King of Spain, without ill
meaning ; somewhat in the nature of that stratagem which Parry,
a most cunning and artificial traitor^ had provided for himself.

Nevertheless this matter, by the great goodness of God fall-
ing into good hands of those honourable and sufficient persons
which dealt therein, was by their great and worthy industry so
handled and followed, as this Proteus of a disguised and trans- -
formed treason did at last appear in his own likeness and colours ;
which were as foul and monstrous as have been known in the
world. For some of her Majesty's counsel long since entered

278 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VIII.

into consideration that the retinue of King Antonio (I mean
some of them) were not unlike to hatch these kinds of treasons ;
in regard they were needy strangers^ entered into despair of their
master's fortune^ and like enough to aspire to make their peace
at home by some such wicked services as these ; and therefore
grew to have an extraordinary vigilant eye upon them. (^Which
prudent and discreet presumption or conjecture, joined with
some advertisements of ^spials abroad and some other industry,
! was the first cause (next under the great benediction of Grod,
which giveth unto princes zealous counsellors, and giveth to
counsellors policy and discerning thoughts) of the revealing and
discovering of these treasons; which were contrived in order
and form as hereafter is set downTA

This Lopez, of nation a Portuguese, and suspected to be in
sect secretly a Jew (though here he conformed himself to the
rites of Christian religion),^ for a long time professed physic
in this land; by occasion whereof, — being withal a man very
observant and officious, and of a pleasing and appliable beha-
viour, — in that regard, rather than for any great learning in his
faculty, he grew known and favoured in Court, and was some
years since sworn physician of her Majesty's household ; and by
her Majesty's bounty, of whom he had received divers gifts of
good commodity, was grown to good estate of wealth.

This man had insinuated himself greatly (in regard he was of
the same nation) with the King Antonio, whose causes he pre-
tended to solicit at the Court, especially while he supposed there
was any appearance of his fortune; of whom also he had ob-
tained (as one that referred all his doings to gain) an assigna-
tion of fifty thousand crowns to be levied in Portugal.' But
being a person wholly of a corrupt and mercenary nature, and
finding his hopes cold from that part, he cast his eyes upon a
more able paymaster, and secretly made offer long since^ of his
service to the King of Spain ; and accordingly gave sundry in-
telligences^ of that which passed here, and imported most for
the King of Spain to know ; having no small means, in regard
of his continual attendance at Court, nearness, and access, to
learn many particulars of great weight. Which intelligences

» Harl. MSS. 871, p. 69 b. » Harl. MSS. 871, p. 67.

* As early as let of May, 82 Eliz. (1590), according to the indictment, as given
in the ' Baga do Secrctis/ Soe the Report of the Record Commission, p. 285.

* 31st August, 33 Eliz. (1591). Id. ibid.

1694.] A TEUB REPOET OF DB. LOPEZ HIS TREASON. 279

he entertained with Bemardine Mendoza^ Antonio Vega^ Bode-
rigo Marquez, and divers others.

In the conveyance of which his intelligences and in the making
known of his disposition to do the King of Spain service^ he
had [used] amongst others one Manuel Andrada^^ a Portuguese^
revolted from Don Antonio to the King of Spain ; one that was
discovered to have practised the death of the said Don Antonio^
and to have betrayed him to Bemardine Mendoza. This man
coming hither was for the same his practice (appearing by letters
intercepted) apprehended and committed to prison. Before which
time also there had been by good diligence intercepted other let-
ters, whereby the said Andrada advertised Mendoza that he had
won Dr. Lopez to the King's service ;' but Lopez having under-
standing thereof, and finding means to have secret conference
with Andrada before his examination, persuaded with him to
take the matter upon himself, as if he had invented that adver-
tisement touching Lopez only to procure himself credit with
Mendoza, and to make him conceive weU of his industry and ser-
vice.^ And to move him hereunto, Lopez set before Andrada,
that if he did excuse him he should have credit to work his deli-
very, whereas if he did impeach him he was not like to find any
other means of favour ; by which subtle persuasion Andrada,
when he came to be examined, answered according to the direc-
tion and lessoning which Lopez had given him. Who^ having
thus acquitted himself of this suspicion, became suitor for An-
drada's delivery, craftily suggesting that he was to do some nota-
ble service to Don Antonio ; in which his suit he accordingly
prevailed. When Lopez had thus got Andrada out of prison,
he was suffered to go out of the realm into Spain ; in pretence
(as was said) to do some service to Don Antonio ; but in truth,
to continue Lopez' negotiation and intelligences with the King
of Spain ; which he handled so well, as at his return hither, for
the comforting of the said Lopez, he brought to him from the
King (besides thanks and words of encouragement, and an
Abrazo, which is the complement of favour) a very good jewel
garnished with sundry stones of good value.^ This jewel when

' See Ferrera*s declaration, addressed to Don Antonio, 11th Noyember, 1593,
Harl. MSS. 871, p. 18 ; and his confession, 30th January, p. 33 b.
< Ferrera's confession, 22nd February, 1593. HarL MSS. 871. 40 b.
» Id. ibid. ^^wd.Res.

* 30th November, 34 Elix. (1591). Bag. de Seer. p. 285. According to the

280 LKTTEBS AND LTFB OF FRANCIS BACON. [CHAP.Vin.

Lopez had accepted^ he cunningly cast with himself that if he
should offer it to her Majesty, first he was assured she would not
take it ; next, that thereby he should lay her asleep and make
her secure of him for greater matters, according to the saying,
Fraus sibi fidem in parvis prastruit ut in magnis opprimat;^
which accordingly he did, with protestations of his fidelity : and
her Majesty, as a princess of magnanimity, not apt to fear or
suspicion, returned it to him with gracious words.

After Lopez had thus abused her Majesty, and had these trials
of the fidelity of Andrada, they fell in conference (the matter
being first moved by Andrada, as he that came freshly out of
Spain) touching the empoisoning of the Queen. Which Lopez
(who saw that matter of intelligence without some such particular
service would draw no great reward from the King of Spain,
such as a man that was not needy but wealthy as he was could
find any taste in) assented unto ;^ and to that purpose procured
again this Andrada to be sent over; as well to advertise and as-
sure this matter to the Eang of Spain and his ministers (namely,
to the Count de Fuentes, assistant to the General of the King of
Spain's forces in the Low Countries), as also to capitulate and
contract with him about the certainty of his reward. Andrada
having received those instructions, and being furnished with
money, by Lopez' procurement, from Don Antonio,' about
whose service his employment was believed to be, went over to
Calais ;^ where he remained, to be near unto England and Flan-
ders ; having a boy that ordinarily passed to and fro between him
and Lopez ; by whom he did also, the better to colour his em-
ployment, write to Lopez intelligence, as it was agreed he should
between him and Lopez, who bad him send such news as he
should take up in the streets.* From Calais he writeth to Count
de Fuentes of Lopez' promise and demands. Upon the receipt
of which letters, after some time taken to advertise this proposi-
tion into Spain and to receive direction thereupon, the Count de
Fuentes associated with Stephano Ibarra, secretary of the coun-

Harleian MS., the jewel was sent by Andrada '* about three years past,*' coontinff
back from 22nd Januair, 1593-4 (p. 24). An **abrazo" was sent by Manad
Louis in the summer of 1593. See Ferrera*8 confession, 80th January, 1593, p.
33 ; and Manuel Louis's, p. 43 b.

^ " It is a point of cunning to be faithful in little things that you may have an
opportunity of being treacherous in great."

« 20th February, 1592-3. ' Harl. MSS. 871, p. 68 b.

* 30th April, 1593. » HarL MSS. 871. 68 b.

1694.] A TEUB EEPOET OF DE. LOPEZ HIS TEEASON. 281

sel of the wars in the Low Countries^ calleth to him one Manael
Louys Tinoco, a Portuguese, who had also followed King Antonio^
and of whose good devotion he had had experience, in that he
had conveyed unto him two several packets, wherewith he was
trusted by the King Antonio for France.^ Of this Louys they
first received a corporal oath, with solemn ceremony, taking his
hands between their hands, that he should keep secret that which
should be imparted to him, and never reveal the same, though he
should be apprehended and questioned here.* This done, they
acquaint him with the letters of Andrada, with whom they charge
him to confer at Calais in his way, and to pass to Lopez into
England ; addressing him further to Stephano Ferrera de Gama,
and signifying unto the said Lopez withal (as from the King) that
he gave no great credence to Andrada, as a person too slight to
be used in a cause of so great weight ; and therefore marvelled
much that he heard nothing from Ferrera of this matter;^ from
whom he had in former time been advertised in generality of
Lopez' good affection to do him service. This Ferrera had been
sometimes a man of great livelihood and wealth in Portugal,
which he did forego in adhering to Don Antonio, and appeareth
to be a man of a capacity and practice ; but hath some years
since been secretly won to the service of the King of Spain ; not
travelling nevertheless to and fro, but residing as his lieger in
England.

Manuel Louys, dispatched with these instructions and with all
affectionate commendations from the Count to Lopez and with
letters to Ferrera, took his journey first to Calais, where he con-
ferred with Andrada; of whom receiving more ample informa-
tion, together with a short ticket of credence to Lopez,* that he
was a person whom he mought trust without scruple, [he] came
over into England : and first repaired to Ferrera, and acquainted
him with the state of the business ;^ who had before that time

» HarL MSS. 871, p. 42.

' There seems to be a slight error here ; for the ceremony of the oath appears to
haye taken place on the 9th of December, 1593 (see Manuel Lewis's confession,
HarL MSS. 871, p. 43), whereas we are now in August. It is to be obseorred that
Manuel Louis's consent to confess was not yoluntaiy. It was not until he had
been '* brought to the manacles, and saw '* (says the writer of the Harleian MS.)
" that we were in good earnest," that he offeiwd to confess. Haying once, howeyer,
abandoned his resolution to ctmfess nothing, he seems to haye confessed all without
further constraint, and in writing. See p. 42 b.

^ See his yoluntary declaration in writmg, p. 46.

* Confessed both by Ferrera, p. 33 b, and Manuel Louis, 43 b.

^ 4th September, 35 £liz. (1593). Bag. de Sec. p. 286.

282 LETTBES AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VHI.

given some light unto Lopez, that he wlus not a stranger unto the
practice between him and Audrada ; wherewith indeed Andrada
had in a sort acquainted him.^ And now upon this new dispatch
and knowledge given to Lopez of the choice of Ferrera to con-
tinue that which Andrada had begun, he, to conform himself the
better to the satisfaction of the King of Spain and his ministers
abroad, was content more fully to communicate with Ferrera,
with whom, from that time forward, he meant singly and apertly
to deal ; and therefore cunningly forbare to speak with Manuel
Louys himself; but concluded that Ferrera should be his only
trunk, and all his dealings should pass through his hands ; think-
ing thereby to have gone invisible.

Whereupon he cast with himself, that it was not [so] safe to
use the mediation of Manuel Louys, who had been made privy to
the matter, as some base carrier of letters; which letters also
should be written in a cipher ; not of alphabet, but of words ;
such as mought, if they were opened, import no vehement suspi-
cion. And therefore Manuel Louys was sent back with a s^ort
answer,* and Lopez purveyed himself of a base fellow, a Portu-
guese called Gomez d'Avila, dwelling hard by Lopez' house, to
convey his letters. After this messenger provided, it was agreed
between Lopez and Ferrera^ that letters should be sent to the
Count de Puentes and Secretary Ibarra,* written and signed by
Ferrera (for Lopez cautelously did forbear to write himself), but
directed and indeed dictated word by word by Lopez himself.*^
The contents thereof were, that Lopez was ready to execute that
service to the King which before had been treated, but required
for his recompense the sum of 50,000 crowns, and assurance for
the same.

These letters were written obscurely (as was touched) in terms
of merchandise; to which obscurity when Ferrera excepted,
Lopez answered, they knew his meaning by that which had
passed before.^ Ferrera wrote also to Manuel Louys, but charged
this Gomez to deliver the same letters unto him in the presence

* Manuel Louis's yoluntaiy declaration. Harl. MSS. 871. 45.

^ 5th September, 85 Eliz. (1593). Indictment of Emmanuel Lewis TTnooo.
Bag. de Sec. p. 286.
3 17th September, 1593. Bag. de Sec. p. 285.

* Juarra in * Besuscitatio,* and so throughout, except upon the first mention of
the name, p. 112.

* Confessed by Lopes himself. Harl. MSS. 871, p. 32.

* Ferrera*s confession, 18th February, 1593-4, p. 39 b.

1594.] A TRUE REPOBT OF DB. LOPEZ niS TREASON. 288

of Ibarra; as also the letter to Ibarra in the presence of Mannel
Louys.* And these letters were delivered to Gomez d^Avila to
be carried to Bruxells^ and a passport procured^ and his charges
defrayed^ by Lopez. And Ferrera^ the more to approve his in-
dustry, writ letters two several times (the one conveyed by Ema-
nuel Pallacios'), with the privity of Lopez, to Christophero Moro,
a principal counsellor of the King of Spain, in Spain, signifying
that Lopez was won to the King of Spain, and that he was ready
to receive his commandment; and received a letter firom the
same Christophero Moro in answer to one of these, which he
shewed unto Lopez.^ In the meantime Lopez, though a man
(in semblance) of a heavy wit, — yet indeed subtle of himself, as
one trained in practice, and besides as wily as fear and covetous-
ness could make him,-^hought to provide for himself (as was
partly touched before) as many starting-holes and evasions as he
could devise, if any of these matters should come to light.^ And
first he took his time to cast forth some general words afar off to
her Majesty, as asking her the qnestion, WMtberjLikcswer might
not be deceived? Whereof her Majesty (not imagining thesei
worSs^tended tcTsuch end as to warrant him colourably in this!
wretched conspiracy, but otherwise of her own natural disposition j
bent to integrity and sincerity) uttered dislike and disallowance* v
Next, he thought he had wrought a great mystery in demanding
the precise sum of 50,000 crowns, agreeing just with the sum of
assignation or donation from Don Antonio; idly and in that^
grossly imagining that if afterwards he should accept the same
sum, he mought excuse it as made good by the King of Spain, in
regard he desisted to follow and favour Don Antonio, whereupon
the King of Spain was in honour tied not to see him a loser.^
Thirdly, in his conferences with Ferrera when he was apposed upon
the particular manner how he would poison her Majesty, he pur-
posely named unto him a syrup, knowing that her Majesty never
useth syrup ;^ and therefore thinking that would prove an high
point for his justification, if things should come in any question.

' Confessed by GK>mez at his first apprehension, p. 80 b.
2 Ferrera*8 first confession, 11th November, 1593-4, p. 17 b.

* Ferrera*8 examination, 22nd January, 1593-4, p. 22 ; also Lopei*s, p. 23.

* So in * Besusoitatio ;* qy. indeed,

* '* And saith, moreover, that the Doctor gave him the provision of fifty thou-
sand crowns, which he had of the King Antonio, after a dissembling manner, to
cover this matter." Ferrera*s confession, 22nd February, p. 41 b.

' Lopez's confession, 25th February, p. 50 b.

284 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FEANCI8 BACON. [Chap. VHI.

Bat all this while desirous after his prey^ which he had in
hope devoured^ he did instantly importune Ferrera for the an-
swering of his last dispatch ; finding the delay strange^ and reite-
rating the protestations of his readiness to do the service^ if he
were assured of his money .^

Now before the return of Gomez d'Avila into England^ this
Stephen Ferrera was discovered to have intelligence with the
enemy ; but so as the particulars of his traffic and overtures ap-
peared not. Only it seemed there was great account made of
that he managed ; and thereupon he was committed to prison.'
Soon after arrived Gomez d'Avila^ and brought letters only from
Manuel Louys, by the name of Francesco de Thores ;^ because (as
it seemeth) the great persons on the other side had a contrary
disposition to Lopez^ and liked not to write by so base a messen-
ger^ but continued their course to trust and employ Manuel
Louys himself^ who in likelihood was retained till they mought re-
ceive a full conclusion from Spain ; which was not till about two
months after. This Gomez was apprehended at his landings and
about him were found the letters aforesaid^ written in jargon
or verbal cipher, but yet somewhat suspiciousTln these^mjrds :
" This Ibearer will tell you the price in which your pearls are es-
teemed, and in what resolution we rest about a little musk and
amber, which I am determined to buy."* Which words the said
Manuel Louys afterwards voluntarily confessed to be deciphered
in this sort, that by the allowance of the pearls he meant that the
' Count de Fuentes and the Secretary did gladly accept the offer of
Lopez to poison the Queen, signified by Ferrera^s letter ; and for
\ the provision of amber and musk, it was meant, that the Count
looked shortly for a resolution from the King of Spain concem-
j ing a matter of importance ; which was for burning of the Queen's
ships, and another point tending to the satisfaction of their vin-
x' dicative humour.^ _^

But while the sense of this former letter ^^;ested ambiguouSjX
and that no direct particular was confessed by Ferrera, nor suffi-
cient light given to ground any rigorous examination of him,

1 80th October, 85 Eliz. (1598). Bag. de See. p. 286. See also Ferrera's con-
fession, 22nd February, p. 41 b.

2 This was about the middle of October, 1593. Harl. MSS. 671, p. 7.

s Written at Brussels, 26th October, 35 Eliz. (1593). Bag. de Sec. p. 287.

* This letter (dated 5th December, 1593) is quoted at length, Harl. MSS. 871,
p. 11.

* This was the killing of Antonio Perez. HarL MSS. 871. 52.

I

( t

1594.] A TRUE EEPOBT OF DR. LOPEZ HIS TREASON. 285

Cometh over Manuel Louys with the resolution from Spain ;^ who
first understanding of Ferrera^s restraint^ and therefore doubting
how far things were discovered, to shadow the matter, like a cun-
ning companion, gave advertisement of an intent he had to do
service, and hereupon obtained a passport.^ But after his coming
in, he made no haste to reveal anything, but thought to dally and
abuse in some other sort. And while the light was thus in the
clouds, there was also intercepted a little ticket whichFferrera in
prison had found means to write, in care to conceal Lopez, and
(to keep him out of danger) to give a caveat of staying all further
answers and advertisements in these causes. Whereupon Lopez
was first called in question.'

But in conclusion, this matter being with ail assiduity and
policy more and more pierced and mined into, first, there was
won from Manuel Louys his letters from the Count de Fuentes
and Secretary Ibarra to Ferrera, in both which mention is made
of the Queen^s death ; in that of the Count's, under the term of
a Commission ; and in that of the Secretary's, under the term of
the Great Service, whereof should arise an universal benefit to
the whole world. Also the letters of credit written by Gonsalo
Gomez,* one to Pedro de Carrera, and the other to Juan Pallacio,
to take up a sum of money by Emanuel Louys, by the foresaid
false name of Fr. de Thores ; letters so large, and in a manner
without limitation, as any sum by virtue thereof mought be taken
up.^ Which letters were delivered to Louys by the Count de
Fuentes' own hand, with directions to show them to Lopez for
his assurance ; a matter of God's secret working in staying the
same ; for thereupon rested only the execution of tEeTacr of
Lopez. Upon so narrow a point consisted the safety of her Ma-
jesty's life, already sold by avarice to malice and ambition, Chut
extraordinarily preserved by that watchman which never slum-
bereth^ This same Emanuel Louys, and Stephen Ferrera also
(whereof the one managed the matter abroad, and the other re-
sided here to give correspondence) never meeting after Emanuel

1 He left BrusselB for London on the 26th of December, 1593. Bag. de Sec.
p. 287.

^ i,e, to come oyer firom Paris ; with request that his coming might be kept
secret. Harl. MSS. 871, p. 19 b.

» 2l8t of January, 1593-4. Harl. MSS. 871. 19.

* Dated 6th December, 1593.

* Copies of all those letters are given (in translation) in the Harl. MSS. pp. 27,
28, 31, 32.

286 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VIIL

had returned, severally examined without torture or threatening^^
did in the end voluntarily and clearly confess the matters above-
mentioned, and in their confessions fully consent and concur, not
only in substance, but in all points, particularities, and circum-
stances ; which confessions appear expressed in their own Diatural
language, testified and subscribed with their own hands^ and in
open assembly, at the arraignment of Lopez in the Guildhall,'
were by them confirmed and avouched to Lopez his face; and
therewithal are extant, undefaced, the original letters from Count
de Fuentes, Secretary Ibarra, and the rest.

And Lopez himself at his first apprehension and examination
did indeed deny, and deny with deep and terrible oaths and exe-
crations, the very conferences and treaties with Ferrera or An-
drada about the empoisonment. And being demanded, if they
were proved against him, what he would say? he answered,
that he would yield himself guilty of the fact intended. Never-
theless, being afterwards confronted by Ferrera, who constantly
maintained to him all that he said, reducing him to the times
and places of the said conferences, h^L-Confieaaed the_matter ; as
by his confession in writing, signed with his own hand, appeareth.^
But then he fell to that slender evasion, as his last refuge,
that he meant only to cozen the King of Spain of the money ;^
and in that he continued at his arraignment ; when notwithstand-
ing at the first he did retract his own confession ; and yet being
asked whether he was drawn either by mean of torture or pro-
mise of life to make the same confession, he did openly testify
that no such means was used towards him.

But the falsehood of this excuse, being an allegation that any
traitor may use and provide for himself, is convicted by three
notable proofs. The first, that he never opened this matter,
neither unto her Majesty, unto whom he had ordinary access,
nor to any counsellor of state, to have permission to toll on and
inveigle these parties with whom he did treat, if it had been
thought so convenient ; wherein percase he had opportunity to
have done some good service for the further discovery of their

^ Thoueh EmaDuel Louys had been induced by fear of torfcure in the first in-
stance to aispense with his oath of secrecy, he made no further difficulty, but con-
fessed ererytning freely and without reserve. See p. 45.

« On the 28th of February, 1593-4.

' See his confession, 25th February. Harl. MSS. 871. 50.

* See his confession, 30th January (p. 84), and again 9th February (p. 35).

1594.] A TBUB EEPORT OF DB. LOPEZ HIS TREASON. 287

secret machinations against her Majesty's life. The second^ that
he came too late to this shift ; having first bewrayed his guilty
conscience^ in denying those treaties and conferences till they
were evidently and manifestly proved to his face. The thirds
that in conferring with Ferrera about the manner of his assur-
ance/ he thought it better to have the money in the hands of
such merchants as he should name in Antwerp^ than to have it
brought into England; declaring his purpose to be^ after the
fact donCi speedily to fly to Antwerp^ and there to tarry some
time, and so to convey himself to Constantinople ;' where it is
affirmed, that Don Salomon, a Jew in good credit, is Lopez his
near kinsman, and that he is greatly favoured by the said Don
Salomon : whereby it is evident that Lopez had cast his reckon-
ings upon the supposition of the fact done.

Thus. may appear, both how jjistlj^this Jjopez'Jgj»ndemned
for the highest treason that c&n be imagined; and how by God's
marvellous goodness her Majesty 15atE~ been preserved. And
surely, if a man do duly consider, it is hard to say whether God
hath done greater things by her Majesty or for her ; if you ob-
serve on the one side how God hath ordained her government to
break and cross the unjust ambition of the two mighty poten-
tates, the King of Spain and the Bishop of Rome, never so straitly
between themselves combined : and on the other side how mightily
God hath protected her both against foreign invasion and inward
troubles, and singularly against the many secret conspiracies that
have been made against her life ; thereby declaring to the world
that he will indeed preserve that instrument which he hath magni-
fied. But the corruptions of these times are wonderful, when
tEat wars, which are the highest trials of right between princes
(that acknowledge no superior jurisdiction), and ought to be prose-
cuted with all honour, shall be stained and infamed with such foul
and inhuman practices. Wherein if so great a king hath been
named, the rule of the civil law (which is a rule of common rea-
son) must be remembered ; Frustra legis auanlium implorat, qui
in legem committit. He that hath sought to violate the Majesty
royal in the highest degree, cannot claim the pre-eminence thereof
to be exempted from just imputation.

1 On the 30th of October, 1593. Bag. de Sec. p. 286.

2 Ferrera*8 oonfessioD, 22nd February. HarL MSS. 871. 41 b. See also, p. 50.
' Lopes was condemned on the 28th of February, 1593-4.

288 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap-VUL

4.

Of the use which was made of this paper we have no account
nor of the impression made on the Queen by Bacon's professional
successes during the preceding term. All we know is that the effect
was not decisive in his favour. Though at the end of March the law
places were still unfilled, it seems to have been now understood that
Coke was to be Attorney. Essex's " uttermost credit, friendship,
and authority " had been spent in opposing that resolution, but spent
in vain. He had only succeeded in procuring a long delay, which was
itself anything but a benefit ; and he was content at last to be a
suitor on his friend's behalf for that which two months before he had
disdained to hear of, — the Solicitorship.^ In this secondary suit how-
ever he seemed to have every prospect of prevailing. Among Bacon's
competitors for the Solicitorship, there was none eminent enough to be
even talked of as a formidable rival. Among the councillors and
courtiers there was none conspicuous enough to have been mentioned
by name as opposing him. The list of his declared supporters, on
the other hand, included Essex, Burghley, the Lord Keeper, the new
Master of the Eolls, the Vice-Chamberlain, and all the Judges, —
whose interest was now united in his favour. But though the accesso-
ries were so much changed to his advantage, the original and real
impediment remained where it was, and as it was. His conduct in
the last Parliament had neither been forgotten nor explained nor
forgiven ; and it must be admitted that his own subsequent behaviour
had done nothing either to efface the remembrance or to alter the
significance of it. Much as he had lamented the displeasure which
it had provoked in the Queen, he had never yet acknowledged it as
a fault in himself, and therefore it is but justice to admit that if she
had a right to resent it as an offence when it was committed (which
I think she had not), she had a right to continue her resentment still,
as for an offence which had not been repented of. And to this ob-
struction in the Queen's will (which I have no doubt was the main
hindrance to Bacon's promotion) there was probably added a secret
current of opposition from another will as strong as her own — ^namely
Coke's; whose position and reputation and overruling confidence
(sweetened as in those days it was with a reverence for the Majesty
royal quite sufficient to make it palatable) would give him many op-
portunities of influencing her judgment in the choice of a law-officer ;
and who certainly disliked Bacon, and held him cheap both as to ac-

* See the next letter, where he writes, *' She said none thought jou fit for the
phioe hut my Lord Treasurer and myself." Now, when the Attorneyship was in
question, she hail reminded Essex that Bacon's " own uncle named him hut to a
second flace^^

1694.] CANVASS FOK THE SOLICITORSHIP. 289

quirements and abilities, and I dare say really thought him unfit for
the place. Nor must it be forgotten among Bacon's disadvantages
that, being still denied access to the Queen, he had no means of
speaking for himself.

Under such conditions the suit commenced. How it proceeded
the following letters, which need no further elucidation, will show.

The Earl op Essex to Francis Bacon.^

Sir,
I have received your letter, and since I have had opportunity to deal
freely with the Queen. I have dealt confidently with her, as of a matter
wherein I did more labour to overcome her delays than that I did fear her
denial. I told her how much you were thrown down with the correction
she had already given you ; that she might in that point hold herself al-
ready satisfied. And because I found that Tanfield had been most pro-
pounded to her, I did most disable him. I find the Queen very reserved,
staying herself from giving any kind of hope, yet not passionate against
you till I grew passionate for you. Then she said that none thought you
fit for the place but my lord Treasurer and myself ; marry the others must
some of them say [so] before us for fear or for flattery. I told her the
most and wisest of her Council had delivered their opinions, and preferred
you before all men for that place. And if it would please her Majesty to
think that whatsoever they said contrary to their own words when they
spake without witness, might be as factiously spoken as the other way flat-
teringly, she should not be deceived. Tet if they had been never for you,
but contrarily against you, I thought my credit, joined with the approba-
tion and mediation of her greatest counsellors, might prevail in a greater
matter than this ; and urged her that though she could not signify her
mind to others, I might have a secret promise ; wherein I should receive
great comfort, as in the contrary great unkindness. She said she neither
was persuaded nor would hear of it till Easter, when she might advise
with her Council, who were now all absent ; and therefore in passion bade
me go to bed, if I would talk of nothing else. Wherefore in passion I
went away, saying while I was with her I could not but solicit for the
cause and the man I so muobaflected, and therefore I would retire myself
till I might be more graciously heard. And so we parted. To-morrow
I will go hence of purpose, and on Thursday I will write an expostulating
letter to her. That night or upon Friday morning I will be here again,
and follow on the same course, stirring a discontentment in her, etc. And
so wish you all happiness, and rest

Your most assured friend,

Essex.

^ Lambeth MSS. 660. 90. Copy : docketed, *' Copie de la Ire. de mons' le Compte
d'Essex a mons' Francois Bacon, le 28 de Mars, 1594." But as the 28th was a
Thursday and this cannot have been written later in the week than Tuesday (see the
last sentence but one), the true date is probably the 26th.

VOL. I. U

290 LETTEE8 AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. VIII.

The Earl of Essex to Francis Bacon. ^

Sir,
I have now spoken with the Queen, and I [see] no stay from obtain-
ing a fall resolution of that we desire. But the passion she is in by reason
of the tales that have been told her against Nicholas Clifibrd, witii whom
she is in such rage for a matter which I think yon have heard of,' it doth
put her infinitely out of quiet ; and her passionate humour is nourished by
some foolish women ; else I find nothing to distaste us ; for she doth not
contradict confidently, which they that know the minds of women say is a
sign of yielding. I will tomorrow take more time to deal with her, and
will sweeten her with all the art I haye to make henevolum auditorem, I
have already spoken with Mr. Vice-Chamberlain,' and will tomorrow speak
with the rest. Of Mr. Vice-Chamberlain you may assure yourself; for so
much he hath faithfully promised. The exceptions against the competitors
I wifi' use tomorrow ; for then I do resolve to have a full and large dis-
course ; haying prepared the Queen to-night to assign me a time under
colour of some such business as I have pretended. In the meantime I
must tell you that I do not respect either my absence or my showing a dis-
contentment in going away ; for I was received at my return, and I think
I shall not be the worse. And for that I am oppressed with multitude of
letters that are come, of which I must give the Queen some account to-
morrow morning, and therefore desire to be excused for writing no more
to-night, to-morrow you shall hear from me again. I wish you what you
wish yourself in this and all things else, and rest

Tour most affectionate friend.

This Friday at night. Essex.

Francis Bacon to the Earl of Essex.^

My Lord,

I thank your Lordship very much for your kind and comfort-
able letter, which I hope will be followed at hand with another of
more assurance. And I must confess this very delay hath gone so
near me, as it hath almost overthrown my health. For when I re-
volved the good memory of my father, the near degree of alliance
I stand in to my Lord Treasurer, your Lordship's so signalled
and declared favour, the honourable testimony of so many coun-

1 Lambeth MSS. 650. 89. Copy : docketed, '< le 29»* de Mars." Addresaed,
" To my assured good friend, Mr. Francis Bacon, Esquier."

' Some love-affair, probably. On the 5th of April, Anthony Standen tells An-
thony Bacon, amon^ other news, that *' Sir Nic. Clifford is in the Tower, and his
dear darling Dnur in the Fleet." — ^Birch, i. 169.

' Sir Thomas Heneage.

* Lambeth MSS. 650. 62. Copy : docketed, *' Lre. de Mons' Francois Bacon a
Mons' le Compte d'Essex, le S0"« de Mars, 1593.**

1594.] PLANS IN CASE OF BEJKCTION. 291

sellors^ the commendation unlaboured and in sort offered by my
Lords the Judges and the Master of the Bolls elect ; that I was
voiced with great expectation^ and (though I say it myself) with
the wishes of most men^ to the higher place ; that I am a man
that the Queen hath already done for ; and princes^ especially
her Majesty, loveth to make an end where they begin ; and then
add hereunto the obscureness and many exceptions to my com-
petitors ; when (I say) I revolve all this, I cannot but conclude
with myself that no man ever received a more exquisite disgrace.
And therefore truly, my Lord, I was determined, and am deter-
mined, if her Majesty reject me, this to do. My nature can take
no evil ply ; but I will by God's assistance, with this disgrace of
my fortune, and yet with that comfort of the good opinion of so
many honourable and worthy persons, retire myself with a couple
of men to Cambridge, and there spend my life in my studies and
contemplations, without looking back. I humbly pray your
Lordship to pardon me for troubling you with my melancholy.
For the matter itself, I commend it to your love. Only I pray
you communicate afresh this day with my Lord Treasurer and
Sir Robert Cecil ; and if you esteem my fortune, remember the
point of precedency. The objections to my competitors your
Lordship knoweth partly. I pray spare them not, not over the
Queen, but to the great ones, to show your confidence and to
work their distaste. Thus longing exceedingly to exchange trou-
bling your Lordship with serving you, I rest

Your Lordship's,
In most entire and faithful duty,

F. B.

I humbly pray your Lordship I may hear from you sometime
this day.

The next day was Easter Sunday. On the following Wednesday
Bacon had a long conversation with the Earl at Essex House, where
they met after supper. " Yet" (says the reporter,* who was present)
'^ I see no conclusion ; though the other two" (meaning Egerton and
Coke) " have their warrants signed ; a thing as much bringing this
great man's credit in question as any other he hath managed all this
time."

The next letter, which has no date, but appears to have been writ-
1 A. Standen, 5th ApriL Lambeth MSS. 660. 111.

U 2

292 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap.VUI.

ten on the 7th of April, introduces the Lord Keeper (who had for-
merly stood rather in the way — see Burghley's letter of the 27th of
Septemher, p. 257) as a supporter of Bacon's claims ; at the request,
it would seem, of Sir Thomas Egerton.

Francis Bacon to the Lord Keeper Puckering.^

My very good Lord^

Sir Thomas Egerton failing of your Lordship being newly
gone, sent his letter to me to see conveyed unto you^ which I
send enclosed ; desiring your Lordship^ according to your kind
affection^ to make the best use thereof for my furtherance. And
I pray your Lordship to call to remembrance my Lord Treasurer's
kind course^ who affirmed directly all the rest to be unfit. And
because vis unita fortiori I pray your Lordship to take a time
with the Queen when my Lord Treasurer is present. Thus in
hope to-morrow will bring forth some good efiect, I rest.

Your Lordship's in ail humble duty and service,

Fr. Bacon.

That nothing should be done without Burghley's presence was a
point upon which Bacon laid particular stress. Unfortunately Burgh-
ley was just about this time seized with an illness^ which confined
him to his room. It was necessary therefore to suspend all further
proceedings in Bacon's behalf till he were weU enough to come to
Court again. The day on which the next letter was written was pro-
bably the * to-morrow' of the last.

Francis Bacon to Lord Keeper Puckering.^
My very good Lord,

Because I understand your Lordship remaineth at Court all
this day, and that my Lord of Essex writeth to me that his
Lordship cometh to London, I thought good to remember your
good Lordship, and to request you, as I touched it in my last,
that if my Lord Treasurer be absent, your Lordship would for-
bear to fall into my business with her Majesty, lest it mought
receive some foil before the time when it should be resolutely
dealt in. And so commending myself to your good favour, I

1 Harl. MSS. 6996. 101. Original : own hand.

3 A. Standen to A. Bacon, 7th April. Birch, i. 169.

» HarL MSS. 6996, t 97. Original : own hand.

1594.] DELAY OWING TO THE ILLNESS OF BURGHLEY. 293

most humbly take my leave. Prom Gray^s Inn, this 8th of
April, 1594.

Your Lordship's in all humble duty and service,

Fr. Bacon.

Burghley*B illness confined him for several days; during which
Egerton and Coke had their patents for their respective offices made
out and delivered (10th April) : no resolution being taken as to the
Solicitorship.

All this time, the Queen had been so far from holding out any
definite hope to Bacon, except such as he might derive from the
hopes entertained for him by his more sanguine friends, that she had
not even consented to admit him to an interview. The privilege of
" access " seems still to have been as far off as the Solicitorship. And
it was probably in the hope of overcoming at length this preliminary
obstacle, that he was recommended on the 19th of April to go down
to Greenwich, where the Queen bad been keeping her Easter ; which
he did, as we learn from the foUowing letter.

Francis Bacon to Lord Keeper Puckering.

My very good Lord,

I was wished to be here ready in expectation of some good
effect ; and therefore I commend my fortune to your Lordship's
kind and honourable furtherance. My affection inclineth me to
be much [your] Lordship's ; and ray course and way, in all rea-
son and policy for myself, leadeth me to the same dependence ;
hereunto if there shall be joined your Lordship's obligation in
dealing stroogly for me as you have begun, no man can be more
yours. A timorous man is everybody's, and a covetous man is
his own. But if your Lordship consider my nature, my course,
my friends, my opinion with her Majesty (if this eclipse of her
favour were past), I hope you will think I am no unlikely piece
of wood to shape you a true servant of. My present thankful-
ness shall be as much as I have said. I humbly take my leave.
From Greenwich, this 19th of April, 1594.

Your Lordship's true humble servant,

Fr. Bacon.

Whatever the "good effect" may have been, in expectation of
which he went, he seems to have come back without success. Term
1 Harl. MSS. 6996. 99. Original : own hand.

294 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap.VIIL

had just begun, and he had a cause to argue the next week ; probablj
the great cause of Perpetuities, which came on this term for a second
hearing before all the Judges in the Exchequer ; Bacon appearing for
the defendant ;' and I suppose it was in preparations for this that he
was engaged, when he received the two foUowing communications ;
the first from Essex's secretary, the second from Essex himself.

Thomas Smyth to Francis Bacon.^

Sir,
My Lord being in the midst of the solemnity of this sapper, and so
detained from writing himself, hath commanded me to signify thus much
unto you : that her Majesty hath promised Mr. Vice-Chamberlain on
Wednesday or Thursday next to speak with you ; and therefore his Lord-
ship adviseth you by a letter to Mr. Yice-Chamberlain to take knowledge
of it and to thank him for the good offices performed in your behalf. An-
other point that he commendeth to your remembrance is, that you omit not
to do that which you intended to do on Saturday next, because her Ma-
jesty is made acquainted therewith, and, as I think his Lordship said to
me, expecteth it ; and my Lord and Mr. Yice-Chamberlain will be there
present.

Thus haying delivered you his sense in his own words as near as I can,
I wish you all good, will be ready to do you any service, and rest.

At your commandment,

Tho. Smtth.

From Greenwich, this Monday at night.

The Earl of Essex to Francis Baxjon.'
Sir,
The Queen did yesternight fly the tilt, and I do wish, if it be no impe-
diment to the cause you do handle tomorrow, you did attend again this af-
ternoon. I will be at the Court in the evening, and so will Mr. Yioe-
Chamberlain, so as if you fail before we come, yet afterwards I doubt not
but he or I shall bring you together.

^ " This case was argued many times at the bar in the King's Bench on both
sides ; and because the case was diiBcult and of great oonsequenoe and importance,
it was thought necessary that all the Justices of England shoidd openly, in the Ex-
chequer Chamber, upon solemn argument, show their opinion in this case. And
afterwards (Ter. Hil. 86 Eliz.) this case was argued in the Exchequer Cumber,
before all the Justices of England, by Hugh Wiat, ex parte querent', and by Coke,
the Queen's Solicitor-G^end, ex parte c^end\ And afterward, in Easter Term
following, by Bob. Atkinson, ex parte quer.y and by Francis Bacon, ex parte
def. ; but I did not hear their arguments." — Coke's Beports, i. 121. For a report
of the argimient itself^ see Works, vol. Tii. p. 615.

2 Lambeth MSS. 650. 115. Copy. "Le 22«« d'Avril, 1594."
Lambeth MSS. 650. 109. Original: own hand. No date; but docketed,
*< Becey^ le 24«< d'Ayrill, 1594." The 24th was Wednesday.

1594.] FUBTHEB DELAY : ESSEX IN ECLIPSE. 295

This I write in haste, because I would have no opportunity omitted in
this matter of access. I wish to you as to myself, and rest,

Your most affectionate friend,

ESSBX.

5.

This matter of access was no doubt a point of great importance to
Bacon ; for it is impossible to read the history of this tediouB and
vexatious negotiation without suspecting some want of judgment in
those who managed it, and wishing that he could have said a few
words for himself in his own way. The compliment with which Es-
sex usually concluded his letters to his friends, " I wish to you as to
myself/' was in this case, I have no doubt, a true and sincere expres-
sion of what he felt. I have no doubt that he not only wished but
acted for Bacon as he would have acted for himself. But in that very
thing lay the mischief; for he did not act wisely for either. What
particular mistake he made on this occasion we are not informed ;
but the next thing we hear is that both he and the Vice-Chamberlain,
whose joint influence was to have brought about the reconciliation
between Bacon and the Queen, were themselves under a cloud ; and
Bacon was fain to request his other friends to use their influence,
not to expedite but to delay, the appointment of a Solicitor ; for a
resolution taken just then would probably have gone in favour of
some one else. This we learn from a letter to Sir Bobert Cecil, dated
a week after the last.

Francis Bacon to Sir Robert Cecil.^

My right honourable good Cousin^

Your Honour in your wisdom doth well perceive that my
access at this time is grown desperate^ in regard of the hard
terms that as well the Earl of Essex as Mr. Vice-Chamberlain,
who were to have been the means thereof, stand in with her Ma-
jesty, according to their occasions. And therefore I am only to
stall upon that point of delaying and preserving the matter entire
till a better constellation. Which, as it is not hard, as I con-
ceive, considering the French business and the instant progress,
etc., so I commend in special to your Honour's care, who in sort
assured me thereof, and upon [whom] now in my Lord of Es-
sex's absence I have only to rely. And if it be needful, I humbly

^ Lambeth MSS. 660. 126. OriginAl : own band.

296 LETTERS AND LIFE OP PBANCIS BACON. [Chap. VIII.

pray you to move my Lord your father to lay his sure hand to
the same delay. And so I wish you all increase of honour. From
Gray's Inn^ this 1st of May, 1594.

Your Honour's poor kinsman

In faithful service and duty,

Francis Bacon.

Then follows Sir Bobert Cecil's answer, written on the same page,
in his own hand.

Cousin,
I do think nothing cut the throat more of your present access then
the EarFs being somewhat troubled at this time. For the delaying, I
think it not hard, neither shall there want my best endeavour to make it
easy, of which I hope you shall not need to doubt by the judgment which
I gather of divers circumstances confirming my opinion. I protest I suffer
with you in mind, that you are thus yet gravelled ; but time will founder
all your competitors and set you on your feet, or else I have Httle under-
standing.

A few days after, Essex himself wrote to Puckering, to the same
effect.!

My Lord,
My short stay at the Court made me fail of speaking with your Lord-
ship. Therefore I must write that which myself had told you. That is,
that your Lordship will be pleased to forbear pressing for a Solicitor ; since
now there is no cause towards the end of a term to call for it, and because
the absence of Mr. Bacon's friends may be much to his disadvantage. I
wish your Lordship all happiness, and rest.

Your Lordship's very assured to be commanded,

Esssx.

Wanstead, this 4th of May.

After remaining in eclipse about three weeks, Essex reappeared at
Court, and found the Queen ready to be reconciled. It appears that
he bad been unwell, a thing not unfrequent with liim ; and he knew
how to use his illnesses as means of reconciliation. It was probably
upon this consideration that, instead of sending or waiting for him,
she now paid him a visit herself. The result of the interview he shall
tell in his own words.

> Harl. MSS. vol. 6996. 140. Original : own hand.

1S94.] ESSEX VISITED BY THE QUEEN. 297

Earl of Essex to Francis Bacon.^

Sir,
I wrote not to yon till I had had a second conference with the Qaeen,
hecaose the first was spent only in compliments. She in the beginning ex-
cepted all business. This day she hath seen me again. After I had fol-
lowed her humour in talking' of those things which she would entertain me
with, I told her in my absence I had written to Sir Eobert Cecil, to solicit
her to call you to that place which all the world had named you to ; and
now being here, I must follow it myself; for I knew what service I should
do her in procuring you the place ; and she knew not how great comfort I
should take in it. Her answer in playing jest was that she came not to
me for that ; I should talk of those things when I came to her, not when
she came to me ; the term was coming and she would advise. I would
have replied, but she stopped my mouth. To-morrow or the next day I
will go to her, and then this excuse will be taken away. When I know
more, you shall hear more. And so I end, full of pain in my head, which
makes me write thus confusedly.

Your most affectionate friend,

ESSBX.

His next report, if the dockets are to be trusted (which are not
always correct), was written five days later, and runs thus : —

The Same to the Same.^

Sir,
I went yesterday to the Queen through the galleries in the morning,
afternoon, and at night. I had long speech with her of you ; wherein I
urged both the point of your extraordinary sufficiency, proved to me not only
by your last argument,^ but by the opinion of all men I spake withal, and
the point of mine own satisfaction, which I protested to her should be ex-
ceeding great, if for all her unkindnesses and discomforts past she would
do this one thing for my sake.

To the first she answered, that the greatness of ydur friends, as of my
Lord Treasurer and myself, did make men give a more favourable testi-
mony than else they would do, thinking thereby they pleased us. And that
she did acknowledge you had a great wit, and an excellent gift of speech,
and much other good learning. But in law she rather thought you could
make show to the uttermost of your knowledge, than that you were deep.
To the second, she said she had showed her mislike of the suit as well as I

* Lambeth MSS. 650. 122. Copy : docketed, << Copie de la Ire. de Mons' le
Ck>mpte a Mons' Francois Bacon, le 13"*« de May, 1594."

' A blank is left between these words in the MS., as for a word which the tran-
scriber could not read.

> Lambeth MSS. 650, f. 123. Copy : docketed, ** Copie de la Ire. de Mons' le
Compte d'Essex a Mons' Francois Bacon, le 18""* de Ma^, 1594.*'

* in Chudleigh's case, probably. See Coke*8 Beports, L 121.

298 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BAOON. [Cbap.TIU.

had done my affection in it ; and that if there were a pelding, it was fitter
to be of my ride. I then added that this was an answer with which she
might deny me all things if she did not grant them at the first, which was
not her manner to do. Bat her Majesty had made me suffer and give way
to her in many things else, which all I should bear not only with patience
but with great contentment, if she would but grant my humble suit in this
one. And for the other pretence of the approbation given you upon par-
tiality, that all the world, lawyers, judges, and all, could not be partial to
you ; for some wished^ you were crossed for their own interest and some
for their friends ; but yet all did yield to your merit She did in this as
she usethin all ; went from a denial to a delay, and said when the Council
were all here she would think of it ; and there was no haste in determining
of the place. To which I answered, that my sad heart had need of hasty
comfort, and therefore her Majesty must pardon me if I were hasty and
importunate in it. When they come we shall see what will be done ; and
I wish you aU happiness, and rest.

Your most affectionate friend,

ESSBX.

6.

In this position the matter rested for ten days more, when the
approach of another term brought the Council together again, and
brought also to Bacon a friend at Court who was likely to prove a
valuable one. This was Foulke Greville, the friend of Sir Philip
Sydney, and kinsman to Essex ; a man of great accomplishments, and
one who " had much and private access to Queen Elizabeth."^ He
shall introduce himself.

Foulke Grevillb to Francis Bacon.'
Mr. Francis Bacon,
As my heart was fuU of your praise, so have I as freely delivered it to
the Queen. When I see you, you shall know the particulars. In the mean-
time believe me hei^Highness was more gracious to you. Awake your
friends. I have dealt with Sir John Fortescue and my Lord of Essex by
letter. Neither will I neglect the rest for you. And so in haste, I com-
mit you to God.

Your assured kind friend,

Foulke Gbevillb.
I thought ere now to have come to you. To-morrow I will in the after-
noon without fail.

This was two or three days before the term, at which time ques-
tions of this kind were usually considered and settled. Meanwhile

* This word is blotted in the MS. ^ Bacon's Apophth^gmB, Works vii. 158.

* Lambeth MSS. 650. 131. Original : own hand. Docketed, " Bee** 27 May,
1594."

1594.] STILL NO RESOLUTION TAKEN. 299

Bacon himself appears to have remained passive. He Bad not been
at Court during the month, and the only letters of his which have
been preserved relate to other matters. His patience was in fiict
wearing out, as well it might. ^* Touching my brother," Anthony
writes to his mother on the 17th of May, " we are both resolute that
in case he be not placed betwixt this and the next term, never to
make any more words of it."^ And I think it probable that he would
really have taken this occasion to cast himself loose and fulfil the
resolution intimated in his letter to Essex of the 30th of March, if
the Queen (who meant to punish but not to lose him) had not con-
trived to renew his lease of patience by employingTiim in a service of
importance. But before I come to this I must give his two next
letters, which sufficiently explain themselves.

Francis Bacon to Mb. Conisby.'

Mr. Conisby,
There is remaining^ as I think you know^ at Mr. Holiland's
house at Northall (?), a near kinsman of mine^ Mr. Robert Bacon,
who hath received sundry unneighbourly and contentious usages
by one Huit, a dweller in the same town. Huit hath uttered
both threatening and reproachful speeches towards him ; and some
other lewd persons^ by his instigation as it is thought, have offered
sundry quarrelsome and despiteful abuses to him ; in which re-
gard, though I am [my] self but a stranger unto you, yet be^
cause I know your father was beholding to my father, I did as-
sure myself that at my ^ of request you would deserve
my friendship in taking some pains to examine such disorders
and take order, by the good behaviour or othervnse, that my
kinsman may live in better quiet, being I know of so honest and
civil a disposition as he will justly provoke no man. And this
I heartily pray you to do, as a matter which I would accept as
done to myself, and being accordingly ready to requite in any
occasion of yours. And so good Mr. Conisbie, in some haste I
desire your further acquaintance, and commit you to Gk)d. From
Gray's Inn, this 17th of May, 1594.

Your very loving firiend,

Fr. Bacon.

1 Lambeth MSS. 650. 124.

s Lambeth MSS. 650. 228. Copy : docketed, << Copie de la be. de Mods' Fran-
cois Bacon a Mons' Conisbie, en Tendroit de Mons' Robert Bacon, le 17"** de May,
1594." a Blank left in MS.

800 LETTEBS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap.VIH.

Francis Bacon to his Mother.^

My humble duty remembered^ I was sorry to understand by
Gk)odman Gotheram that your Ladyship did find any weakness ;
which I hope was but caused by the season and weather^ which
waxeth more hot and faint. I was not sorry^ I assure your Lady-
ship^ that you came not up^ in regard that the stirring at this
time of year, and the place where you should be not being very
open nor fresh, mought rather hurt your Ladyship than other-
wise. And for anything to be passed to Mr. Trot, such is his
kindness as he demandeth it not ; and therefore as I am to thank
your Ladyship for your willingness, so it shall not be needful but
upon such an occasion as may be without your trouble ; which
[may] the rather be because I purpose, God willing, to run down,
and it be but for a day, to visit your Ladyship and to do my duty
to you. In the meantime I pray your Ladyship, as you have
done the part of a good Christian and saint of God in the com-
fortable preparing for your end, so nevertheless I pray deny not
your body the due, nor your children and friends and the Church
of God which hath use of you, but that you enter not into further
conceit than is cause, and withal use all the comforts and helps
that are good for your health and strength. In truth I heard
Sir John Scidmore often complain, after his quartain had left him,
that he found such a heaviness and swelling, specially under his
ribs, that he thought he was buried under earth half from the
waist ; and therefore that accident is but incident. Thus I com-
mend your Ladyship to God's good preservation. From Gray's
Inn, this 9th of June, 1594.

Your Ladyship's most obedient son,

Fb. Bacon.

It may be I shall have occasion, because nothing is yet done
in the choice of a Solicitor, to visit the Court this vacation ; which
I have not done this month's space : in which respect, because
carriage [of] stuff to and fro spoileth it, I would be glad of that
light bed of striped stuff which your Ladyship hath, if you have
not otherwise disposed it.

> Lambeth MSS. 650. 140. Cop^r : docketed, « Copie de la Ire. de Mons' Fran-
ooifl Bacon a Madame^ le 9™* de Juin, 1594."

301

CHAPTER IX.
A.D. 1594, June — December. iBTAT. 84.

Fbom the postscript of the last letter, it is clear that up to that time,
which was the end of the first week in Trinity Term, the Queen had
not held out any positive encouragement to Bacon, nor done any-
thing to sweeten his disappointment. She did not think fit however
to try him with another long vacation passed in total eclipse, lest his
hope should go quite out ; which was not her intention. Before the
term was over therefore, she let a ray from the light of her coun-
tenance fall upon him.

The conspiracy of Lopez had been detected ; himself and his two
confederates had been tried, found guilty, and afber remaining for
three months under sentence of death, at last executed. But there
were more conspiracies behind, the bottom of which had not yet been
fathomed. The authors and contrivers did not themselves venture
within reach, but corresponded with some persons in the north of
England ; their plot being to procure the assassination of the Queen,
and at the same instant to raise a rebellion. Two of the parties to
this correspondence — Henry Walpole and Edward Lyngen — had been
taken and sent up to London, where they had already undergone
several examinations.^ On the 13th of June, Lyngen was examined ^
again in the Tower, — I think for the fifth time; and.on.thi8 occusion
Bacon's name appears among the signatures. It seems therefore !
that though the Queen still refused to speak with him, she had at
last relented so far as to employ him ; a fact of the more importance j
because I find no evidence of his having been employed before in-^'
any service of this nature. Other signs of relenting she showed in
speeches to his friends, witness the following letter from Foulke
Greville.

' State Paper Office : Domestic, 1594. April 27 ; May 8 and 18 ; June 4.

802 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IX.

FouLKE Obbyille TO Francis Bacon.^

Mr. Francis Bacon,
Saturday was my first coming to the Court, firom whence I departed
again as soon as I had kissed her Majesty's hands, because I had no lodg-
ing nearer than my uncle's, which is four miles off.

This day I came thither to dinner, and waiting for to speak with the
Queen, took occasion to tell how I met you as I passed through London ;
and among other speeches how you lamented your misfortune to me, that
remained as a withered branch of her roots, which she had cherished and
made to flourish in her service. I added what I thought of your worth,
and the expectation for all this that the world had of her princely goodness
Jowards you ; which it pleased her Majesty to confess that indeed you be-
gan to frame very well, insomuch as she saw an amends in those little sup-
posed errors, avowing the respect she carried to the dead, with very ex-
ceeding gracious inclination towards you. Some comparisons there fell
out besides, which I leave till we meet, which I hope shall be this week.
It pleased her withal to tell of the jewel you offered by Mr. Yice-Chamber-
lain, which she had refused, yet with exceeding praise. I marvelled that
as a prince she would refuse those homages of poor subjects, because it
did include a final sentence of despair j but either I deceive myself, or she
was resolved to take it ; and the conclusion was very kind and gracious.
So as I will lay £100 to £50 that you shall be her Solicitor, and my friend;
in which mind and for which mind I commend you to Gk>d and man. From
the Court this Monday in haste.

Your true friend to be commanded by you,

FOULKB GbEVILLB.

We cannot tell whether she come to Hampton' on Friday or stay here.
I am much absent for want of lodging ; wherein my own man hath only
been to blame.

Nor were these favourable symptoms altogether fallacious: for
within two or three weeks after the date of this letter, we find Bacon
endeavouring to borrow a sum of money to furnish him for a journey
towards the north, which he was to undertake immediately, upon some
important business of the Queen's ; Anthony assisting him as usual
with all his credit and interest, and offering to pledge his own estate
as a security for the repayment of the loan.' What this business
was, is not expressly stated; but on comparing the time with the
other circumstances before and after, I have no doubt that it related
to this new conspiracy, the seat of which Hemg somewhere in the
north, it was necessary to send some one down to study it on the

1 Lambeth MSS.650. 132. Original?: docketed, "le 17»« de June, 1694."

* Qy. whether Hampton or Haveringe ?

* See his letters to Alderman Spenoer of the 6th and 12th of July, 1694. Lam-
beth MSS. 649, f. 188.

1594.] LBTTEES OP INTRODUCTION FOB M. GOUBGUES. 803

spot. Bacon set out on the 18th or 19th of July, but was stopped
on his way ; as we shall see.

In the meantime I must not omit (though it is but a bye matter)
two short letters of recommendation addressed on the 3rd of July to
certain authorities in Oxford, in favour of a French gentleman, a
fnend of his brother's, who was going to see the Commemoration.

The first is to the Provost of some College, not named, by whom
he had been entertained there himself on some similar occasion.

Mr. Provost,^

I have proved your friendly entertainment in myself so
much as I doubt not to commend my friend unto you^ especially
a stranger^ whom in courtesy and humanity his own condition
commendeth. He is son to a personage that beareth great dig-
nity in Prance, and whose father was familiar and oflScious (I
speak it preserving the quality of the man) to my brother during
his abode in those parts. And surely the young gentleman, by
that I could perceive by an hour's entertaining discourse with
him, hath much pretty variety of learning and an humour of a
scholar. In which regard I know he will take much pleasure in
your exercises there : which that he may do with the more ease
and respect, I commend him again to your courtesy and care.
The like I have written to Mr. Proctor who reigneth ; and so
with mine own hearty commendations I leave you to God's pre-
servation. Prom Gray's Inn, in haste, the 3rd of July, 1594.

Your friend in very good affection.

His name is Mr. Gt)urgues.

The other is to the Proctor, who reigned in 1594.

Mr. Proctor,*

Since during your reign it is the hap of a friend of mine upon
humour of curiosity to visit your University now in the blossom-
ing time, I pray you show in one both your humanity towards a
stranger of good birth and quality and your kindness towards
myself. His father was in great conjunction of friendship with
my brother during his abode in Prance. I pray you pour your
ofiSce upon him, that he may be well placed and hear and see :

* Lambeth MSS. 650. 154. Copy. Anthony Blenoowe was Provoet of Oriel,
Henry Kobinson of Queen's,
s Lambeth MSS. 650. 155. Copy.

304 LKTTEBS A9D LIFE OF FRAKCI8 BAC09. [Chap. nL

for it k a fine gentkiiiaii in the bamoar of a adiolar. So in
batte I oommit yon to God's faTonr. From Gngr's Inn, tbia 3id
of J0I7, 1594.

Tour Teiy aasiued finend.
His name is Mr. Gonrgoes.

Bacon had proceeded on his '^ northern jonmej" as fi» as Hunting-
don, when he was attacked with some illness, which, though of no
great consequence in itself, made it impossible for him to trareL^
This we learn from the following letter from himself to the Queen.

•
Fkancis Bacon to the Queen.^

Most gradons and admirable Sovereign,

As I do acknowledge a providence of God towards me that
findeth it expedient for me tolerare jugum m Juventuie med, so
this present arrest of me by hiB divine Majesty from yonr Ma-
jesty's service is not the least affliction that I have proved. And
I hope yonr Majesty doth conceive that nothing under mere im-
possibility could have detained me from earning so gracious a
vail as it pleased your Majesty to give me. But your Majesty's
service by the grace of God shall take no lack thereby [and
thanks to God, it bath light upon bim, that may be best spared] ;
only the discomfort is mine ; who nevertheless have the private
comfort that in the time I have been made acquainted with this
service it bath been my bap to stumble upon somewhat unseen,
which may import the same [as I made my Lord Keeper ac-
quainted before my going] . So leaving it to God to make a

^ The nature of the complaint may be partlj infiBrred from a letter from Nicholas
Trott to Lady Bacon, written in Latin, and dated the 3rd of August. " Morbum
btum seu potius molestiam (nam morborum, et pnecipue istiuB cui is maxime ob-
noxitls eat, propria et efficaciaeima medicina aimt cdfiofi^iHts) nihil est quod inuti-
liter pharmacia exaaperet, et corpuaculum tenue intempeetive vexet ; quod etsi is

So sua prudentia optime videat, a me tamen si opus est admonebitur." — Hari.
88. 871. 80.

' Lambeth M88. 650. 156. Original draft: in his own hand. The words
within brackets are interlined. At p. 141 of the same Tolume there is a copy of
the letter in the hand of A. Bacon's amanuensis. It seems that he had written to his
brother at the same time, whose answer, dated the 22nd, begins thus : — " Gkx>d
brother, I am no less sorry than yourself of your pain and the forced interruption
of your journey. My only particular present comfort is grounded upon the good
proof you have generally given of your Christian wise patience under more im-
portant accidents ; the lively spring whereof I rest assured with Gkxl^s grace cannot
be drawn dry."— Lambeth MSS. 650. 148.

1694.] DISOOUBSE TOUCHTNG THE QUEEN'S SAFETY. 305

good ending of a hard beginning [and most humbly craving your
Majest/s pardon for presuming to trouble your Majesty], I re-
commend your sacred Majesty to Ood's tenderest preservation.
From Huntingdon, this 20th of July, 1594.

Your sacred Majesty's,
in most humble obedience and devotion,

Fr. Bacon.

His illness did not confine him long, though long enough to pre-
vent him from proceeding on his mission ; and being so near Cam-
bridge he made use of the opportunity to take his degree of Master
of Arts; which was conferred upon him in a special congregation,
the usual exercises and ceremonies being dispensed with, on the 27th
of July.^ But we have no further news of the visit : and by the end
of the month we find him in London again, and well.

8.

Being thus interrupted in the prosecution of the particular case^
his thoughts would naturally turn to the general question — whether
better measures might not be taken for encountering at their source
those conspiracies against the Queen's life, of which every year
brought forth a fresh one. Among the papers at Lambeth there
are two rough drafts in his handwriting which seem to have been
parts of a lost treatise on that subject ; the produce probably of that
little interval of leisure which his illness forced upon him. One is
docketed by himself ** The first fragments of a discourse touching in-
telligence and the safety of the Queen's person," and cannot well
have been written earlier than January, or later than September,
1594. It runs thus : —

The first remedy in my poor opinion is that against which as I
conceive least exception can be taken, as a thing without contro-
versy honourable and politic ; and that is the reputation of good
intelligence. I say not only good intelligence, but the reputation
and fame thereof. For I see that where booths are set for watch-
ing thievish places there is no more robbing. And though no
doubt the watchmen many times are asleep or away, yet that is
more than the thief knoweth, so as the empty booth is strength
and safeguard enough. So likewise if there be sown an opinion

^ Extnot from Mr, Ingram's book, in Blaokboume, vol. L p. 217.
VOL. I. X

806 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IX.

abroad that her Majesty hath much secret intelligence^ and that
all is full of spies and false brethren^ the fugitives will grow into
such a mutual jealousy and suspicion one of another, as they will
not have the confidence to conspire together, not knowing whom
to trust, and thinking all practice bootless, as that which is as-
sured to be discovered. And to this purpose (to speak reverently
as becometh me), as I do not doubt but that those honourable
counsellors to whom it doth appertain do carefolly and suffi-
ciently take order that her Majesty receive good intelligence ; so
yet, under correction, methinks it is not done with that glory
and note to the world which was in Mr. Secretary Walsingham's
time. And in this case as was said opinio veriiate major.

The second remedy I deliver with less assurance, as that which
is more removed from the compass of mine imderstanding ; and
that is to treat and negotiate with the King of Spain or Arch-
duke Ernest, who resides in the place where these conspiracies
are most forged, upon the point of the law of nations; upon
which kind of points princes enemies may with honour ne-
gotiate ; viz. that contrary to the same law of nations and the
sacred dignity of kings and the honour of arms, certain of her
Majesty's subjects (if it be not thought meet to impeach any of
his ministers) refuged in his dominions have conspired and prac-
tised assassination against her Majesty's person.

Here the paper ends ; nor is there anything to show that there
was ever any more of it. The last paragraph fixes the date of the
composition between the 30th of January, 1593-4, when Archduke
Ernest entered upon the government of the Low Countries,^ and
. the early part of September, when Elizabeth applied to him for
a passport for a messenger, whom she proposed to send " with the
avowed purpose of expostulating with him the wicked practices of
the Spanish king's ministers and her Majesty's rebels in going about
to take her Majesty's life by poisonings and murderings,"^ — which
being the very step that Bacon in this paper advises, must be sup-
posed to have been taken subsequently to it, whether in consequence
or not.

Whoever was the author of it, it brought no good effect except
that of putting the Archduke in the wrong. For though he sent the
passport, he accompanied it with a letter so little respectful that

^ Art de Verifier Dates. Birch, in his note on this passage, says June, 1694.
^ See Wright's Eliz. ii. 479 ; compared with Birch*B Negotiations, p. 15.

1694.] DISCOURSE TOUCHINa THE QUEEN'S SAFETY. 807

Elizabeth broke off the negotiation at once ; and resolved " by more
public manner to declare it to the world how far the said king was
directly to be touched in that foul and wicked practice." And
shortly after was published the " true report of sundry horrible con-
spiracies, etc.," which I have already mentioned in connexion with
Bacon's report of the Lopez case, and which differs from it in this
respect, that whereas the object of Bacon's paper was to explain
the fact and the evidence, the object of this was to fix upon the
King of Spain the imputation of being at the bottom of it. " The
Lord Treasurer Burghley (says Coke in a MS. note on the titlepage
of the copy now in the British Museum) thought best to rely prin-
cipally upon the confessions of the delinquents, without any infer-
ences or arguments ;" and adds, " this book was never answered to
my knowledge ; and this is the best kind of publication."

The other rough draft is on a separate sheet, and is docketed, also
by Bacon himself, " The first copy of my discourse touching the safety
of the Queen's person." But this docket appears to have been
written on the back of the last sheet of the bundle ; which would
be on the outside when the papers were folded up ; and the rest
have slipped out and been lost. For the only sheet now remaining
contains nothing but the concluding paragraph, which runs thus : —

" These be the principal remedies I could think of for extir-
pating the principal cause of those conspiracies, by the breaking
the nest of those fugitive traitors, and the filling them full of
terror, despair, jealousy, and revolt. And it is true I thought of
some other remedies, which because in mine own conceit I did
not 80 well allow, I therefore do forbear to express. And so like-
wise I have thought and thought again of the means to stop and
divert as well the attempts of violence as poison in the perform-
ance and execution. But not knowing how my travel may be
accepted, being the unwarranted wishes of a private man, I leave ;
humbly praying her Majesty's pardon if in the zeal of my sim-
plicity I have roved at things above my aim."

4.

It is a pity that more of this treatise has not been preserved, for
the discussion of the question would have given a livelier and juster
idea of the real conditions of the time than any modem narrator
can supply : which conditions, if we would form a true judgment of
the men who had to deal with the business of that day, it is very

X 2

808 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. , [Chap. IX.

necessary tliat we should both know and remember. To condemn
the intercepting of letters as immoral ; to show how the practice of
examining suspected persons privately upon interrogatories might
be abused into a means of ensnaring the innocent ; to prefer the
escape of ten guiltj to the suffering of one not guilty : all this is
natural, and requires no great virtue in an Englishman of the nine-
teenth century. But we must not forget that even to an English-
man of the nineteenth century such doctrines are natural only in the
case of crimes by which none of the great interests of society are
supposed to be endangered ; upon the prevention of which nothing
vital is felt to depend. For even now cases occur occasionally when
the ne quid detrimenti reepublica capiat dispenses with our ordinary
rules of evidence. Even now, if every year brought forth an attempt
under the auspices of Bome and Austria to assassinate the Queen ;
and if we really believed that upon the assassination of the Queen
would follow the loss of Protestantism and Habeas Corpus ; we
should be less content to allow the attempter ten chances of impunity
against one of punishment. For Austria put Spain, and such was in
Queen Elizabeth's time the simple historical fact. What mighty in-
terests were believed to hang upon her life may be inferred from the
number and pertinacity of the attempts that were made to take it.
And when we see what deep preparations and what insidious methods
were for that purpose resorted to, together with the manner in which
they were actually defeated, we cannot but admit that without large
powers rigorously used by her Council her life would not have been
safe for a day. Nor is the remembrance of these facts more essen-
tial to a just appreciatio*n of the character of the Government than to
a right apprehension of the duties of private subjects. Feeling how
deep an interest we still have in Bacon's other labours and how little
in these, we naturally exclaim, what a pity that one who might have
been devoting his time to our business should have wasted so much
of it upon his own ! But let us not forget what that business was.
** To serve the Queen in place " (for that was the condition upon
which alone he could have pursued the vocation of a lawyer with
satisfaction to himself) was nothing less than to assist in the preser-
vation of the State from imminent surrounding perils, in the warding
off of which not his own age only but all succeeding ages, ours as
much as any, had a deep interest. I do not say that the defeat of
our enemies could not have been accomplished without his help : it
was but little he was allowed to do, and the danger passed notwith-
standing. But I say that it depended upon him among the rest, and
that to desire a forward post in such a service was natural to a man
who felt equal to the duties of it and anxious for the issue. No one

1594.] EMPLOYMENTS IN THE QUEEN'S SERVICaE. 309

who saw the times from his point of view could possibly think such
an employment unworthy of him ; for no one could think that it was
such service as any other man could have performed equally well.
To secure at once the detection of the guilty, the acquittal of the in-
nocent, the quieting of public fears, the satisfaction of a Protestant
majority justly irritated, and the clear vindication of the Government
against suspicion of injustice towards the Catholic minority, was a
task requiring the rarest combination of sagacity, prudence, patience,
candour, temperance, and fortitude ; and many illustrations might be
found in the annals of Elizabeth's reign of great inconveniences trace*
able directly to the imperfect performance of it. Elizabeth was not
nearly so well provided with counsel now as she had been. Wal-
singham was gone ; Burghley was nearly worn out, and frequently
disabled for business ; Bobert Cecil, though very acute, dexterous, and
industrious, and for so young a man well practised, had more of craft
than wisdom ; Essex was only twenty-seven years old, quite new in bu-
siness, naturally impetuous and governed by casual impulses, and am-
bitious of greatness rather in war than at the council-board ; of Cob-
ham we know but little ; Ealegh was out of favour and away ; there
was no Solicitor-General; and Coke, who was now the principal
champion of the Crown in the courts of criminal justice, where its
most hazardous battle had to be fought, was impatient, intemperate,
offensive, overbearing, and (for all his subtlety and legal skill) had
no genius either for discovering the truth so that he might choose an
unassailable position, or for maintaining it in such a manner as to
carry with him the sympathies of a popular audience : for his great
errors in this kind, which are commonly admitted, but imputed to the
servility of his youth, are in my opinion more truly attributable to
wilfulness of temper and defect of understanding. In such circum-
stances, who can say that Bacon, being called on to assist in the in-
vestigation of a secret and extensive conspiracy of which no one
yet knew either the centre or the circumference, ought to have de-
clined the task and retired with a couple of men to philosophize at
Cambridge P

From this task his illness, though it prevented him from proceed-
ing with the special business on which he had been dispatched, did
not otherwise absolve him. On his return to London at the end of
July he found the Council busy with the examination of persons im-
plicated in the plot, — Essex and Cobham bearing a principal part.
And it was not long before he was himself employed again as an ex-
aminer.^

' See a Ibt of" names of persons diyenelj charged ;" dated 16th August, 1594 ;
where, opposite to the name Eewry Petitj is written, " He is already committed,
and to be examined by Mr. Bacon and Waad." — S. P. O. : Domestic, 1604.

810 LEITKRS AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. IX.

5.

He found leisure however to pay his mother, who was at this time
suffering more than usually from anxieties and jealousies, a flying
visit at Gorhambury. The peculiar condition of her mind and spirits
will partly appear from a letter which she sent after him on his re-
turn to London. But we have means of getting a still clearer view
of her. We have seen her as she appeared to Captain Allen on a
first interview, and aa she exhibits herself in her own letters. But
she is a person worth studying from all sides, and therefore I shall
now show her as she appeared to her household.

Edward Spencer, a nephew of the Alderman, was a servant of An-
thony Bacon's ; in what particular capacity I do not know ; but he
had been employed at Gorhambury, and had scholarship enough to
report his troubles to his master, — more faithfully perhaps than a
more practised penman would have done. His first letter has no
date, but seems to have been written towards the end of July,
1594.1

My humble duty remembered unto your good Worship. I thought
good to write unto you to satisfy you how unquiet my Lady is with all
her household. Edward Yates sent a grsenen' (P) bitch to Bedboum, and
Mr. LawBon sent her to me to keep. And as soon as my Lady did see her,
she sent me word she shoidd be hanged. Now I had thought to sent her to
kepein' (P). Now by-and-by she sent word by Cros (P) that if 1 did not make
her away she should not sleep in her bed ; so indeed 1 hung her up ; whereat
she was very angry, and said 1 was fransey, and bade me go home to my
master and make him a fool, I should make none of her. ' There is a com-
pany of ye : I marvel where he picked ye out. There is Mr. Lawson, who
have gotten away my brewer, and your master together : but he shall hear
of it one day. My comen'* shall be served when your master and the
brewer will.* The bitch was good for nothing, else I would not a hung
her. My Lady do not speak to me as yet. 1 will give none offence to
make her angry ; but nobody can please her long together. Thus not
troubling your Worship any further, I rest, praying for your Worship's
. health with my daily prayer.

Your servant to command,

Edwabd Spbkcbb.

On the 31st of July he writes again:—*

My humble duty first remembered unto your Worship ; these may be
to let you understand my Lady is in good healthy and very glad to hear

> Lambeth MSS. 650. 161. Original : docketed, " Lre. de Edward Spenoer a
Mods', le de Juillet, 1594."

2 Probably gretond, greyhound. See Nares. ' keeping ?

* commons f < Lambeth MSS. 650. 152. Original.

1694.] LADY BACON AND HEE HOUSEHOLD. 311

of the return of Mr. Francis and of his good health ; and saith that they
were not his friends that did procure him that joumej, no though it were
my Lord of Essex himself. I did tell her your Worship was minded to
send to the fair to buy some horses, and that your Worship had sent down
what money yon could spare by Mr. Lawson and me. Well, saith she,
let him do as he wiU, he shall have none of me. He have undone me, and
nobody else but he. — Then I made bold and said, Madam, I hope you hold
it well bestowed ; for my master hath geten great experience and great
worship both within the land and without. — She saith, I hold it weU be-
stowed ! but I know not how vainly it have been spent. But I am sure he
haye geten a weak body of his own and is diseased in the meantime.—
Now my master saith he is as well contented to be as he is as many noble-
men at the Court which spend all that they can and live in discredit. —
With that she sigheth, and pray for you that the Lord's }ioly spirit may
guide you. I did tell her your Worship would a written to her, but the
Scottish gentleman did come in the meantime. And she saith. No, no, it
is no matter, I do not care.— My Lady did ask me how many horses you
did mean to buy : and I told her four or five. — My sons they be vain-glo-
rious ; but they will leave it one day. — I told her of Mr. Trot's horse, how
he was broke- winded. And my Lady saith, Crossby shall hear of it ; but
if he could be come by again, Crossby would give four pound for him again.
Now for the brewer, I do not hear my Lady say anything, not as yet.
Thus I leave your Worship to the Lord, this last of July ; desiring God
to bless your Worship with increase of health of body and soul, with in-
crease of worship and all things needful for your Worship.

Your servant to command for ever,

Edwabd Sfsi^csb.

A fortnight after, he sent another report : —

My humble duty first remembered to your good Worship.* I thought
good to write xinto you to sartey* you of my Lady's great unquietness in
the house. Since her last falling out with me she showed me a good coun-
tenance as ever she did before. Now yesterday I had a sparhawk given
me and she killed a brace of partridges, and then I came home before the
evening was shut in : indeed all the folk had supped : whereat she seemed
to be very sore angry, with these words, — * What, come you home now P I
would you and your hawk would keep you away altogether. You have
been a-breaking of hedges between neighbour and neighbour : and now you
come home out of order and show an ill example in my house. Well you
shall keep no hawk here.' — 'I am the more sorrier. I have given no

» Lambeth MSS. 660. 169. Original.

^ Meaning * certify,* I suppose. • 1 have modernized the spelling of these letters
wherever I had no douht about the word. The original spelling is not that of a
scholar, but of a man endeavouring to represent the sound of each word. " My
owmbelle dewteye fireste remembred to yower good woreshepe. I thoughte good
to wri^ht unto yow to sartey yow of my Ladies graete unquetenes in the houcs.
Scues hur laste folleingout withe me," etc. etc.

312 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. DL

acaose that your Ladyship should be offended, nor I will not. To please
your Ladyship, I wLU pull off her head.' — ^Whereat she stamped, and said
I wonld do by her as I did by the bitch. Insomuch she would let me
have no supper. So truly I went to bed without my supper. There is
not one man in the house but she fall out withal. She put away Winter a
fortnight, and took away his cloak, and then sent for him again. She hare
fallen out with both the Knights, and they do not mean to continue with
her. There is not one in the house but she fall out withal, and is not in
charity one day in a week ; but with priests, which will undo her. There ia
one Page which had six pound on her. Mr. Willcockes had a paper with a
great deal of gold in it. Willblod had two quarterns of wheat. Dickehad
something the other day ; what I know not.— Now for your hay she saith
you shall have none ; and haye given Croesby orders to sell it. She haye
fallen out with Crossby and bid him get him out of her sight. — ^Now for
your Doctor at Itedboum, she saith he is a Papist or some sorcerer or con-
jurer or some yild name or other. — She is as far out with Mr. Lawson as
ever she was, and call him villain and whoremaster with other vild words.
— I will continue so long as I am able, but against my will. — I have not
given no more cause than I have now told your Worship. And to yield
my duty, what I am able I will, but not willing to be here unless she would
be quiet. She make me to buy starch and soap to wash my linen withal :
more than was wont to be ; yet I care not so she would be quiet. Thus
desiring your Worship to except my rude writing, I rest, praying for your
Worship's health and increase of worship. This 16 of August.

Your servant to oonmiand for ever,

Edwabd Spbkcsb.

This was written on Friday ; Lady Bacon's letter to Francis^ was
written on the following Tuesday — he having probably spent the
Sunday with her.

I was so full of back pain when you came hither that my memory was
very slipper : I forgot to mention of Banie (P). If you have not, I have not
received Franck[8] last half-year of midsummer ; the first half so long un-
paid. You will mar your tenants, if you suffer them. Mr. Brocket is
suffered by your brother to cozen me and beguile me without check. I
fear you came too late to London for your horse. Ever regard them. I
desire Mr. Trot to hearken to some honest man and look to (P) as he may.
If you can hear of a convenient place, I shall be willing if it so please
God ; for Lawson will draw your brother quocunque vult, ut timeo valde,
and that with false semblance.

God give you both good health and hearts to serve him truly, and
bless you always with his favour.

I send you pigeons, taken this day and let blood. Look well

> Lambeth MSS. 650. 171. Copy, bj Anthony Bacon's amanuensis : docketed,
" Copie de la Ire. de Madame a Mons' Francois Bacon, le 20^ d'Aoust^ 1594."

1694.] AGAIN THB CANVASS FOB THE SOLICITOBSHIF. 813

about you and yours too/ I hear that Bobert Knight is but sickly : I am
sorry for it.

I do not write to my Lord Treasurer because you liked to stay. Let
this letter be unseen. Look very well to your health. Sup not nor sit
not up late. Surely I think your drinking to bedwards hindrethyour and
your brother's digestion very much. I never knew any but sickly that
used it ; besides ill for head and eyes. Obsenre well yet in time. 20 Aug.

Gorha.

Li Christo,

A. Bacok.

5.

But why should Bacon have wished to " stay " his mother from
" writing to the Lord Treasurer" ? If the subject which she proposed
to write about was the still-vacant Solicitorship, it is strange that he
should have wished to delay an application to Burghley, whose con-
currence in support of his suit he had always made such a point of.
Perhaps it was about some other business which would have inter-
fered with this ; for it is certain that the suit for the Solicitorship
was now in agitation again, and that, only four days after, he con-
sidered the time favourable for moving it. To that effect at least, on
the 24th and again on the 25th of August, he addressed the Lord
Keeper Puckering.

Francis Bacon to the Lord Keeper.^

It may please your good Lordship,

I understand of some business like enough to detain the
Queen to-morrow, which maketh me earnestly to pray your good
Lordship, as one that I have found to take my fortune to heart,
to take some time to remember her Majesty of a Solicitor this
present day.

Our Tower employment^ stayeth and hath done this three

1 HarL MSS. 6d96. 196. Original : own hand. Docketed (by mistake), ** 13th
of August, 1594."

3 This was the examination of the conspirators. On the 20th of August, Ed-
mund Yorke had made a voluntary confession before W. O. Waad, Nicholas
Blount, and Francis Bacon. ** The matter was that there should be two sent from
thence to kill her Majesty . . . who should be sent hither secretly for that purpose
at such time as this examinate should think fittest to be in London, and so to exe-
cute the same ; and if this examinate had opportunity, he himself should have
executed the same," etc. etc. The Queen was to be lolled (it seems) with some
poisoned weapon ; and offer was to be made of the crown to the Earl of Derby,
towards which he would be assisted by the King of Spain. And if they could not
kill the Queen, then they meant to raise some rebellion in the Earl of Derby's name.

The same day Bichard Williams was examined before the same persons, but
confessed notliing.

On the 23rd (the day before this letter was written), it was resolyed *'to forbear

814 LETTBBS ASD LIFE OF FRANCIS BACOK. [Chap. DL

isja, becaose one of the principal offenders being brought to con-
fess and the other persisting in denial^ her Majesty in her wisdom
thought best some time were given to him that is obstinate to
bethink himself; which indeed is singular good in such cases.
Thus desiring your Lordship^s pardon^ in haste I commend my
fortime and duty to your favour. Prom Gray's Inn, this 24th of
August, 1594.

Your Lordship's most humbly

to receive your commandments,

F&. Bacon.

The Same to the Same.^

It may please your good Lordship,

As your Lordship hath at divers times holpen me to pass
over contrary times, so I humbly pray you not to omit this
favourable time ; I cannot bear myself as I should till I be settled.
And thus desiring pardon, I leave your Lordship to God's pre-
servation. From Gray's Inn, this 25th of August, 1594.
Your Lordship's most humbly at commandment,

Pr. Bacon.

But tbe fates were still against this unfortunate suit. The arriv^
of some bad news from Ireland turned the favourable time into an
unfavourable one. The next day he writes to his brother (who had
lately removed from Gray's Inn to a house in Bishopsgate Street,
much to his mother's distress, who feared the neighbourhood of the
Bull Inn, where plays and interludes were acted) : —

Brother,^

My cousin Cooke is come four days since and appointeth
towards Italy this day se'nnight. I pray take care for the money
to be paid here within four or five days. The sum you remember
is £150.

to deal with Biishell for two or three days ; and then Mr. Baoon and I to deal
with him." J being, I believe, Mr. Waad.

The next day Edmund Yorke was examined again before the same three.

On the 27th, Bichard Williams made a confession before Blont, Drewe, Coke,
Bacon, and Waad.

On the 28th, Yorke and Williams were confronted before the same, all but Coke.

See State Paper Office : Domestic, 1594.

> HarL MSS. vol. 6996. 200. Original : own hand.

3 Lambeth MSS. 650. 168. Original : own hand.

1594.] AGAIN THE QUESTION ADJOUBNED. 815

I hear nothing from the Ck>urt in mine own business. There
hath been a defeat of some force in Ireland hj Mackguier^ which
troubleth the Queen^ being unaccustomed to such news thence ;
and thereupon the opportunity is said to be less to move her.
Yet there is an amends in eodem genere by the coming in of the
Earl of Tyrone, as was expected.

I steal to Twickenham, purposing to return this night ; else I
had visited you as I came from the Tower. Thus in haste I
leave you to God's preservation. Prom Gray's Inn, this 26th
of August, 1594.

Your entire loving brother,

Fr. Bacon.

6.

The question of the Solicitorship was thus again adjourned, and we
hear no more of it for a month. The next letter relates to a private
affair in which M. Gourgues was concerned, who was still in England,
and with whom Francis had improved his acquaintance during his
late visit to Cambridge ; M. Gourgues having taken the opportunity
of seeing the younger University while he was there.^

Francis Bacon to Richard Young.*

Mr. Young,

I shall desire your friendly pains in the repairing and punish-
ing of an outrage offered by one Thomas Lewys, dwelling near
White Chapel, upon a French gentleman of very good quality
and honourable, and upon his company, not in terms alone but
in very furious assailing them. My request to you is the rather
for the good report of our nation, whither this gentleman is
come only for his own satisfaction and experience, that he may
have experience of the good policy amongst us in correcting such
insolencies, specially upon strangers of his respect ; and there-
fore desire you so great an abuse may be examined and corrected.
And so in haste I wish you very well. From Gray's Inn, this
2nd of September, 1594.

Your very loving friend,

Fr. Bacon.

» Lambeth MSS. 650. 149.

3 Lambeth MSS. 650. 186. Original : own hand. Docketed, <* Lre. de Mons'
FrancoiB Bacon a Mr. Justice Young, le de , 1594."

816 LETTEBS AJSD LIFB OF FRAITCIS BACON. [Chap. EC

The French gentleman's name is Mr. Gonrgues^ son to the
Principal Treasurer of Guyenne, and this bearer shall relate to
you the particularities of the abuse. ^

But no record remains either of the particularities or of the erent.
Only we know that early in the following month Mr. Gourgues re-
turned to France.

7.

During the last week Bacon's ''Tower employment," mentioned
in his letter to the Lord Keeper of the 24th, had been proceeding with-
out intermission. The dates of the several examinations in which he
had been engaged from the 20th to the 28th, are stated in my note
on that letter. On the Slst, Williams was examined once again, be-
fore Blount, Bacon, and Waad ; and his examination had reference
this time more especially to one ILalf Sheldon, who was about to be
interrogated upon some particulars brought out in the course of the
investigation, which touched him. A series of interrogatories, drawn
up by Bacon with a view to his examination, is preserved in the State
Paper Office, and belongs properly to this place. As a genuine speci-
men of the manner in which these investigations were managed, it
would indeed be worth printing on its own account. For it will help
the reader to understand what kind of thing an " examination upon
interrogatories " really was, and to correct in some material points
our popular notions of the detective process of which it made part.
Modem popular writers, lawyers as well as historians, are apt to
speak of the entire proceeding in these cases as a scandalous abuse of
power, — a process essentially iniquitous, — in intention, in theory, in
practice, merely tyrannous and opposed to the true ends of justice.
And liable to abuse it no doubt was, as all secret proceedings must
be ; for the Government acted under no effective check, beyond the
fear of seeing their case break down when it came to public trial ;
and this was materially diminished by the then general practice pf
the Courts, in receiving as evidence depositions of witnesses that had
been taken privately, without requiring that the witnesses themselves
should be produced in open court to confirm them. Certainly there
was nothing to prevent a Government from abusing such a power, ex-
cept conscience and shame. But conscience and shame have their
operation in Princes and Ministers as in other men, and the question
is whether during Elizabeth's reign this power was so abused. Now
I roust say that the records which I have examined (and I have had
occasion to examine several in the course of this work) do not seem

1694.] BXAMINATTON UPON INTERROaATORIES. 817

to me to justify an j sucb imputation. To me the usual order of pro-
ceeding in these cases seems, in principle at least, rational, and the
likeliest that could be adopted for the discovery of the truth, 9upp<h
sing that to he the object. Information is received which throws
suspicion upon A of having been a party to some treasonable corre-
spondence. A is apprehended and questioned upon the particular
matters in which he is suspected of having had a hand. He must say
something, and if he cannot give the true account of what he has
done, he must give a false one. The questions and answers are care-
fully set down, generally signed by himself, always signed by the
Commissioners before whom the examination is taken. He is then
remanded. Upon a careful scrutiny of his statement it appears that
if true it will be confirmed, if false confuted, by the evidence of B
and C, whom it implicates. B and C are then sent for and severally
questioned. Not knowing what A has said, they can hardly invent
statements which shall agree in all particulars with his and with each
other, unless all be true. Their answers are taken down in like
manner, and are found upon a like scrutiny to involve new particu-
lars. This supplies matter for a fresh examination of A. The same
process is repeated as long as it promises to bring out anything new ;
till at last by successive siftings the several witnesses (each being
carefully kept in the dark as to the others' tale) find themselves in-
volved in irreconcilable contradictions or inextricable embarrassments ;
and one or other, in despair of maintaining the fabehood, confesses
the truth. This I believe to be a correct description of the ll^izabethan
practice ; and though it cannot be denied that a government bent upon
fnahing out a ease, and using unscrupulously ^ the means at their
disposal for terrifying, tempting, or perplexing the examinates, for
suppressing the statement of one and garbling the statement of an-
other, might by this method extort evidence which would make an
innocent man seem guilty, — and that this is a good reason for altering
the practice, — neither can it be denied that a government bent upon
discovering the truth, and using their powers fairly and scrupulously
to that end, would by this method have the best chance of succeeding.
And I do not see why a government in the judgment of history is not
entitled to the same benefit as a private man in the judgment of his
peers, — that of being presumed innocent in the absence of direct evi-
dence implying or indicating guilt.

This consideration however, though important in other cases with
which we shall have to deal, does not especially concern us here. No
such suspicion can possibly be raised against the Government on ac-
count of their proceedings in the matter to which this paper of Bacon's
refers ; for (whether it were that the evidence elicited was not conclu-

318

LETTSR8 AKD MFl OP TBAHCIB BACCfS. [Chaf. EL

tire, or tbai for reasons of state it was tiioiiglit inexpedient to make
it public) none of tbe persons in question were brooglittotriaL And
it is as a specimen of the wummerhi which soeh inquiries wereproee-
coted that the pi^>er chiefly desenres attention. A careful stodj of the
other examinations might poesiblj explain some of the more obscure
aOnsions. But the general character and purpose of the interrogato-
ries is sufficientl J intelligible ; and as I see no reason for beliering
that a more particular investigation would lead to any intetesting re-
sult, I shall merelj gire it as it stands without further comment.

ABTICLSS OF EXAMINATION OF KAJ^ 8HXLDON, K8Q«

COLLSCTED OUT OF THE BETEEAL ACCUSATIONS OF H. TOUNO,
SIC. WILLIAMS, EDM. TOEKE, AND OTHEES.^

To feel whether he will reoitify
acknowledge those which are ad-
vertised, as Williams his servant,
Williams his nephew, Oglethorpe
the priest.

To try what light he will
yield from himself, and how it
will concur with that which is
advertised.

What fiigitiyes he knoweth,
and what conyersation and ac-
quaintance he hath had with
any of them in time past.

What messages or letter he
hath at any time sent to any of
them, or received firom any of
them.

What relief he hath at any
time furnished any of them
with.

What books or libels against
the state have at any time fallen
into his hands.

Whether he knew one Wil-
liams.

Wil-

TTiere be three all known to
to see whether he toUl take
knowledge of all.

To see if he will concur in
the pretext of sending him into
Ireland for hawks.

» State Paper Office : Domestic, 1594. All in Bacon's hand. Docketed, in
another hand, " 6 7^, 1694. Articles set down by Mr. Bacon, touching Sheldon.
This one particular to be kept by itself.**

What became of Ed.
liams his servant.

1594.]

A SPECIMEN OP INTERROaATTON.

319

Upon the letter wherewith
Yorke impeacheth him sent to
Father HoUe ; who nevertheless
would not be named at first.

Whether he did send him of
any errand or employment out
of England.

Whether he sent him not to
buy hawks into Ireland.

Whether he sent him not
with any letters.

What was the reason the
same Williams came not back
again to him^ and what message
or letter of excuse or otherwise
he received from him.

That he call to mind to what
friend of his, by conference or
letter, he hath used speech that
he wished the Catholic religion
restored in England.

What advertisement and as-
surance he hath given to any
beyond sea of his remaining
a steadfast Catholic notwith-
standing his coming to church.

Touching Mass in his house
and receiving of priests, if it be
thought good. And touching
the Knights his brothers-in-law
of the like general questions
which were asked of himself.

8.

What this examination led to, or indeed whether it ever took
place, I do not know ; but on the 12th of September Williams was
examined again, Bacon being as before one of the examiners. It is
evident therefore that he was fully engaged in the investigation, in-
somuch that had it been resolved to bring the case to trial he would
probably have had to assist in the prosecution. And it would seem

320 LETTEItfl AST) LIVS OF F&AJICI8 BA009. [Chap. DL

from the following letter, dated September 28tli, that tiie tiial had
been actnaDj appointed, and acyonmed to a farther daj, and was ex-
pected to come on aoon, and that in that caae Bacon would hare been
appointed Solicitor for the porpoee.

F&ANCia Bacon to thx Lo&d Kbbpee.^

It may please your good Lordship^

I received at my Lord of Essex last going firom Court a
message of good assurance, which his Lordship sent to my
brother and to myself; which was this : That her Majesty had
steadfastly promised him to dispatch my matter to-morrow. And
somewhat her Majesty said to myself when I attended her upon
some service since, which I liked well, though it was with some
doubtfdlness, as they say her Majesty useth till the last hour.
This I thought good to signify to your good Lordship, both that
your Lordship may perceive how effectual and operative your
Lordship's last dealing with her Majesty was, and also that now
the wheel is going your Lordship would set it forward, the rather
in respect of the necessity to go presently in hand with these
criminal causes, if the commission shall hold according to the
adjournment. And if her Majesty should not be pleased pre-
sently to give order for a patent^ yet if your Lordship may by
her warrant give me warning to prepare myself, it will be some
hold and satisfaction. So thinking long to have the strength of
place to do your Lordship acceptable service, I leave your good
Lordship to God's good preservation. From Gray's Inn, this
28th of September, 1594.

Your Lordship's most humbly at your hon[ourablei
commandments,

Fr. Bacon.

Again however his hopes were disappointed. The "criminal
causes" were not proceeded with (perhaps because the Earl of
Derby's name was touched, who died in the preceding April) ; term
commenced, and the Solicitor's place remained vacant. Bacon had
retired to Twickenham, whence on the 15th of October he wrote to
his brother the following letter.

1 HarL MSS. 6996. 216. Original : own hand.

1694.] APPOINTMENT STILL IN SUSPENSE. 821

Francis Bacon to his Brother Anthony.^

My good Brother,

One day draweth on another and I am well pleased in my
being here; for methinks solitariness coUecteth the mind, as
shutting the eyes doth the sight. I pray therefore advertise me
what you find by my Lord of Essex (who I am sure hath been
with you) was done last Sunday, and what he conceiveth of the
matter. 1 hold it no secret and therefore you may trust your
servant. I would be glad to receive my parsonage rent as soon
as it Cometh. So leave I you to God's good preservation. Prom
Twickenham Park, this Tuesday morning, 1594.*

Your ever loving brother,

Fr. Bacon.

Professional business brought him back to Gray's Inn. It seems
he had a cause to argue on the 25th. On the 28rd he received the
following letter from* the Earl of Essex, from which we gather that
his appointment was still in suspense.

The Earl of Essex to Francis Bacon.'

Sir,
I will be to-morrow night at London. I purpose to hear your argu-
ment * the next day. I pray you send me word by this bearer of the hour
and place where it is. Of your own cause I shall give better account when
I see you than I can do now ; for that which will he done wiU he this
afternoon or to-morrow. I am fast unto you, as you can he to yourself.

Essex.

9.

Michaelmas Term passed ; winter set in early with frost and snow ;^
and still no Solicitor appointed. Meanwhile the burden of debt and
the difficulty of obtaining necessary supplies was daily increasing.
Anthony's correspondence during this autumn is full of urgent appli-
cations to various friends for loans of money, and the following
memorandum shows that much of his own necessity arose from his
anxiety to supply the necessities of his brother.

> Lambeth MSS. 650. 197. Original : own hand. Docketed, ** Do Mons' Fran-
cois Bacon a MonsT, le 16^ de Octobre, 1594."

' Tuesdaj was the 15th. The date in the docket is probably the date of the
receipt.

* Lambeth MSS. 650. 195. Copr. Docketed, '<De Mens' le Compte d^Essex,
le 28" d'October, 1594, a Mr. Fr. Bacon."

^ agreement in MS.

* Lady B. to A. B., 5th December. Lambeth MSS. 650. 224.

VOL. I. T

922 LKTTKBS ASD LIFE OF FBJkSCIS B^OOS. \Cbj^. UL

** MABonaditai. That die Ibalk of Oetobcr, "M, at sj bro&er eom-
iof to me after a fit of the atcme, and falling into talk of die monej be
oamiit me aa prindpal debt, he adaKnrledged to be doe to me £650;
whereof £9)0 I bomnred of llT.Milb and paid it him again; £900 of die
monej- 1 had of Alderman Speneer ; £100 before he went his jonmej into
the'nortb, £60inmonejand £10 formjeoach-bonea; £150 after hia re-
turn ; beaidea maoj other pajments to Hr. Senhooae and odien.*^

In the aame rolnme (pp. 24-29) are preserred a number of *^ ae-
knowledgmenta of monej receired from Antbonj Baocm to die oae
of Francia Bacon b^ hia aenrantB." Thej are the originala, widi the
aigoature in each caae of the aenrant to whom die money^ was paid.
Another account, which I take from a oopj in Dr. Birch's hand,'
girea the aoma and dates ; though I think it is not a complete one.

Money paid bj Mr. Anthonj Bacon to his brother Francis and to Sir
Anthony Standen.

1693. A part oe qui a este paye a Mons. Senhouse.

Le 21"* de Septembre, a Mons. Francois Bacon £5

11 de Septembre, 93, a Pierre poor Mr. Fr. Bacon 20

26 d'Octob. 1693, a Fierre 20

30 d'Octob. /93, a Mr. Fr. Bacon 1

31 d'Octob. /93, a Kellet poor Mons. Fr. Bacon 23

18 de Novem. /93, a Ashpoole pour Mr. Fr. Bacon 5

6 de May, /94, a Pierre pour Mr. Fr. Bacon 10

11 de Juillet, /94, a Mr. Fr. Bacon 60

31 d'Aoust, /94, a Mr. Fr. Bacon 100

9 Scptemb. /94, a Mr. Fr. Bacon 60

29 Janvier, /94, a Mr. Trott pour Mr. Fr. Bacon 30

8 Mars, /94, a Eich. Grome pour Mr. Fr. Bacon 10

14 d' April, a Kellet pour Mr. Fr. Bacon 44

14 Juin, /95, a Mons. Sagden par son homme 60

»373

Then follows a copy of the memorandum which I have already
gi^en from the original, and after that the payments to Sir Anthony
Standen.

It is not ofben, I suppose, that a relation of debtor and creditor
like this continues long even between the best friends without
making their intercourse more or less uncomfortable ; especially when
the lender has so good an excuse for objecting to fresh demands as
that of not being able to lend more without embarrassing himself,
and placing himself under fresh obligations to other acquaintance.

1 Larabeth MSS. 661. 30.

> Additional MSS. Br. Mus. 6123. 28.

* So MS. ; but the items really amount to £428.

1594.] CONSUMPTION OF THE PUBSE. 323

It is worth recording therefore that in all this correspondence I find
no trace of disagreement between these brothers. Not a word of
reproof, expostulation, reluctance, or impatience, drops from Anthony;
though his temper had much of the irritability as well as all the gene-
rosity which commonly belongs to an affectionate nature ; and the
fact deserves notice, not merely for the honour which it reflects upon
himself, but as affording a strong presumption that he at least, who
had the best means of judging and was every way so much interested,
did not disapprove the course which Erancis was taking, or suspect
him of prodigality or carelessness.

Francis meanwhile, as one resource for present disembarrassment,
was beginning to think of parting with his reversion of the Clerkship
of the Star Chamber to his friend Nicolas Trott ; who though hitherto
a very forward and liberal lender,* did not (as it afterwards appeared)
mean to risk the lo^s either of his principal or his interest, and was
now, upon these repeated postponements of the promised promotion,
growing anxious for his security.^ But not finding the arrangement
practicable, or not being able to wait until it were completed, or find-
ing some other difficulty in the way. Bacon was fain in the meantime
to strain his credit for the borrowing of £500 more ; and this upon
some assurance in which it was necessary that his brother should
join.

With this introduction the two next letters will be as intelligible
as I can make them.

F&ANCis Bacon to his Brother Anthony.*

Brother,

I did move you to join with me in security for £500^ which

1 See A. B/b letter to Lady B., 10th Jane, 1594. Lambeth MSS. 650. 137. *' I
haye signified unto my brother your Ladyship's mind and resolution to effectuate
whatsoever shall in reason be found requisite for Mr. Trott's full satisfaction and
assurance : who truly, Madam, hath showed more real confidence and kindness
towards us both than I think all our brothers and uncles put together would have
performed, if we had been constrained to have had recourse to them in the like
case."

> See his letter to Francis Bacon, 2nd December, 1594 ; Lambeth MSS. 650.
207 ; and another to Anthony (652. 54), docketed 1594, but the month not named.

The proposed arrangement was something of this kind. The rerersion of the
office (valued by Francis at £1200) was to be procured to Trott and Anthony as
joint patentees ; upon which Trott was to pay £600 down ; and if either should die
before the present possessor, and the other came into possession of the patent singly,
the overliver was to pay £600, in yearly instalments of £100, to the eiecutors or
assigns of the deceased. Or, if Francis preferred some yearly payment of four or
five hundred marks, Trott was wiUins , ** so that a corresponding aefalkment be made
out of the sum to be paid presently.

s Lambeth MSS. 650. 227. Original : own hand. Docketed, " Lre. de Mons'
Francois Bacon, reoeue le 11">* de Decemb. 1594.*'

Y 2

824 LETTERS AND LTEE OP FBANOIS BACON. [Chap. IX.

I did purpose then dividedly to have taken up^ £300 elsewhere,
and £200 by way of forbearance, both to the satisfaction of Peter
Vanlore (?). Hereunto, I thank you, you assented. I have now
agreed with Peter for the taking up of the whole of one man, ac-
cording to which I send you the bonds. And whereas you shall
find the bond to be of £600, which is £100 more ; true it is that
first the jewel cost £500 and odd, as shall appear to you by my
bond. Next I promise you immediately (for we are agreed so) to
free you of one hundreth, for which you stand bound to Mr. Wil-
liam Fleetwood. So in haste I commend you to God's good pre-
servation : from my chamber in Gray's Inn, this 10th of December.

Your entire loving brother,

Fr. Baco^.

The Same to the Same.^

Brother,

I have written a few words to Sir Antonio Perez, which if
you allow I pray seal and deliver to my servant to bear. I did
doubt I should not see him of these two or three days; which
made me use litteris prcBCursoriis, I have since considered of a
marvellous apt man to be joined in trust, in that the world
taketh note of him for true honesty, and is obliged to my Lord's
house, being used in near confidence by Mr. Secretary.^ It is
Mr. William Gerrard of Gray's Inn, who also by reason of his
abode is at hand to repair to me for conference. If your opinion

> Lambeth MSS. 650. 225. Original : own hand. Docketed, " Lre. de Mr.
Francois Bacon, receue le 13"« de Decebre, 1594"

* Meaning, I suppose, Sir Francis Walsingham ; " my Lord's ** (that is, Essex's)
father-in-law. The matter in question being probably something between Essex
and Perez, the Spanish refugee, whom he greatly favoured; though the Queen
would have nothing to say to him, because he betrayed his master's secrets. See
Camden.

The following passage in a letter from Anthony Bacon to his brother (25th De-
cember, 1594) may perhaps relate to the same business. Essex had come the
evenine before " expressly to speak with the French ambassador and Sir Ant.
Perez,' and not finding Perez at home, left him word to " repair to Walsingham
House with all speed, where he had two hours' conference with him ; and amongst
other things argued the matter you wot of at large, with no less judgment than de-
votion to my Lord's honour and profit, and good affection to us. His argument
my Lord heard attentively, and accepted most kindly, with many most hearty
thanks ; assuring him that at his return to the Court, which would be within two
days, he would resolve. The occasion was very fitly ministered by my Lord him-
self advertising Signor Perez that the Queen had signed at two of the clock, and
had given him an hundred pound land in fee simple, and thirty pound in parks,
which for quietness sake, and in respect of his friends, he was content to accept
without any further contestation." — Lambeth MSS. 650. 221.

1694.] HOLIDAY OCCUPATIONS. 825

concur^ let us rest upon him in case the occasion be given. Qd.
erit e re domini. So in haste^ desirous to hear of your good
night's rest, I further salute you with Mr. Milles his new bond
sine liturd. From my chamber at Gray's Inn, this 13th of

December, 1594.

Your entire loving brother,

Fr. Bacon.

10.

To suppose that Bacon's mind was not troubled with this disease
in his finances, would be a great and unjust reproach. We shall see
shortly that he had in fact once more resolved to shake himself free
of the ties which bound him to a service so much worse than unpro-
fitable 80 far as he was himself concerned. We shall see also by
what means and upon what conditions he was tempted once more to
renew his term.

But it was no part either of his duty or his nature to waste his
spirits in vain regret. The vacation gave him leisure for work, and
Christmas brought festivities for recreation. And it happens luckily
that some traces remain of the manner in which he improved both.
It was on the 5th of December, 1594, that he commenced that
" Promus of Formularies and Elegancies," of which I have given a
particular account in the * Literary Works ;'^ in which may be traced (if
I have read it right) the footprints of a journey in the mind over a
large field of reading and meditation, with a view to fix the leading
features in memory and store them for future use. And it was on
the 29th of the same month that he was called in to assist in *' re-
covering the lost honour of Gray's Inn," which had suffered the night
before by the miscarriage of a Christmas revel.

For the more serious labour I may refer the reader to the other
part of this work, to which it more properly belongs. But a con-
tribution to the G-ray's Inn revels belongs unquestionably to the
'* occasional " department ; and to be properly understood, must be
taken in connexion with the surrounding circumstances. These are
indeed set forth at full length in a tract^ which is not difficult to pro-
cure, having been reprinted in Nichols's * Progresses of Queen Eliza-
beth.'* But as Bacon's name does not appear upon the face of the
narrative ; and as his connexion with it, though sufficiently obvious,
has never so far as I know been pointed out or suspected ; I assume
that the little story which I am going to tell (presenting as it does a
curious and very picturesque illustration of the manners of the time

» Works, VII. p. 189. « Gesta arayorum. London, 1688. » III. 262.

826 LETTERS AlH) LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IX.

and the humours of the people among whom all his early and middle
life was spent) is not so familiar to the students of his works but
that they will be glad to see it here.

"I trust they will not mum nor mask nor sinfully revel" (so
writes Lady Bacon to her son Anthony, on the 5th of December,) ^
" at Gray's Inn. Who were sometime counted first, God grant they
wane not daily and deserve to be named last.'* But it was too late
for praying. The youth of Gray's Inn were already deep in sinful
consultation. Their revels, in which they used to excel, had been
intermitted for the last three or four years, and they were resolved
to redeem the time by producing this year something out of the
common way. Their device was to turn Gray's Inn, " with the con-
sent and advice of the Eeaders and Ancients," into the semblance of a
court and kingdom, and to entertain each other during the twelve days
of Christmas licence with playing at kings and counsellors. They pro-
ceeded accordingly to elect a prince — the Prince of Purpoole. They
provided him with a Privy Council for advice in matters of state ;
with a presence-chamber for audience, and a council-chamber for bu-
siness ; with all officers of state, law, and household ; with gentlemen
pensioners to wait on his person, and a guard, with a captain of the
guard, to defend it. They raised treasure for the support of his state
and dignity, partly by a benevolence, which was granted by those
who were present, and partly by " letters in the nature of privy seals "
which were directed to those who were away. They sent to " their
ancient allied friend, the Inner Temple," a formal communication of
their proceedings, with request that an ambassador from that state
might be sent to reside amongst them ; which was with equal for-
mality accorded, '' as ancient amity and league required and deserved."
On the 20th of December, the Prince with all his state, after the
pattern of a royal procession exactly marshalled, proceeded to the
great hall of Gray's Inn, and took his seat on the throne. The
trumpets sounded thrice, the King-at-Arms proclaimed bis style and
blazoned his arms ; the Champion rode in in full armour and threw
down his gage in defiance of all disputers ; the Attorney made his
speech of congratulation; the Solicitor recited the names of all
homagers and tributaries, with the nature of their tenures and ser-
vices (a recital which gave occasion to many jocose allusions, veiled
under legal phraseology — and many of them much in need of a veil —
to the manners, customs, and occupations of the several suburban
localities), and summoned them to appear and do homage. A Par-
liament, which was to have been held, was given up, owing to the
necessary absence of ''some special officers;" but as a subsidy was
1 Lambeth MSS. 6&0. 222.

1694.] MEBKT CHBISTMAS AT GKAY'S INN. 827

obtained and a general pardon granted notwithstanding, the jest was
rather improved perhaps than injured by the omission. The pardon
was read at full length ; an elaborate burlesque, beginning with a
proclamation of free pardon for every kind of offence for which a
name could be invented, and ending with a long list of cases excepted,
which does in fact include every offence which could possibly be com-
mitted. Then the Prince, having made a short speech to his subjects,
called his Master of the Bevels, and the evening ended with dances.

This was the first day's entertainment ; and though the humour
has lost its edge for us, it hit the fancy of the time so well and raised
such great expectation that the performers were encouraged to enlarge
their plan and raise their style. They resolved therefore (besides all
this court-pomp and their daily sports among themselves) to have cer-
tain " grand nights," in which something special should be performed
for the entertainment of strangers. But the same expectation which
suggested the design spoiled the performance. For on the first of
these " grand nights ** (which was intended for the special honour of
the Templarians), when the Ambassador had arrived in great state,
and been conducted to the presence with sound of trumpet, and after
interchange of elaborate compliments seated beside the Prince, and
the entertainment was ready to begin before a splendid company of
** lords, ladies, and worshipful personages that did expect some nota*
ble performance," — the throng grew suddenly so great and the stag^
so crowded with beholders that there was not room enough for the
actors ; and nothing could be done. The Ambassador and his train
retired in discontent; and when the tumult partly subsided they
were obliged (in default of those " very good inventions and con-
ceipts '* which had been intended) to content themselves with ordi-
nary dancing and revelling ; and when that was over, with " a Comedy
of Errors (like to Plautus his Menechmus)," which "was played by
the players." This performance seems to have been regarded as the
crowning disgrace of this unfortunate Qrand Night; a fact, by the way,
indicating (if it were Shakespeare's play, as I suppose it was) either
rich times or poor tastes ; for the historian proceeds, " so that night
was begun, and continued to the end, in nothing but confusion and
errors ; whereupon it was ever afterwards called the Night qfJSrrors,^*

This was on the 28tli of December. The next night was taken up
with a legal inquiry into the causes of those disorders. A commission
of Oyer and Terminer was issued. A certain " sorcerer or conjurer
that was supposed to be the cause of that confused inconvenience "
was arraigned before a jury of twenty-four gentlemen, on several
charges ; of which the last was " that he had foisted a company of base
and common fellows to make up our disorders with a play of errors

826 LETTERS Am) LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IX-

and the humours of the people among whom all his early and middle
life was spent) is not so familiar to the students of his works but
that they will be glad to see it here.

"I trust they will not mum nor mask nor sinfully revel" (so
writes Lady Bacon to her son Anthony, on the 5th of December,) ^
" at Gray's Inn. Who were sometime counted first, God grant they
wane not daily and deserve to be named last.'* But it was too late
for praying. The youth of Gray's Inn were already deep in sinful
consultation. Their revels, in which they used to excel, had been
intermitted for the last three or four years, and they were resolved
to redeem the time by producing this year something out of the
common way. Their device was to turn Gray's Inn, " with the con-
sent and advice of the Headers and Ancients," into the semblance of a
court and kingdom, and to entertain each other during the twelve days
of Christmas licence with playing at kings and counsellors. They pro-
ceeded accordingly to elect a prince — the Prince of Purpoole. They
provided him with a Privy Council for advice in matters of state ;
with a presence-chamber for audience, and a council-chamber for bu-
siness ; with all o£Scers of state, law, and household ; with gentlemen
pensioners to wait on his person, and a guard, with a captain of the
guard, to defend it. They raised treasure for the support of his state
and dignity, partly by a benevolence, which was granted by those
who were present, and partly by " letters in the nature of privy seals "
which were directed to those who were away. They sent to " their
ancient allied friend, the Inner Temple," a formal communication of
their proceedings, with request that an ambassador from that state
might be sent to reside amongst them ; which was with equal for-
mality accorded, " as ancient amity and league required and deserved."
On the 20th of December, the Prince with all his state, after the
pattern of a royal procession exactly marshalled, proceeded to the
great hall of Gray's Inn, and took his seat on the throne. The
trumpets sounded thrice, the King-at-Arms proclaimed his style and
blazoned his arms ; the Champion rode in in full armour and threw
down his gage in defiance of all disputers ; the Attorney made his
speech of congratulation; the Solicitor recited the names of all
homagers and tributaries, with the nature of their tenures and ser-
vices (a recital which gave occasion to many jocose allusions, veiled
under legal phraseology — and many of them much in need of a veil —
to the manners, customs, and occupations of the several suburban
localities), and summoned them to appear and do homage. A Par-
liament, which was to have been held, was given up, owing to the
necessary absence of '^some special ofBcers;" but as a subsidy was
1 Lambeth MSS. 650. 222.

1694.] MEKKT CHBISTMAS AT GKAY'S INN. 827

obtained and a general pardon granted notwithstanding, the jest was
rather improved perhaps than injured by the omission. The pardon
was read at full length ; an elaborate burlesque, beginning with a
proclamation of free pardon for every kind of offence for which a
name could be invented, and ending with a long list of cases excepted,
which does in fact include every offence which could possibly be com-
mitted. Then the Prince, having made a short speech to his subjects,
called his Master of the Bevels, and the evening ended with dances.

This was the first day's entertainment ; and though the humour
has lost its edge for us, it hit the fancy of the time so well and raised
such great expectation that the performers were encouraged to enlarge
their plan and raise their style. They resolved therefore (besides all
this court-pomp and their daily sports among themselves) to have cer-
tain " grand nights," in which something special should be performed
for the entertainment of strangers. But the same expectation which
suggested the design spoiled the performance. For on the first of
these " grand nights " (which was intended for the special honour of
the Templarians), when the Ambassador had arrived in great state,
and been conducted to the presence with sound of trumpet, and after
interchange of elaborate compliments seated beside the Prince, and
the entertainment was ready to begin before a splendid company of
'^ lords, ladies, and worshipful personages that did expect some nota-
ble performance," — the throng grew suddenly so great and the stagA
so crowded with beholders that there was not room enough for the
actors ; and nothing could be done. The Ambassador and his train
retired in discontent; and when the tumult partly subsided they
were obliged (in default of those '' very good inventions and con-
ceipts '* which had been intended) to content themselves with ordi-
nary dancing and revelling ; and when that was over, with ** a Comedy
qfUrrors (like to Plautus his Menechmus)," which "was played by
the players." This performance seems to have been regarded as the
crowning disgrace of this unfortunate Grand Night; a fact, by the way,
indicating (if it were Shakespeare's play, as I suppose it was) either
rich times or poor tastes ; for the historian proceeds, " so that night
was begun, and continued to the end, in nothing but confusion and
errors ; whereupon it was ever afterwards called the Night of Errors.*^

This was on the 28tli of December. The next night was taken up
with a legal inquiry into the causes of those disorders. A commission
of Oyer and Terminer was issued. A certain " sorcerer or conjurer
that was supposed to be the cause of that confused inconvenience "
was arraigned before a jury of twenty-four gentlemen, on several
charges ; of which the last was " that he had foisted a company of base
and common fellows to make up our disorders with a play of errors

828 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FBANOIS BACON. [Chap. DC.

and confusions." He met the charge bj a counter-statement, set
forth in a petition which was presented and read by the Master of
Bequests, showing that all was due to negligence on the part of the
Council and great officers, and appealing to the Prince ; who finding
the allegations in the petition to be true, pardoned and released the
prisoner ; but finding them also to be offensive, as taxing the Gbvem.
ment, and therefore not proper to pass unpunished, ordered to the
Tower (along with the Attorney and Solicitor, whose delinquencies
it exposed) the Master of Bequests, who had been acquainted with
its contents.

After this broad parody upon the administration of justice by the
Crown in Council, they proceeded to " hold a great consultation for
the recovery of their lost honour ;'* which ended in a resolution '* that
the Prince's Council should be reformed, and some graver conceipts
should have their places, to advise upon those things that were pro-
pounded to be done afterward." And here it is that the story be-
gins to have an interest for us. It is most probable that one of
these " graver conceipts '* was Bacon himself. It is certain that an
entertainment of a very superior kind was produced a few days after,
in the preparation of which he took a principal part.

Friday, the 3rd of January, was to be the night. ^* Divers plots
and devices " were arranged. Order was taken to prevent overcrowd-
ing and confusion. A great number of great persons, among them
the Lord Keeper, the Lord Treasurer, the Yice-Chamberlain, and
several other Privy Councillors, were invited and came. When all
were seated, the Prince came in full state and took his throne. The
Ambassador from Templaria followed with his train, aod was placed
by the Prince's side ; and the performance began, after the fashion of
those entertainments, with a dumb-show ; the object of which was to
represent the reconciliation between Gray's Inn and the Temple,
which had been disturbed by the Night of Errors.

The curtain being withdrawn discovered the Arch-flamen of the
Gk)ddess of Amity standing at her altar, and round it nymphs and
fairies singing hymns in her praise, and ^* making very pleasant melody
with viols and voices." Then came in, pair by pair, all the heroic
patterns of friendship, Theseus and Pirithous, Achilles and Patroclus,
Pylades and Orestes, Scipio and LsbHus, each pair offering incense
upon the altar as they passed ; " which shined and burned very clear
without blemish." Last came Grains and Templarius, lovingly, arm
in arm ; but when they offered their incense the flame was chok^ with
" troubled smoke and dark vapour," until the Arch-flamen performed
certain mystical ceremonies and invocations, and the nymphs sang
hymns of pacification, upon which the fiame burnt up clearer than it

1594.] GESTA GEAYOEUM. 329

had ever done before, and continued longer, and the Arch-flamen pro-
nounced them to be as true and perfect friends as any of those others,
and divined that their love would be perpetual ; " and so with sweet
and pleasant melody the curtain was drawn as it was at the first.'*

The show being ended, the Prince in token of satisfaction invested
the Ambassador and twenty-four of his retinue, with the Collar of
the Knighthood of the Helmet; upon which the King-at-Arms, —
having first declared how the Prince had instituted this Order in
memory of the arms he bore, which were given to one of his ancestors
for saving the life of the then sovereign, '* in regard that as the helmet
defendeth the chiefest part of the body, the head, so did he then de-
fend the head of the state," — proceeded to read the articles of the
Order ; which they were all to vow to keep, each kissing the helmet as
he took his vow.

These articles present in a strain of playful satire so elegant an
illustration of the fashions and humours of those days, that I shall
transcribe them at length ; the rather as forming part of an entertain-
ment in the preparation of which Bacon certainly had a hand, though
not, I think, in the execution of this part of it.

" Imprimis, Every Knight of this Honourable Order, whether he be a
natural subject or stranger bom, shall promise never to bear arms against
his Highness's sacred person, nor his state ; but to assist him in all his law-
ful wars and maintain all his just pretences and titles ; especially his
Highness' title to the land of the Amazons and the Cape of Good Hope.

" Item, No Knight of this Order shall, in point of honour, resort to any
grammar-rules out of the books de Duello, or such-like ; but shall out of
his own brave mind and natural courage deliver himself from scorns, as to
his own discretion shall seem convenient.

" Item, No Knight of this Order shall be inquisitive towards any lady or
gentlewoman, whether her beauty be English or Italian, or whether with
care-taking she have added half a foot to her stature ; but shall take all to
the best. Neither shall any Knight of the aforesaid Order presume to
affirm that faces were better twenty years ago than they are at this present
time, except such knight have passed three climacterical years.

** Item, Every Knight of this Order is bound to perform all requisite and
manly service, be it night-service or otherwise, as the case requireth, to all
ladies and gentlewomen, beautiful by nature or by art ; ever ofiering his
aid without any demand thereof; and if in ca^e he fail so to do, he shall be
deemed a match of disparagement to any of his Highness's widows or
wards-female ; and his Excellency shall in justice forbear to make any
tender of him to any such ward or widow. -r-.

"Item, No Knight of this Order shall procure any letters froiiirT&Ss
Highness to any widow or maid, for his enablement or commendation to
be advanced in marriage ; but all prerogative, wooing set apart, shall for

i

830 LETTEEfi AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chip. IX.

ever cease as to any of these Knights, and shall be left to the common laws
of this land, declared by the statute Quia electiones libera esse debent.

** Item, No Knight of this honourable Order, in case he shall grow into
decay, shall procure from his Highness [for his] relief and sustentation
any monopolies or privileges, except only these kinds following ; that is
to say, upon every tobacco-pipe, not being one foot wide. Upon every
lock that is worn, not being seven foot long. Upon every health that is
drunk, not being of a glass five foot deep. And upon every maid in his
Highness' province of Islington, continuing a virgin after the age of four-
teen years, contrary to the use and custom in that place always had and
observed.

'* Item, No Knight of this Order shall have any more than one mistress,
for whose sake he shall be allowed to wear three colours. But if he will
have two mistresses, then must he wear six colours ; and so forward, after
the rate of three colours to a mistress.

" Itemy No Knight of this Order shall put out any money upon strange
returns or performances to be made by his own person ; as to hop up the
stairs to the top of St. Paul's without intermission ; or any other such-like
agilities or endurances ; except it may appear that the same performances
or practices do enable him to some service or employment ; as if he do un-
dertake to go a journey backward, the same shall be thought to enable him
to be an ambassador into Turkey.

" Item, No Knight of this Order that hath had any licence to travel into
foreign countries, be it by map, card, sea, or land, and hath returned from
thence, shall presume upon the warrant of a traveller to report any extra-
ordinary varieties ; as that he hath ridden through Venice on horseback
post, or that in December he sailed by the Cape of Norway, or that he
hath travelled over the most part of the countries of Geneva, or such-like
hyperboles, contrary to the statute Propterea quod qui diversos terrarum
ambitus errant et vagantur, etc.

" Item, Every Knight of this Order shall do his endeavour to be much in
the books of the worshipful citizens of the principal city next adjoining to
the territories of Purpoole ; and none shall unleamedly, or without book-
ing,* pay ready money for any wares or other things pertaining to the gal-
lantness of his Honour's Court ; to the ill example of others and utter
subversion of credit betwixt man and man.

" Item, Every Knight of this Order shall apply himself to some or other
virtuous quality or ability of learning, honour, and arms : and shall not
think it sufficient to come into his Honour's presence-chamber in good
apparel only, or to be able to keep company at play and gaming. For such
it is already determined that they be put and taken for implements of
household, and are placed in his Honour's inventory.

" Item, Every Knight of this Order shall endeavour to add conference
and experience to* reading ; and therefore shall not only read and peruse
J8hwao. the French Academy, Galiatto the Courtier, Plutarch, the Ar-
cadia, and the Neoterical writers, from time to time ; but also frequent the

* looking in original. * fty in originaL

1694.] GESTA GEAYOEUM. 831

theatre and such-like places of experience ; and resort to the better sort
of ordinaries for conference, whereby they may not only become accom-
plished with civil conversation and able to govern a table with discourse ;
but also sufficient, if need be, to make epigrams, emblems, and other de-
vices appertaining to his Honour's learned revels.

Item, No Knight of this Order shall give out what gracious words the
Prince hath given him, nor leave word at his chamber, in case any come
to speak with him, that he is above with his Excellency, nor cause his man
when he shall be in any public assembly to call him suddenly to go to the
Prince, nor cause any packet of letters to be brought at dinner or supper-
time, nor say that he had the refusal of some great office, nor satisfy suitors
to say his Honour is not in any good disposition, nor make any narrow
observation of his Excellency's nature and fashions, as if he were inward
privately with his Honour ; contrary to the late inhibition of selling of
smoke.

" Item, No Knight of this Order shall be armed for the safeguard of his
countenance with a pike in his mouth in the nature of a tooth-picker, or
with any weapon in his hand, be it stick, plume, wand, or any such-like :
Neither shall he draw out of his pocket any book or paper, to read, for
the same intent ; neither shall he retain any extraordinary shrug, nod, or
any familiar motion or gesture, to the same end ; for his Highness of his
gracious clemency is disposed to lend his countenance to all such Knights
as are out of countenance.

" Item, No Knight of this Order that weareth fustian, cloth, or such
statute-apparel, for necessity, shall pretend to wear the same for the new
fashion's sake.

Item, No Knight of this Order in walking the streets or other places of
resort, shall bear his hands in his pockets of his great rolled hose with the
Spanish wheel, if it be not either to defend his hands from the cold, or
else to guard forty shillings sterling, being in the same pockets.

" Item, No Knight of this Order shall lay to pawn his Collar of Knight-
hood for an hundred pounds ; and if he do, he shall be ipso facto dis-
charged ; and it shall be lawful for any man whatsoever that will retain
the same Collar for the sum aforesaid, forthwith to take upon him the said
Knighthood, by reason of a secret virtue in the Collar ; for in this Order
it is holden for a certain rule that the Knighthood followeth the Collar,
and not the Collar the Knighthood.

" Item, That no Knight of this Order shall take upon him the person of
a malcontent, in going with a more private retinue than appertaineth to
his degree, and using but certain special obscure company, and commend-
ing none but men disgraced and out of office ; and smiling at good newfi,
as if he knew something that were not true ; and making odd notes of his
Highness' reign, and former Governments ; or saying that his Highness'
sports were well sorted with a Play of Errors; and such-like pretty speeches
of jest, to the end that he may more safely utter his malice against his
Excellency's happiness ; upon pain to be present at all his Excellency's
;no8t glorious triumphs.

" Laetly, All the Knights of this honourable Order and the renowned

832 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IX.

Sovereign of the same, shall yield all homage, loyalty, unafiected admira-
tion, and all humble service, of what name or condition soever, to the in-
comparable Empress of the fortunate Island."

The ceremony of investiture was followed by a " variety of consort-
music" and a running banquet served by the Knights of the Helmet
who were not strangers : and so this part of the entertainment ended.

Next follows the part in which we are more especially concerned,
— that part for the better illustration of which I have thought it
worth while to tell the story.

" This being done (proceeds the narrator) there was a table set in
the midst of the stage before the Prince's seat ; and there sate six of
the Lords of his Privy Council, which at that time were appointed
to attend in Council the Prince's leisure. Then the Prince spake to
them in this manner : —

My Lords^

We have made choice of you^ our most faithful and favoured
counsellors^ to advise with you not any particular action of our
state, but in general of the scope and end whereunto you think
it most for our honour and the happiness of our state that our
government should be rightly bent and directed. For we mean
not to do as many princes use, which conclude of their ends out
of their own humours^ and take counsel only of the means,
abusing for the most part the wisdom of their counsellors [to ']
set them in the right way to the wrong place. But we, desirous
to leave as little to chance or humour as may be, do now give
you liberty and warrant to set before us to what port, as it were,
the ship of our government should be bounden. And this we
require you to do without either respect to our affections or your
own ; neither guessing what is most agreeable with our disposi-
tion, wherein we may easily deceive you, for Princes' hearts are
inscrutable; nor on the other side putting the case by your-
selves, as if you would present us with a robe whereof measure
were taken by yourselves. Thus you perceive our mind and we
expect your answer.

The First Counsellor, advising the Exercise of War.
Most excellent Prince,

Except there be such amongst us, as I am fully persuaded

* honourt in original.
to omitted in original, and abusing . . . counsellors within parenthesis.

1594.] GESTA GEAYORUM. 383

there is none^ that regardeth more his own greatness under you
than your greatness over others, I think there will be little
difference in chusing for you a goal worthy your virtue and
power. For he that shall set before him your magnanimity and
valour, supported by the youth and disposition of your body ;
your flourishing Court, like the horse of Troy, full of brave com-
manders and leaders; your populous and man-rife provinces,
overflowing with warlike people ; your coffers, like the Indian
mines when that they were first opened ; your storehouses and
arsenals,^ like to Vulcan's cave ; your navy like to an huge float-
ing city ; the devotion of your subjects to your crown and per-
son, their good agreement amongst themselves, their wealth and
provision; and then your strait ^ and unrevocable confederation
with these ^ noble and honourable personages, and the fame and
reputation without of so rare a concurrence, whereof all the
former regards do grow ; how can he think any exercise worthy
of your means but that of conquest ? For in few words, what is
your strength, if you find it not ? your fortune, if you try it
not? your virtue, if you show it not? Think, excellent Prince,
what sense of content you found in yourself, when you were first
invested in our state ; for though I know your Excellency is far
from vanity and lightness, yet it is the nature of all things to
find rest when they come to due and proper places. But be as-
sured of this, that this delight will languish and vanish ; for
power* will quench appetite and satiety will induce ^ tediousness.
But if you embrace the wars, your trophies and triumphs shall
be as continual coronations, that will not suffer your glory and
contentment to fade and wither. Then when you have enlarged
your territories, ennobled your country, distributed fortunes,
good or bad, at your pleasure, not only to particiilars but to
cities and nations ; marked the computations of times with your
expeditions and voyages, and the memory of places by your ex-
ploits and victories ; in your later years you shall find a sweet
respect* into the adventures of your youth; you shall enjoy
your reputation ; you shall record your travels ; and after your
own time you shall eternise your name, and leave deep footsteps
of your power in the world. To conclude, excellent Prince, and

^ are as sea-walU in original.

^ strength in original ; for which ttreigfU might easily he mistaken.

the in original. * So original, qy. postestion,

* endure in original • Prohahly rhpect (= retrospect).

884 LETTEES AND LIFE OP FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. DC

most worthy to have the titles of victories added to your other
high and deserved titles^ Remember^ the divines find nothing more
glorious to resemble our state unto than a warfare. All things
in earnest and jest do affect a kind of victory ; and all other
victories are but shadows to the victories of the wars. Therefore
embrace the wars, for they disparage you not ; and believe that if
any Prince do otherwise it is either in the weakness of his mind
or means.

The Second Counsellor, advising the Study of Philosophy.
It may seem, most excellent Prince, that my Lord which now
hath spoken did never read the just censures of the wisest men,
who compared great conquerors to great rovers and witches,
whose power is in destruction and not in preservation ; else would
he never have advised your Excellency to become as some comet
or blazing star, which should threaten and portend nothing but
death and dearth, combustions and troubles of the world. And
whereas the governing faculties of men are two, force and reason,
whereof the one is brute and the other divine, he wisheth you for
your principal ornament and regality the talons of the eagle to
catch the prey, and not the piercing sight which seeth into the
bottom of the sea. But I contrariwise will wish unto your High-
ness the exercise of the best and purest part of the mind, and
the most innocent and meriting conquest,^ being the conquest of
the works of nature; making this proposition,^ that you bend
the excellency of your spirits to the searching out, inventing, and
discovering of all whatsoever is hid and^ secret in the world ; that
your Excellency be not as a lamp that shineth to others and yet
seeth not itself, but as the Eye of the World, that both carrieth
and useth light. Antiquity, that presenteth unto us in dark
visions the wisdom of former times, informeth us that the [go-
vernments of] kingdoms have always had an affinity with the
secrets and mysteries of learning. Amongst the Persians, the
kings were attended on by the Magi. The Gymnosophists had
all the government under the princes of Asia ; and generally those
kingdoms were accounted most happy, that had rulers most ad-
dicted to philosophy. The Ptolemies in Egypt may be for instance ;
and Salomon^ was a man so seen in the universality of nature
that he wrote an herbal of all that was green upon the earth.

^ requett in originaL ' hit proportion in original. ' in in original.

^ Soltfman in original.

\

1504.] GESTA GBAYOBUM. 335

No conquest of Julius Caesar made him so remembered as the
Calendar. Alexander the Great wrote to Aristotle, upon the pub-
lishing of the Physics, that he esteemed more of excellent men
in knowledge than in empire.^ And to this purpose I will com-
mend to your Highness four principal works and monuments
of yourself: First, the collecting of a most perfect and general
library, wherein whatsoever the wit of man hath heretofore com-
mitted to books of worth, be they ancient or modern, printed or
manuscript, European or of the other parts, of one or other lan-
guage, may be made contributory to your wisdom. Next, a
spacious, wonderfiil garden, wherein whatsoever plant the sun of
divers climates, out of the earth of divers moulds, either wild or
by the culture of man brought forth, may be with that care that
appertaineth to the good prospering thereof set and cherished :
This garden to be built about with rooms to stable in all rare
beasts and to cage in all rare birds ; with two lakes adjoining, the
one of firesh water the other of salt, for like variety of fishes. And
so you may have in small compass a model of universal nature
made private. The third, a goodly huge cabinet, wherein what-
soever the hand of man by exquisite art or engine hath made
rare in stuff, form, or motion; whatsoever singularity chance and
the shuffle of things hath produced; whatsoever Nature hath
wrought in things that want life and may be kept; shall be sorted
and included. The fourth such a still-house, so furnished with
mills, instruments, furnaces, and vessels, as may be a palace fit
for a philosopher's stone. Thus, when your Excellency shall have
added depth of knowledge to the fineness of [your] spirits and
greatness of your power, then indeed shall you be* a Trismegistus;
and then when all other miracles and wonders shall cease by
reason that you shall have discovered their natural causes, your-
self shall be left the only miracle and wonder of the world.

The Third Counsellor, advising Etemizement and Fame by
Buildings and Foundations.

My Lords that have already spoken, most excellent Prince,
have both used one fallacy, in taking that for certain and granted
which was most uncertain and doubtful ; for the one hath neither
drawn in question the success and fortune of the wars, nor the
other the difficulties and errors in the conclusions of nature. But
^ in the empire in original. ' 2ay in original.

886 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. IX.

these immoderate hopes and promises do many times issue forth^^
those of the wars into tragedies of calamities and distresses ; and
those of mystical philosophy into comedies of ridiciilous frustra-
tions and disappointments of such conceipts and curiosities. But
on the other side^ in one point my Lords have well agreed ; that
they both according to their several intentions counselled your Ex-
cellency to win fame and to eternize your name ; though the one
adviseth it in a course of great peril, and the other of little dignity
and magnificence. But the plain and approved way, that is safe
and yet proportionable to the greatness of a monarch, to present
himself to posterity, is not rumour and hearsay, but the visible*
memory of himself in^ the magnificence of goodly and royal
buildings and foundations, and the new institutions of orders,
ordinances, and societies ; that is, that [as] your coin be stamped
with your own image, so in every part of your state there may be
somewhat new, which by continuance may make the founder and
author remembered. It was perceived at the first, when men
sought to cure mortality by fame, that buildings was the only
way ; and thereof proceeded the known holy antiquity of building
the Tower of Babel ; which as it was a sin in the immoderate
appetite of fame, so it was punished in the kind ; for the diver-
sities of languages have imprisoned fame ever since. As for the
pyramids, the colosses, the number of temples, colleges, bridges,
aqueducts, castles, theatres, palaces, and the like, they may show
us that men ever mistrusted any other way to fame than this only,
of works and monuments. Yea even they which had the best
choice of other means. Alexander did not think his fame so en-
graven in his conquests, but that he thought it further shined in
the buildings of Alexandria. Augustus Caesar thought no man
had done greater things in military actions than himself, yet that
which at his death ran most in his mind was his building, when
he said, not, as some mistake it, metaphorically, but literally, /
found the city of brick but I leave it of marble, Constantine the
Great was wont to call with envy the Emperor Trajan, wallflower,
because his name was upon so many buildings ; which notwith-
standing he himself did embrace in the new founding of Constan-
tinople, and sundry other buildings; and yet none greater con-
querors than these two. And surely they had reason; for the
fame of great actions is like to a landflood which hath no certain
^ from in original. ^ usual in orlginaL ^ w in originaL

1694.] GKSTA aRAYOBUM. 337

head or spring ; but the memory and fame of baildings and founda-
tions hath; as it were^ a fountain in an hill^ which continually
feedeth and refresheth the other waters. Neither do I, excellent
Prince^ restrain my speeches to dead buildings only^ but intend
it also to other foundations^ institutions^ and creations ; wherein
I presume the more to speak confidently, because I am warranted
herein by your own wisdom, who have made the first-fruits of
your actions of state to institute the honourable Order of the
Helmet; the less shall I need to say, leaving your Excellency
not so much to follow my advice as your own example.

The Fourth Counsellor, advising Absoluteness of State and
Treasure,

Let it not seem pusillanimity for your Excellency, mighty
Prince, to descend a little from your high thoughts to a neces-
sary consideration of your own estate. Neither do you deny,
honourable Lords, to acknowledge safety, profit, and power to
be of the substance of policy, and fame and honour rather to be
as flowers of well ordered actions than as good ends.^ Now if
y^u examine the courses propounded according to these respects,
it must be confessed that the course of wars may seem to increase
power, and the course of contemplations and foundations not pre-
judice safety. But if you look beyond the exterior you shall
find that the first breeds weakness and the latter nurse' peril.
For certain it is during wars your Excellency will be enforced'
to your soldiers and generally to your people, and become less
absolute and monarchical than if you reigned in peace ; and
then if your success be good, that you make new conquests, you
shall be constrained to spend the strength of your ancient and
settled provinces to assure your new and doubtful, and become
like a strong man that by taking a great burden upon his shoiilders
maketh himself weaker than he was before. Again^ if you think
you may intend* contemplations with security, your Excellency
will be deceived ; for such studies will make you retired and dis-
used with your business, whence will follow a diminution^ of
your authority. As for the other point, of erecting' in every
part of your state something new derived from yourself, it will

* ffuidei in oriffinaL ' note in originaL ' So in original.

^ not end in onginal. ' admiraium in original. ' exerciting,

VOL. I. Z

888 LETTEES AND LIFE OP FEANCIS BACON. [Chip. IX.

acquaint your Excellency^ with an humour of innovation and
alteration, which will make your reign very turbulent and un-
settled ; and many times your change will be for [the] worse, as
in the example last touched of Constantine, who by his new
translation of his estate ruinated the Roman Empire. As for
profit, there appeareth a direct contrariety between that and all
the three courses; for nothing causeth such a dissipation of
treasure as wars, curiosities, and buildings ; and for all this to be
recompensed in a supposed honour, a matter apt to be much ex-
tolled in words, but not greatly to be prized* in conceipt, I do
think it a loser's bargain. Besides that many politic princes have
received as much commendation for their wise and well-ordered
government as others have done for their conquests and glorious
affections ; and more worthy, because the praise of wisdom and
judgment is less communicated with fortune. Therefore, excel-
lent Prince, be not transported with shows. Follow the order
of nature, first to make the most of that you possess, before you
seek to purchase more. To put the case by a private man (for I
cannot speak high), if a man were bom to an hundred pounds
by the year, and one show him how with charge to purchase
an hundred pounds more, and another should show him how
without charge to raise that hundred pounds unto five hundred
pounds, I should think the latter advice should be followed. The
proverb is a country proverb, but significative. Milk the cow that
standeth still ; why follow you her that flieth away ? Do not
think, excellent Prince, that all the conquests you are to make
be foreign. You are to conquer here at home the overgrowing
of your grandees in factions, and too great liberties of your peo-
pie j the great reverence and formalities given to your laws and
customs, in derogation of your absolute prerogatives : these and
such-like be conquests of state, though not of war. You want a
Joseph, that should by advice make you the only proprietor of
all the lands and wealth of your subjects. The means how to
strain up your sovereignty, and how to accumulate treasure and
revenue, they are the secrets of your state ; I will not enter into
them at this place : I wish your Excellency as ready to [desire]
them, as I have the means ready to perform them.

* So in original. Perhaps it should be, ** your ExoeUency*B subjects."
^ praiied in original.

1694.] aESTA GRAYOBXJM. 839

The Fifth Counsellor, advising him Virtue and a gracious
Government.

Most excellent Prince,

I have heard sundry plats and propositions offered unto you
severally ; one to make you a great Prince, another to make you
a strong Prince, and another to make you a memorable Prince,
and a fourth to make you an absolute Prince. But I hear of no
invention ^ to make you a good and a virtuous Prince ; which
surely my Lords have left out in discretion, as to arise of your
own motion and choice ; and so I should have thought, had they
not handled their own propositions so artificially and persuadingly,
as doth assure me their speech was not formal. But, most
worthy Prince, fame is too light, and profit and surety are too
low, and power is either such as you have or ought not so to
seek to have. It is the meriting of your subjects, the making of
golden times, the becoming of a natural parent to your state ;
these are the only [fit] and worthy ends of your Grace's virtuous
reign. My Lords have taught you to refer all things to yourself,
your greatness, memory, and advantage; but whereunto shall
yourself be referred ? If you will be heavenly you must have
influence. Will you be as a standing pool, that spendeth and
choketh his spring within itself, and hath no streams nor current
to bless and make fruitful whole tracts of countries whereby it
runneth?* Wherefore, first of all, most virtuous Prince, assure
yourself of an inward peace, that the storms without do not dis-
turb any of your repairers of state within. Therein use and
practise all honourable diversions. That done, visit all the parts
of your state, and let the balm distil everywhere from your
sovereign hands, to the medicining o'f any part that complaineth.
Beginning with your seat of state, take order that the faults of
your great ones* do not rebound upon yourself; have care that
your intelligence, which is the light of your state, do not go out
or burn dim or obscure; advance men of virtue and not of
mercenary minds; repress all faction be it either malign or
violent. Then look into the state of your laws and justice of
your land; purge out multiplicity of laws, clear the incertainty
of them, repeal those that are snaring, and press * the execution
of those that are wholesome and necessary; define the jurisdic-

^ mention in originaL ^ reneweth m original.

' fauU ofjfonr greatneu in original. ^ prize in original.

z2

840 LBTTERS AND LIFE OF FJftANCIS BACON. [Chap. IX.

tion of your courts, repress^ all suits and vexations^ all causeless
delays and fraudulent shifts and devices, and reform all such
abuses of right and justice ; assist the ministers thereof^ punish
severely all extortions and exactions of officers, all corruptions
in trials and sentences of judgment. Yet when you have done
all this^ think not that the bridle and spur will make the horse
to go alone without time and custom. Trust not to your laws
for correcting the times^ but give all strength to good education ;
see to the government of your universities and all seminaries of
youth, and to ' the private order of families^ maintaining due
obedience of children towards their parents^ and reverence of the
younger sort towards the ancient. Then when you have con-
firmed the noble and vital parts of your realm of state, proceed
to take care of the blood and flesh and good habit of the body.
Remedy all decays of population, make provision for the poor,
remove all stops in traffic, and all cankers^ and causes of con-
sumption in trades and mysteries ; redress all — But whither do
I run, exceeding the bounds of that perhaps I am now demanded?
But pardon me, most excellent Prince, for as if I should com-
mend unto your Excellency the beauty of some excellent Lady,
1 could not so well e'ipress it with relation as if I showed you
her picture ; so I esteem the best way to commend a virtuous
government, to describe and make appear what it is; but my
pencil perhaps disgraceth it ; therefore I leave it to your Excel-
lency to take the picture out of your wise observation, and then
to double it and express it in your government.

The Sixth Counsellor, persuading Pastimes and Sports,

When I heard, most excellent Prince, the three first of my
Lords so careful to continue your fame and memory, methought
it was as if a man should come to some young prince as yourself
is, and immediately after his coronation be in hand with him to
make himself a sumptuous and stately tomb. And, to speak out
of my soul, I muse how any of your servants can once endure to
think of you as of a prince past. And for my other Lords, who
would engage you so deeply in matters of state, the one per-
suading you to a more absolute, the other to a more gracious
government, I assure your Excellency their lessons were so cum-
bersome, as if they would make you a king in a play, who, when

* reprize in origioal. ^of'm originAl. ' canceri in original.

1694.] GESTA aRAYORUM. 841

one would think he standeth in great majesty and felicity, he is
troubled to say his part. What! nothing but tasks, nothing
but working-days? No feasting, no music, no dancing, no
triumphs, no comedies, no love, no ladies? Let other men's
lives be as pilgrimages, because they are tied to divers necessities
and duties; but princes' lives are as progresses, dedicated only
to variety and solace. And [as] if your Excellency should take
your barge in a summer evening, or your horse or chariot, to
take the air; and if you should do any the favour to visit him ;
yet your pleasure is the principal, and that is but as it falleth out ;
so if any of these matters which have been spoken of fall out in
the way of your pleasure, it may be taken, but no otherwise.
And therefore leave your wars to your lieutenants, and your
works and buildings to your surveyors, and your books to your
universities, and your state-matters to your counsellors, and at-
tend you that in person which you cannot execute by deputy :
use the advantage of your youth : be not sullen to your fortune ;
make your pleasure the distinction of your honours, the study of
your favourites, the talk of your people, and the allurement of all
foreign gallants to your Court. And in a word, sweet Sovereign,
dismiss your five counsellors, and only take counsel of your five

The Princess Answer and Conclusion to the Speeches of the
Counsellors,

My Lords,

We thank you for your good opinions ; which have been so
well set forth, as we should think ourselves not capable of good
counsel if in so great variety of persuading reasons we should
suddenly resolve. Meantime it shall not be amiss to make
choice of the last, and upon more deliberation to determine of

^ There follows here, in the narratiye from which this is taken, a reply from the
Prince, which reads to me like an interpolation. It interrupts the action, and is
inferior in style. It may have been spoken extempore by the Prince, but can hardly
have been part of the composition. It runs thus : — " Sut if a man should follow
your five senses " (said the Prince) " I perceive he might follow your Lordship now
and then into an inconvenience. Your Lordship is a man of a very Uvely and plea-
sant advice ; which though one should not be forward to follow, yet it fitteth the
time, and what our own humour inclineth' oftentimes to, delight aiid merriment.
For a prince should be of a cheerful and pleasant spirit, not austere, hard-fronted,
and stoical, but, after serious afiairs, admitting recreation, and using pleasures as
sauces for meats of better nourishment.*'

' inclined in original.

842 LETTERS AND LIFE OP PBANCIS BACON. [Chap. IX.

the rest ; and what time we spend in long consulting, in the end
we will gain by prompt and speedy executing.

" The Prince (proceeds the reporter) having ended his speech,
arose from his seat and took that occasion of revelling. So he made
choice of a Lady to dance withal ; so likewise did the Lord Ambas-
sador, the Pensioners, and Courtiers attending the Prince. The rest
of that night was passed in those pastimes. The performance of
which night's work being very carefully and orderly handled, did so
delight and please the nobles and the other auditory, that thereby
Gray's Inn did not only recover their lost credit and quite take away
all the disgrace that the former Night of Errors had incurred ; but
got instead thereof so great honour and applause as either the good
reports of our honourable friends that were present could yield, or
we ourselves desire."

11.

Thus ended one of the most elegant Christmas entertainments,
probably, that was ever presented to an audience of statesmen and
courtiers. That Bacon had a hand in the general design is merely a
conjecture; we know that he had a taste in such things and did
sometimes take a part in arranging them ; and the probability seemed
strong enough to justify a more detailed account of the whole even-
ing's work than I should otherwise have thought fit. But that the
speeches of the six coimcillors were written by him, and by him alone,
no one who is at all familiar with his style either of thought or ex-
pression will for a moment doubt. They carry his signature in every
sentence. And they have a much deeper interest for us than could
have been looked for in such a sportive exercise belonging to so for-
gotten a form of idleness. All these councillors speak with Bacon's
tongue and out of Bacon's brain ; but the second and fifth speak
out of his heart and judgment also. The propositions of the latter
contain an enumeration of those very reforms in state and government
which throughout his life he was most anxious to see realized. In
those of the former may be traced, faintly but unmistakably, a first
hint of his great project for the restoration of the dominion of know-
ledge, — a first draft of " Solomon's House," — a rudiment of that
history of universal nature, which was to have formed the third part
of the * Instauratio,' and is in my judgment (as I have elsewhere ex-
plained at large) the principal novelty and great characteristic fea-
ture of the Baconian philosophy. This composition is valuable there-
fore, not only as showing with what fidelity his mind when left to
itself pointed always, in sport as in earnest, towards the great objects

1594.] THE HOLIDAYS OVER. 848

which he had set before him, but also as giving us one of the very
few certain dates by which we can measure the progress of his philo-
sophical speculations in these early years.

It remains for me to give what account I can of the narrative in
which it is preserved.

It is a quarto pamphlet of 68 pages; printed in 1685, for " W.
Canning, at his shop in the Temple Cloisters ;" with a dedication to
Matthew Smyth, Esq., Comptroller of the Inner Temple ; apparently
from a manuscript written by some member of Gray's Inn who was
an eye-witness of what he relates ; and bearing the title " Oesta
Grayorum, or the SUtory of the high and mighty Prince, Henry,
Prince of Purpoole, etc., who reigned and died a.d. 1594." Whom
it was by, where and when it was found, how it came into the pub-
lisher's hands, we are not informed. We can only gather from the
dedication that it was found by accident, and printed without altera-
tion. The dedication is signed W. C, which stands, I presume, for
W. Canning, the printer. But Nichols, who re-printed the pamphlet
(without the dedication) in his * Progresses of Queen Elizabeth'
(III. 262), tells us that "the publisher was Mr. Henry Keepe, who
published the * Monuments of Westminster.' "

It is a pity that the publisher, whoever he was, did not tell us a
little more about the manuscript, though it is probable enough that
he had not much more to tell. Nothing is more natural than that
such a narrative should have been written at the time for the amuse-
ment and satisfaction of the parties concerned ; should have been laid
by and forgotten ; and found again lying by itself, without anybody
to tell its story for it.

There is more of it; the historian proceeding to record other
achievements of the Prince of Purpoole, whose reign was prolonged
beyond the days of ordinary licence, and did not end before Shrove
Tuesday. But I look in vain for any further traces of Bacon's hand.
His Christmas holidays were over ; Gray's Inn Hall was stripped of
its scafifoldings and regal furniture; the business of real life com-
menced again ; and the business which most concerned him was the
appointment of a Solicitor-General, which still seemed as near, and
was still as far off, as ever. Bufc the suit takes a somewhat livelier
aspect from the closer proximity into which it brings us with the
Queen herself, as will be seen in the next chapter.

844

CHAPTER X.
A.D. 1594-95, January — November, jetat. 34.

1.

The letters contained in Eawley's Supplement, though his voucher
mav be considered sufficient to prove them genuine, are not easy to
arrange. They have no explanatory headings ; most of them are with-
out date ; and we have no means of knowing whence they came —
whether from the originals or from the rough drafts. The want of
dates rather favours the notion that they were from the drafts ; in
which case another uncertainty arises : we may not assume that they
were all sent to the persons whose addresses they bear, in the shape
in which we see them. A letter may be written by way of experi-
ment, to see whether such a letter be fit to send. It may be withheld
upon better consideration. It may be rendered unfit or unnecessary
by something happening in the meantime. I have been careful
therefore to distinguish the several collections from which each letter
comes; and with regard to all those which are marked as coming
from the supplementary collection in the * Resuscitatio,' I would ob-
serve that they are to be taken for historical facts thus far only : —
they represent something which was in Bacon's mind to say : a fact
very interesting, especially where we can date it.

The date of the letter with which I commence this chapter is (and
I am afraid must remain) uncertain. There is little doubt however
that it relates to the suit for the Solicitorship, and that it fits this
stage of it well enough, even if it belongs historically to another.
As it must be placed somewhere, and I know no other place which
is more likely to be the right one, T place it here.

To MY Lord of Essex.

My singular good Lord,

I may perceive by my Lord Keeper, that your Lordship, as
the time served, signified unto him an intention to confer with

* Rawlej's * BesuAcitatio,* Supplement, p. 85.

1694-95.] AGAIN THE CANVASS FOR THE SOLICITOBSHIP. 345

bis Lordship at better opportunity; wbicb in regard of your
several and weigbty occasions I bave tbougbt good to put your
Lordsbip in remembrance of; tbat now^ at bis coming to tbe
Court, it may be executed : desiring your good Lordsbip never-
tbeless not to conceive out of tbis my diligence in soliciting tbis
matter tbat I am eitber mucb in appetite or mucb in bope.
For as for appetite, tbe waters of Parnassus are not like tbe
waters of tbe Spaw, tbat give a stomacb ; but ratber tbey quench
appetite and desires. And for bope, bow can be bope much, that
can allege no other reason than tbe reason of an evil debtor, who
will persuade his creditor to lend him new sums and to enter
further in with him to make him satisfy tbe old ; and to her
Majesty no other reason, but tbe reason of a waterman ; I am
her first man, of those who serve in Counsel of Law ?^ And so I
commit your Lordsbip to God's best preservation.

Whether upon this hint or upon his own suggestion, Essex on the
14th of January^ wrote to the Lord Keeper Puckering as follows.

My Lord,'
I have, since I spake with your Lordship, pleaded to the Queen
against herself for the injury she doth Mr. Bacon in delaying him so long,
and the unkindness she doth me in granting no better expedition in a suit
which I have followed so long and so affectionately. And though I find
that she makes some difficulty, to have the more thanks, yet I do assure
myself she is resolved to make him. I do write this not to soHcit your
Lordship to stand firm in assisting me, because I know you hold yourself
already tied by your affection to Mr. Bacon and by your promise to me ;
but to acquaint your Lordship with my resolution to set up my rest and
employ my uttermost strength to get him placed before the term : so as I
beseech your Lordship think of no temporizing coxuve, for I shall think the
Queen deals unkindly with me, if she do not both give him the place, and
give it with favour and some extraordinary advantage. I wish your Lord-
ship all honour and happiness ; and rest,

Your Lordship's very assured,

ESSBX.

Greenwich, this 14th of Jannaiy.

> Bacon had been " serying in Counsel of Law," — that i«, he had been employed
in busineea belonging to the Learned Counsel, — since July, 1594 ; and thero does
not seem to have be^ any candidate for the Solicitorship senior to him, who was
so employed.

' The year-date is not given, but the indorsement, in Puckering's hand, ** My
Lo. of Essex for Mr. Fran. Bacon to be SoUcUor" fixea it.

s Harl. MSS. 69U7, fo. 170. Original : own hand.

846 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. [Chap.X.

Whether the deprecation of any " temporizing course" implies a
doubt as to Puckering's earnestness in the cause, I do not know
but in such cases friends are sure to become talebearers, and doubts
were of course suggested as to the sincerity of the Cecils. Sir Robert
especially was believed by the friends of the Bacons to be playing a
double part ; and whether justly suspected or not in this particular
case, it was a thing he was capable of doing. * But the following con-
versation between him and Lady Bacon, as reported by herself, con-
tains all that is now known of the matter, and probably all that was
ever known, in the proper sense of the word. She had come up, I
suppose, from Gorhambury for the purpose of the interview, and on
the 23rd of January writes to her son Anthony : —

" Ailer courteous and familiar speeches upon the cause of my coming
hither and this unlooked for deferring, — to that point Sir Eobert said, In-
deed her Majesty was not well then. I said, Yesterday I went to see you,
much more to my comfort if your body would let you be and see further,
God having enabled your mind. — It is true, quoth he, he hath good parts,
but gout and stone be too naturally drawn from parents. — Well (inquam)
the eldest of my but two in all sons is visited by Grod, and the other me-
thinks is but strangely used by man's dealing : Grod knows who and why.
I think he is the very first young gentleman of some account made so long
such a common speech of : this time placed, and then out of doubt, and
yet nothing done. Enough to overthrow a young and studious man, as he
is given indeed, and as fit by judgment of wiser both for years and under-
standing to occupy a place as the Attorney. The world marvels in respect
of his friends and his own towardness. — Experience teacheth that her Ma-
jesty's nature is not to resolve, but to delay. — But with none so seen,'quod
I. — Why (inquit) she is yet without officers of three white stafis together :
seldom seen : But,^ saith he, I daresay my Lord would gladly have had my
cousin placed ere this. — I hope so myself, inqiiam : but some think if my
Lord had been earnest it had been done. — Surely, saith he. my Lord even
on last Tuesday moved the Queen that the term-day was near, and required
a Solicitor for her service ; and she straight should say it was a shame the
place was so long imfurnisbed. No shame. Madam, inquit ille, but a lack.
I may not name any, saith Majesty, nor other dare for fear of you and
my Lord of lEssex. I trust, saith my Lord, you are not without a nomi-
nation, but rather now to conclude. Is there none I pray you (inquit Ma-
jesty) but Francis Bacon fit for that place. Solicitor? I know not, inquit
ille, how your Majesty may be altered, but the Judges and others have
and do take him sufficient with your favour, and it is expected of all this
term : whereto she gave no grant. And this saith and protesteth Sir
Robert that my Lord did very plainly and in good faith.

" Then upon my word that himself was Secretary in place but not nomi-
nate, — As for that, saith he, I deal nor speak no more of it ; but as long as
none is placed I wait still, though I may think myself as hardly used

1694-95.] BACON RESOLVES TO GIVE IT XJP. 847

as my cousin. And I tell you plainly, Madam, I disdain to seem to be
thought that I doubted of the place; and so would I wish my cousin
Francis to do so long as the room vacant, and bear her delay so accus-
tomed. Let him not be discouraged, but carry himself wisely. It may be
(said he) her Majesty was too much pressed at the first, which she liketh
not, and at last will come of herself. This in matter was the speech and
parting to the Court : truly his speech was all kindly outward, and did
desire to have me think so of him."'

2.

While Bacon's friends were thus doing what they could to speed
this unfortunate suit, he was himself considering how to make an end
of it, one way or another. He had made up his mind, in case he were
not appointed Solicitor at the beginning of the next term, to give up
the suit and the profession at once, to waste no more of his time and
means in that attendance, but to make such arrangements as he best
might for betaking himself to the life of a student ; and in the first
place to go abroad for awhile. This is what he had half determined
to do some twenty months before, just before the Attomey-Gteneral-
ship fell vacant ; when he was persuaded to wait awhile, probably by
Essex : to whom it seems that he now declared his intention to wait
no longer, but do it at once. Essex, judging rightly enough that the
Queen did not intend to lose Bacon altogether, thought to bring
matters to a crisis by telling her what would happen if she delayed
longer : a characteristic but unlucky move : for it was a kind of chal-
lenge which her spirit could never endure. On the same day on which
Burghley had the conversation with Elizabeth the substance of which
Sir R. Cecil reported to Lady Bacon, (Tuesday, Jan. 21), Bacon was
sent for to the Court ; and on Saturday sent his brother the following
account of what passed.

The passage about his brother's "travels" aUudes to his study of
the affairs of Europe during ten years' residence abroad, the acquaint-
ances he had cultivated, the information which he had supplied to
Burghley and Walsingham, and the extensive correspondence which
he still kept up : in consideration of which it was hoped that the
Queen would find some employment for him in that line.

Good Brother,^

Since I saw you this hath passed.

Tuesday, though sent for, I saw not the Queen. Her Majesty

» Lambeth MSS. 650, fo. 21. Docketed " le 23»« de Janvier, 1594."
' Lambeth MSS. 650. 28. Original : own hand. Docketed, " De Mods' Fr.
Bacou a Moub', 1594.'*

848 LETTEES AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

alleged she was then to resolve with her Counsel upon her places
of law.

But this resolution was ut supra; and note the rest of the
counsellors were persuaded she came rather forwards than other-
wise. For against me she is never peremptory but to my Lord
of Essex.

I missed a letter of my Lord Keeper's ; but thus much I hear
otherwise.

The Queen seemeth to apprehend my travel ; whereupon I was
sent for by Sir Robert Cecil in sort as from her Majesty ; himself
having of purpose immediately gone to Loudon to speak with
me, and not finding me there, he wrate to me. Whereupon I
came to the Court, and upon his relation to me of her Majesty's
speech, I desired leave to answer it in writing ; not T said that I
mistrusted his report but mine own wit ; the copy of which an-
swer I send ; we parted in kindness secundum exterius»

This copy you must needs return ; for I have no other ; and I
wrate this by memory after the original sent away.

The Queen's speech is after this sort. Why ? I have made no
Solicitor. Hath anybody carried a Solicitor with him in his
pocket ? But he must have it in his own time (as if it were but
yesterday's nomination) or else I must be thought to cast him
away. Then her Majesty sweareth that if I continue this manner,
she will seek all England for a Solicitor rather than take me. Yea
she will send for Houghton and Coventry^ to-morrow next (as if
she would swear them both) . Again she eutereth into it, that
she never dealt so with any as with me [in hoc erratum non est) ;
she hath pulled me over the bar (note the words, for they cannot
be her own), she hath used me in her greatest causes. But this
is Essex ; and she is more angry with him than with me ; and
such-like speeches, so strange, as I should leese myself in it, but
that I have cast off the care of it.

My conceit is, that I am the least part of mine own matter.
But her Majesty would have a delay, and yet would not bear it
herself. Therefore she giveth no way to me, and she perceiveth
her counsel giveth no way to others, and so it sticketh as she
would have it. But what the secret of it is oculus aquike non
penetravit.

^ Thomas Coventrj, afterwards one of the Justices of the Common Pleas, and
father of the Lord Keeper Coventry. — Birch.

1B94-95.] TALKS OF GOING ABBOAD. 349

My Lord^ continueth on kindly and wisely a course worthy to
obtain a better effect than a delay, which to me is the most un-
welcome condition.

Now to perform the part of a brother and to render you the
like kindness. Advise you whether it were not a good time to
set in strongly with the Queen to draw her to honour your tra-
vels. For in the course I am like to take, it will be a great and
a necessary stay to me, besides the natural comfort I shall receive.
And if you will have me deal with my Lord of Essex, or other-
wise break it by mean to the Queen, as that which shall give me
full contentment, I will do it as effectually and with as much
good discretion as I can. Wherein if you aid me with your direc-
tion, I shall observe it. This as I did ever account it sure and
certain to be accomplished in case myself had been placed, and
therefore deferred it till then as to the proper opportunity ; so
now that I see such delay in mine own placing, I wish ex animo
it should not expect.

I pray let me know what mine uncle Killigrew will do. For
I must now be more careful of my credit than ever, since I re-
ceive so little thence where I deserved best. And to be plain
with you, I mean even to make the best of those small things I
have with as much expedition as may be without loss; and so
sing a mass of requiem I hope abroad ; for I know her Majesty's
nature, that she neither careth though the whole surname of the
Bacons travelled, nor of the Cecils neither.

I have here an idle pen or two, specially one that was cozened,
thicking to have gotten some money this term ; I pray send me
somewhat else for them to write out besides your Irish collection,
which is almost done. There is a collection of Dr. James of
foreign states, largeliest of Flanders, which, though it be no
great matter, yet I would be glad to have it. Thus I com-
mend you to Grod'fi good preservation. From my lodge at Twicken-
ham Park, this 25th of January, 1594.

Your entire loving brother,

Fr. Bacon.

^ Birch undentood *' My Lord " to mean Enex, and put the name in the margin.
I rather sospect that Burghley is meant.

850 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

Letter to Sir B. Cecil^ enclosed in the last.^

Sir,
Your Honour may remember that upon your relation of her
Majesty^s speech touching my travel^ I asked leave to make an-
swer in writing; not but* I knew then what was true, but be-
cause I was careful to express it without doing myself wrong.
And it is true I had then opinion to have written to her Ma-
jesty. But since^ weighing with myself that her Majesty gave
no ear to the motion made by yourself that I might answer it
by mine own attendance, I began to doubt the second degree,
whether it might not be taken for presumption in me to write to
her Majesty ; and so resolved that it was best for me to follow
her Majesty's own way in committing it to your report.

It may please your Honour therefore to deliver to her Majesty,
first, that it is an exceeding grief to me that any, not motion (for
there was not now a motion), but mention that should come fromi
me should offend her Majesty, whom for these one-and-twenty
years (for so long it is* that I kissed her Majesty's hands upon
my journey into France) I have used the best of my wits to
please. •

Next, mine answer standing upon two points, the one, that this
mention of travel to my Lord of Essex was no present motion,
suit, or request; but casting the worst of my fortime with an
honourable friend that had long used me privately, I told his
Lordship of this purpose of mine to travel, accompanying it with
these very words, that upon her Majesty's rejecting me with such
circumstance, though my heart might be good, yet mine eyes
would be sore that I should take no pleasure to look upon my
friends ; for that I was not an impudent man, that could face out
a disgrace ; and that I hoped her Majesty would not be offended,
if not being able to endure the sun, I fled into the shade.

The other, that it was more than this; for I did expressly and
particularly (for so much wit God then lent me) by way of caveat
restrain my Lord's good affection that he should in no wise utter
or mention this matter till her Majesty had made a Solicitor ;

1 Lambeth MSS. 650. 81. Copy by A. B.'s amanuensiB : docketed, <' Lre. de
Mons' Ft. Bacon a S' Robert Cioell, le de Janvier.*'

' but because in MS. ; no doubt the transcriber's error.

' A mistake. " Sir Amice Paulett landed at Calais, going to be ambassador in
France in place of Dr. Dale, 16th September, 1576." See Burghley's Diary. It
was not so much as eighteen years and a half.

1B94-9B.] THE QUEEN OFFENDED. 851

wherewith (now since my looking upon your letter) I did in a
dutiful manner challenge my Lord, who very honourably acknow-
ledged [it]/ seeing he did it for the best; and therefore I leave
his Lordship to answer for himself.

All this my Lord of Essex can testify to be true ; and I report
me to yourself, whether at the first, when I desired deliberation
to answer, yet nevertheless said I would to you privately declare
what had passed, I said not in effect so much. The conclusion
shall be, that wheresoever God and her Majesty shall appoint me
to live, I shall truly pray for her Majesty's preservation and
felicity. And so I humbly commend me to you,

Your poor kinsman to do you service,

Fr. Bacon.

A letter to Essex, printed by Eawley in his supplementary collec-
tion, without date, must evidently have been written with reference
to this same occasion, and was probably intended for the Queen to
read.

To MY Lord op Essex.*

It may please your good Lordship,

I am very sorry her Majesty should take my motion to
travel in offence. But surely, under her Majesty's royal correc-
tion, it is such an offence as it should be an offence to the sun,
when a man to avoid the scorching heat thereof flyeth into the
shade. And your Lordship may easily think, that having now
these twenty years (for so long it is, and more, since I went with
Sir Amyas Paulet into France, from her Majesty's royal hand)
made her Majesty's service the scope of my life, I shall never
find a greater grief than this, relinquere amorem primum. But
since principia aciionum sunt tarUum in nostra potestaie, I hope
her Majesty of her clemency, yea and justice, will pardon me,
and not force me to pine here with melancholy. For though
mine heart be good, yet mine eyes will be sore ; so as I shall
have no pleasure to look abroad : and if I should otherwise be
affected, her Majesty in her wisdom will but think me an im-
pudent man, that would face out a disgrace. Therefore, as I
have ever found you my good Lord and true friend, so I pray

^ This word is torn off. The next is probably misoopied, and should be ta^ng,
' Bawley's < Besuscitatio,' Supplement, p. 88.

852 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

open the matter so to her Majesty, as she may discern the neces-
sity of it, without adding hard conceit to her rejection ; of which,
I am sure, the latter^ I never deserved. Thus, etc.

8.

The question " what mine uncle Killegrew would do *' (see above,
p. 349) related of course to the borrowiug of money. The Bacons
were both much troubled at this time to satisfy creditors, among
whom it seems that there was a Mr. Sugden who had a pressing
claim. Anthony had applied on the 14th of January to his uncle
Sir Henry Killegrew for a loan of £200 for six months ; and (having
I suppose received no answer) wrote again on the 23rd, " entreating
him to believe that the circumstance of time was substantial and
very important " and intimating his readiness to inform him of the
particular occasion.* The result will appear from Anthony's answer
to his brother's last letter, of which I give at length those paragraphs
to which Francis's next letter has reference.

Good Brother,
Your proceeding and letter to Sir Eobert Cecil I cannot but allow ;
the sequel and success whereof we must refer and submit to God. . . .

Touching myself, as I acknowledge with due thanks your brotherly
kindness, so I must confess unto you freely and unfeignedly that finding
myself by imperfection of nature not only careless of myself, but incapable
Vhat is best for myself, I will and do entirely commit myself to the re-
solution and direction of my most honourable friend and dearest brother.

My uncle Killegrew hath as they say uncled me with a frivolous ex-
cuse, grounded upon the refuse of his deputy Sugden, without whose help
he said he could not furnish me ; and therefore I am very sorry we ought
him not three hundred pounds, being very well content that you should
discharge yoxuvelf upon me, alleging to Sugden that if a special friend of
mine, of whose kindness I made full account, had not frustrated my hope,
he had ere this received satisfaction ; which if you think meet I will affirm
likewise unto him myself by letter, and request him to gratify me with the
renewing of the bond for six months, with assurance that my uncle Kille-
grew will thank him in my particular behalf.'^

Francis, I imagine, was now at Twickenham. We know that he
did retire thither during the Term which commenced on the 28rd,*
and the following undated, letter, which is obviously the reply to the
last, was probably written thence on the 27th of January. The manner

* So in Rawlw's copy. But the fonmer — i.e. hard conceit — is evidently meant.
« Lambeth MSS. 650, ff. 8, 4.

s Lambeth MESS. 650, f. 27. No date : but docketed, " 26»* de Janvier, 1694."

* See letter to Bnrghley, 2l8t March, 1594.

1B94-9B.] SOLICITOESHIP STILL VACANT. 853

in which Dr. Hammond is mentioned (" whom I was glad to have
here, being a physician ") seems to imply that he had been staying
with him as a friend, not merely called in for advice : which would
more naturally happen at Twickenham than at Gray's Inn. But it
is not a question of importance. I do not know who the bride and
bridegroom were, whose marriage festivities the Queen was to grace.

Good Brother,^

If you leave the matter to me, I am like both to deal with
my Lord of Essex in it, attending the first occasion, and to fortify
it otherwise as I will hereafter give you account, and where I
doubt acquaint you in particular beforehand.

For Mr. Sugden, I had rather have brought payment than al-
legation. I ever doubted the resting upon mine uncle would
come to nothing, and I desire you to do as you write, and yet I
will endeavour to provide my part nevertheless, and the whole if
I can.

Mr. Trott I have desired to be here after to-morrow, to see
how he taketh this at second hand.

I desired Dr. Hammond to visit you from me, whom I was
gkd to have here, being a physician^ and my complaint being
want of digestion.

I hope by this time Antonio Perez hath seen the Queen dance
(that is not it, but her disposition of body to be fresh and good
I pray God both subjects and strangers may long be witnesses
of). I would be sorry the bride and brid^room should be as
the weather hath fallen out, that is go to bed fair and rise low-
ring. Thus I commend you to God's best preservation.

Your entire loving brother,

Pr. Bacon.

4.

But Bacon was not yet to be released. He could not have gone
abroad without a licence from the Queen, and as things stood he
could not well have applied for one ; certainly would not have got it
except at the cost of seriously displeasing her. He travelled no
further than his &vourite retreat at Tvrickenham, which appears how-
ever to have been enough for his health of mind and body ; for on the
7th of March his brother reports to Lady Bacon that he '* has not

* Lambeth MSS. 650. f. 237. Original : own hand. No date; hut docketed,
« De Mom. Ft. Bacon, 1694."

VOL. 1. 2 A

854 LBTTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACJON. [Chap. X.

seen him looking better." But the Solioitorship not having been
filled up during the term, and Essex being still determined that he
should have it, the canvassing time was not over yet. As Easter
Term approached, preparations were to be made for another fight
among the rival patrons, and Bacon had to reappear in the old part,
of which how weary he was the letters which follow will sufficiently
show. Many of them being undated, and the conditions of the case
being so much alike in its difierent stages, I cannot be sure that I
have placed them in the right order, or even that they all belong to
this year. One or two may possibly have been written some months
earlier, one or two some months later : but I do not doubt that the
series, taken together, represents truly the state of things in the
spring and summer of 1695 ; and if it be remembered at the same
time that during all that period creditors who had lent money with
alacrity to the expectant Attorney-Q-eneral were becoming more
and more alarmed for their security and less and less disposed to
renew their bonds, and that every recurring pay-day threatened the
brothers with demands which they hardly knew how to meet, the
correspondence will be sufficiently intelligible, and allowance will be
made for an occasional failure of patience, and perhaps a little un*
reasonable irritability.

An undated letter from Essex to Puckering belongs probably to
this stage of the business : —

My very good Lord,*
The want of assiBtance from them which should be Mr. Fra. Bacon's
friends makes me the more industrious myself, and the more earnest in
' soliciting mine own friends. Upon me the labour must lie of his establish-
ment, and upon me the disgrace will light of his being refused. Therefore
I pray your Lordship, now accoimt me not as a solicitor only of my friend's
cause, but as a party interessed in this : and employ all your Lordship's
favour to me or strength for me in procuring a short and speedy end.
For though I know it will never be carried any other way, yet I hold both
my firiend and myself disgraced by this protraction. More I would write,
but that I know to so honourable and kind a friend this which I have said
is enough. And so I commend your Lordship to God's best protection,
resting.

At your Lordship's commandment,

ESSBX.

"They who should be Mr. Fr. Bacon's friends" were of course
the Cecils ; whose influence in Council was so great that they were
easily suspected of not trying to further a cause which made so little
progress.

1 HarL MSS. vol. 6997, fo. 205. Original : own hand.

1694-95.] EXPOSTULATION WITH SIB B. CECIL. 855

We have seen that when Sir Eobert sent to speak with Bacon a
little after the 2l8t of January, thej '^ parted in kindness, secundum
extetiuB /** and that in his conversation with Lady Bacon about the
same time, " his speech was all kindly outward.^^ The qualification
thus in both cases suggested shows that in neither case had he suc-
ceeded in inspiring perfect confidence in his sincerity. And not
long after it seems to have been generally believed among Bacon's
friends that he was secretly throwing obstructions in the way. Mr.
Montagu says that he represented Bacon '^ as a speculative man in-
dulging himself in philosophical reveries, and calculated more to per-
plex than to promote public business ;"^ a statement repeated with
variations by all modem biographers ; but for which I suspect there
is no authority beyond what may be gathered from the letter which
I place next, and which certainly, though it contains sufficient evi-
dence that Bacon suspected him of having tried to discredit his abili-
ties for business under pretence of praising his speculative gifts,
does not say nearly so much as Mr. Montagu's report implies.* An
admission in a subsequent letter to Burghley (21st of March), that
he had " shown himself too credulous to idle hearsays in regard of
his right honourable kinsman and good friend Sir E. Cecil," makes
it probable that this letter belongs to this period and refers to this
occasion.

To Sir Robert Cecil.^
Sir,

Your Honour knoweth my manner is, though it be not the
wisest way, yet taking it for the honestest, to do as Alexander
did by his physician, in drinking the medicine and delivering
the advertisement of suspicion. So I trust on, and yet do not
smother what I hear. I do assure you. Sir, that by a wise friend
of mine, and not factious toward your Honour, I was told with
asseveration that your Honour was bought by Mr. Coventry for
two thousand angels ; and that you wrought in a contrary spirit

* Life of BaooD, p. xxyi.

' Mr. Montagu says, ** There is a letter containing this expression, but I cannot
find it." I conceiye that he was confusing an imperfect recollection that he had
seen something about "speculation " in a letter, with an imperfect recollection of
what he had read in Mallet's * Life of Baoon ;* which (as a good specimen of the
growth of evidence as it passes from mouth to mouth) I may as well quote in juxta-
position with what I suppose to be all it grew out of. " Cecil, who mortally hated
Essex, and had entertained a secret jealousy of Bacon on account of his superior
talents, represented the latter to the Queen as a man of mere speculation, as one
wholly given up to philosophical inauiries, new, indeed, and amusing, but fanciful
and unsoUd ; and therefore more likely to distract her taSain than to serve her
usefuUy and with proper judgment."

' Bawley*B * Besuscitatio,' Supplement, p. 87,

2 A 2

856 LETTBBS AND LIFB OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

to my Lord your father. And he said further, that from your
servants, from your Lady, fi^m some counsellors that have ob-
served you in my business, he knew you wrought underhand
against me. The truth of which tale I do not believe. You know
the event will show, and Ood will right. But as I reject this re-
port (though the strangeness of my case might make me credu-
lous), so I admit a conceit that the last messenger my Lord and
yourself used dealt ill with your Honours ; and that word {specu^
laiion) which was in the Queen's mouth, rebounded fix)m him
as a commendation : for I am not ignorant of those little arts.
Therefore I pray, trust not him again in my matter. This was
much to write ; but I think my fortune will set me at liberty,
who am weary of asserviling myself to every man's charity.
Thus I, etc.

Another letter to Cecil, also undated, and of which (the most ma-
terial part having been lost) there is nothing left to determine the
date, refers apparently to some similar occasion ; and in the absence
of all reason for placing it anywhere in particular, may as well be
disposed of here. Occasions of the kind would be continually oc-
curring, for Cecil had a manner so open and friendly secundum ex-
teriua, and a temper so completely under command, that as long as
he lived I think Bacon never felt quite sure whether he was his
friend or not.

To Sir Robert Cecil.^
Sir,

I forbear not to put in paper as much as I thought to have
spoken to your Honour to-day, if I could have stayed : knowing
that if your Honour should make other use of it than is due to
good meaning, and than I am persuaded you will, yet to persons
of judgment, and that know me otherwise, it will rather appear
(as it is) a precise honesty, and this same suum cuique tribuere,
than any hollowness to any. It is my luck still to be akin to
such things as I neither like in nature nor would willingly meet
with in my course, but yet cannot avoid without show of base
timorousness or else of unkind or suspicious strangeness

[Some hiatus in the copy.]
And I am of one spirit still. I ever liked the

' Bawlej's * Besuscitatio,* Supplement, p. 110.

16M-95.] LETTER OF ACKNOWLEDGMENT TO BUBaHLBY. 857

Galenists, that deal ivith good compositions ; and not the Para-
celsians^ that deal with these fine separations : and in music^ I
ever loved easy airs, that go full all the parts together ; and not
these strange points of accord and discord. This I write not, I
assure your Honour, officiously ; except it be according to Tully's
Offices ; that is, honestly and morally. For though, I thank God^
I account upon the proceeding in the Queen's service or not pro-
ceeding, both ways; and therefore neither mean to fawn nor re-
tire ; yet I naturally desire good opinion with any person which
for fortune or spirit is to be regarded, much more with a secre-
tary of the Queen's and a cousin-german ; and one with whom
I have ever thought myself to have some sympathy of nature,
though accidents have not suffered it to appear. Thus not doubt-
ing of your honourable interpretation and usage of that I have
written, 1 commend you to the Divine preservation. From Gray's
Inn.

These two letters, being from the supplementary collection, are
subject to the doubts which I noticed at the beginning of this chap-
ter, and the inferences we draw from them are to be guarded accord-
ingly. The next is from the original, and being found among Burgh-
ley's papers (to whom it is addressed), we need not doubt that it
was both sent and received.

To THE Lord Hioh Treasurer.^

After the remembrance of my humble and bounden duty, it
may please your good Lordship : The last term I drew myself to
my house in the country, expecting that the Queen would have
placed another Solicitor ; and so I confess, a little to help diges-
tion and to be out of eye^ I absented myself. For I understood
her Majesty not only to continue in her delay but (as I was ad-
vertised chiefly by my Lord of Essex) to be retrograde (to use
the word apted to the highest powers) . Since which time I have
as in mine own conceit given over the suit, though I leave it to
her Majesty's tenderness and the constancy of my honourable
friends, so it be without pressing.

And now my writing to your Lordship is chiefly to give you
thanks. For surely if a man consider the travail and not the
event, a man is often more bound to his honourable firiends for

^ Lansd. MSS. IxxYiii. fo. 74. Original : own hand.

858 LETTEBS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

a suit denied than for a suit sacceeding. Herewithal I am bold
to make unto your Lordship three requests^ which ought to be
very reasonable because they come so many at once. But I can-
not call that reasonable which is only grounded upon favour.
The first is, that your Lordship would yet tueri opus tuum, and
give as much life unto this present suit for the Solicitor's place
as may be without offending the Queen (for that were not good
for me). The next is, that if I did show myself too credulous to
idle hearsays in regard of my right honourable kinsman and gocnl
friend Sir Robert Cecil (whose good nature did well answer my
honest liberty) , your Lordship will impute it to the complexion
of a suitor, and of a tired sea-sick suitor, and not to mine own in-
clination. Lastly, that howsoever this matter go, yet I may enjoy
your Lordship's good favour and help as I have done in regard of
my private estate, which as I have not altogether neglected so I
have but negligently attended, and which hath been bettered only
by yourself (the Queen except), and not by any other in matter
of importance. This last request I find it more necessary for me
to make, because (though I am glad of her Majesty^s &vour, that
I may vdth more ease practise the law, which percase I may use
now and then for my countenance) yet to speak plainly, though
perhaps vainly, I do not think that the ordinary practice of the
law, not serving the Queen in place, will be admitted for a good
accoimt of the poor talent which God hath given me ; so as I
make reckoning I shall reap no great benefit to myself in that
course. Thus again desiring the continuance of your Lordship's
goodness as I have hitherto found, and on my part sought also
to deserve, I commend your good Lordship to God's good pre-
servation. From Gray's Inn, this 21st of March, 1594.
Your Lordship's most humbly bounden.

Fa. Bacon.

The state of Bacon's spirits under this condition (" to him the
most unwelcome ") of interminable delay may be gathered well
enough from the foregoing letters ; but he writes to Burghley under
a feeling of ceremonious restraint, to Sir Eobert Cecil in an out-
break of impatience, to his brother as to one who already knew all
he felt, and shared all his feelings. It is interesting therefore to
know bow he expresses himself to a familiar but not very intimate
friend. A letter to Foulke Greville belongs apparently to this spring,
and represents bis condition in a very lively and natural manner.

1594-95.] THE CHILD AND THE BIED, 869

To FouLKE Grbvillb.*
Sir,

I understand of your pains to have visited me, for which I
thank you. My matter is an endless question. I assure you I
had said Requiesce anima mea : but I now am otherwise put to
my psalter; Nolite confidere. I dare go no further. Her Ma-
jesty had by set speech more than once assured me of her in-
tention to call me to her service ; which I could not understand
but of the place I had been named to. And now whether invidus
homo hoc fecit ; or whether my matter must be an appendix to
my Lord of Essex suit; or whether her Majesty, pretending to
prove my ability, meaneth but to take advantage of some errors
which, like enough, at one time or other I may commit; or what
it is; but her Majesty is not ready to dispatch it. And what
though the Master of the Rolls, and my Lord of Essex, and your-
self, and others, think my case without doubt, yet in the mean-
time I have a hard condition, to stand so that whatsoever service
I do to her Majesty, it shall be thought to be but servitium rw-
catum, lime-twigs and fetches to place myself; and so I shall
have envy, not thanks. This is a course to quench all good
spirits, and to corrupt every man's nature ; which will, I fear,
much hurt her Majesty's service in the end. I have been like a
piece of stuff bespoken in the shop ; and if her Majesty will not
take me, it may be the selling by parcels will be more gainful.
For to be, as I told you, like a child following a bird, which
when he is nearest flieth away and lighteth a little before, and
then the child after it again, and so in infinitum, I am weary of
it ; as also of wearying my good friends : of whom, nevertheless,
I hope in one course or other gratefully to deserve. And so, not
forgetting your business, I leave to trouble you with this idle
letter, being but justa et moderata querimonia : for indeed I do
confess, primus amor will not easily be cast off. And thus again
I commend me to you.

The exact date of this last letter I have no means of determining :
but I find that in May, 1595, the Earl of Essex had been engaged in
one of his frequent contests with the Queen about some favour
which he was seeking at her hands either for himself or for some of
his friends ; that having been on cold terms with her for awhile, he
1 Bawley*s * Beeuscitalio/ Supplement^ p. 89«

860 LBTTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

was beginning to recover favour ; but that " the book [i.e, the patent
or grant], though faithfully promised, was not yet signed," and that it
was thought '^ he would not to the Court again till that were done.*'^
I conceive therefore that the signing of this " book " (whatever it
was) may have been the " suit " to which Bacon thought his matter
was perhaps to be an appendix.

However that may be, the vacation passed away, and still no re-
solution taken. Easter Term began on the 8th of May, and the
Queen was still without a Solicitor-General. Upon which it seems
that Bacon again withdrew to the quiet of Twickenham ; thinking
that at last the bird had flown fairly ofl^, and that he was at liberty to
make his arrangements according to his own tastes and purposes.
From Twickenham, on the 25th of May, he wrote to Puckering the
following short letter, on the back of which Puckering has written,
c* Mr. Fr. Bacon, his contentation to leave the Solicitorship."

To THE Lord Keeper.'

It may please your Lordship,

I thought good to step aside for nine days^ which is the
durance of a wonder, and not for any dislike in the world ; for I
think her Majesty hath done me as great a favour in making an
end of this matter, as if she had enlai^ed me from some restraint.
And I humbly pray your Lordship, if it so please you, to deliver
to her Majesty from me, — ^that I would have been glad to have
done her Majesty service now in the best of my years, and the
same mind remains in me still ; and that it may be, when her
Majesty hath tried others, she will think of him that she hath
cast aside. For I will take it (upon that which her Majesty hath
often said) that she doth reserve me and not reject me. And so
I leave your good Lordship to God's good preservation. From
Twicknam Park this 25th of May, 1595.

Your Lordship's much bounden,

Fr. Bacon.

But the bird had not yet taken its final flight. Easter Term ended
as it began, the place being still unsupplied, and the Queen's mind
apparently not made up either way. Burghley had been ill and had
to keep his house ; confined, I suppose, by one of his frequent attacks

* Birch, Memoirs, i. p. 245.

» Harl. MSS., toL 6997. fo. 26. Original : own hand.

IB94-96.] THE OLD OFFENCE AND THE OLD EXCUSE. 861

of gout ; and she had been to visit him there, — probably to consult
him about the appointment. He mentioned Bacon. In the con-
Tersation which ensued (as I gather from the allusions in the next
letter) it came out that his old offence in the affair of the money-
biU in 1592-3, was still uppermost in her mind. And I suppose
that this was after all the real impediment which stood in his way.
It cannot be denied indeed (as I said before) that if she had rea-
son to resent his conduct in that matter at all, she had reason to
persevere in resenting it. For certainly he had neither said nor
done anything to atone for it, or to imply that in a similar case
he would not do the same again. K an offence at all, it was an
offence not yet repented of. And I can well imagine that Eliza-
beth, though she would otherwise have been glad to promote him,
and was in fact glad to employ him, had said to herself that until he
showed a proper sense of the offence he had committed, he should
not be an officer of hers. It dues not appear however that she had
yet held out hopes to any one else ; and it may be that when she re-
minded Burghley of the old grievance, she meant it for a hint that
there was still a locus pcenitentuB, and that the penitence had still to
be exhibited. Burghley, it seems, told Bacon where the obstruction
lay. But on that point he had already given the only explanation
he had to give, and could only repeat in substance what he had said
two years before. The letter from which I gather these particulars
(for it is but a conjectural explanation that I have offered) is given
by Bawley in his principal collection, and therefore I presume was
found in Bacon's own register, — preserved by his own care. It is
contained also in Additional MSS. 5503, which for the reasons stated
in my note, p. 233, 1 take as the best authority for the text.

A Letter to the Lord Treasurer Burghley, commending^

HIS FIRST suit, TOUCHING THE SOLICITOR'S PLACE.'

After the remembrance of my most humble duty.
Though I know by late experience how mindful your Lordship
vouchsafeth to be of me and my poor fortunes, since it pleased
your Lordship during your indisposition, when her Majesty came
to visit your Lordship, to make mention of me for my employment
and preferment; yet being now in the country, I do presume that
your Lordship, who of yourself had so honourable care of
matter, will not think it a trouble to be solicited therein,
hope is, that whereas your Lordahip told me her Maii'

1 Besufldtfttio, p. 1. AdditioDAl MSS. 5503, p. 1 b. > rvcmni

862 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

somewhat gravelled upon the offence she took at my speech in
Parliament^ your Lordship's favourable and good word (who
hath assured me that for your own part you construe^ that I
spake to the best) will be as a good tide to remove her from that
shelf. And it is not unknown to your Lordship that I was the
first of the ordinary sort of the Lower House of Parliament that
spake for the subsidy ; and that which I after spake in difference
was but in circumstances of time and manner^ which methinks
should be no great matter, since there is variety allowed in
counsel^ as a discord in music^ to make it more perfect. But I
may justly doubt, not so much her Majesty's impression upon
this particular, as her conceit otherwise of my insufficiency;
which though I acknowledge to be great, yet it will be the less
because I purpose not to divide myself between her Majesty and
the causes of other men (as others have done) but to attend her
business only : hoping that a whole man meanly able, may do as
well as half a man better able. And if her Majesty thinketh that
she shall make an adventure of choosing* one that is rather a
man of study than of practice and experience ; surely I may re-
member to have heard that my father (an example, I confess,
rather ready than like) was made Solicitor of the Augmentation
(a court of much business) when he had never practised, and
was but twenty-seven years old ; and Mr. Brograve was now in
my time called to be Attorney of the Duchy, when he had prac-
tised little or nothing; and yet hath discharged his place with great
sufficiency. But these things and the like are as her Majesty
shall be made capable of them ; wherein knowing what authority
your Lordship's commendation hath with her Majesty, I con-
clude with myself that the substance of strength which I may
receive will be from your Lordship. It is true my life hath
been so private as I have had no means to do your Lordship
service ; but yet, as your Lordship knoweth, I have made offer
of such as I could yield. For as God hath given me a mind
to love the public, so incidently I have ever had your Lordship
in singular admiration ; whose happy ability her Majesty hath
so long used, to her great honour and yours ; besides that the
amendment of state or countenance which I have received hath
been from your Lordship. And therefore if your Lordship shall
stand a good friend to your poor ally, you shall but proceed

* construed : B. ^ in using : B.

1594-96.] THE BIRD LIGHTS AGAIN A LITTLE BEFORE. 868

iuendo opus proprium which you have begun. And your Lord-
ship shall bestow your benefit upon one that hath more sense of
obligation than of self-love. Thus humbly desiring pardon of
so long a letter, I wish your Lordship all happiness. This 7th
of June, 1595.

Whether Burghley showed this letter to the Queen, — or if he did,
how she liked it, and whether she thought the harmony of her
counsels more perfect for that kind of discord, — we do not know :
but though Trinity Term passed without any resolution taken, I find
that Bacon was employed during that term in Star Chamber business ;
and judging from the tone of some letters to Lord Keeper Puckering
during the early part of the long vacation (the only letters of his du-
ring the period that happen to have been preserved) I should think
that he must have been at the time in considerable hope of succeed-
ing after all. As Michaelmas Term approached however, this hope
grew fainter, and by the 11th of October it appears to have been (upon
what particular occasion I do not know) altogether extinguished.

The allusion in the letter which comes next, to '^ a condition in law
knit to an interest, and supposed to be broken by misfesance," may
perhaps have reference to the Clerkship of the Star Chamber, of
which Bacon had the reversion, and of which the then possessor was
a year or two afterwards tried in the Star Chamber for some supposed
offences. It had probably been suggested to Bacon that by pressing
the case to a forfeiture he might come into possession at once. The
allusion is not meant to be intelligible except to the person addressed :
but it must refer either to that or to something else of the kind.

To THE Lord Keeper.^

It may please your good Lordship,

Not able to attend your Lordship myself before your going
to the Court, by reason of an ague, which offered me a fit on
Wednesday morning, but since by abstinence I thank God I
have starved, yet so as now he hath turned his back I am
chasing him away with a little physic ; I thought good to write
these few words to your Lordship, partly to signify my excuse, if
need be, that I assisted not Mr. Attorney on Thursday last in
the Star Chamber, at which time it is some comfort to me that I
hear by relation somewhat was generally taken hold of Jby the
Court which I formerly had opened and moved; and partly to

» HarL MSS. vol. 6997, fo. 34. Original : own hand. Docketed " xi Julii, 95 ; "
the date in the letter is plainly *' this xi*^ of June."

864 LETTERS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

express a little my oonceit touching the news which your Lord-
ship last told me 6rom the Queen^ concerning a condition in law
knit to an interest which your Lordship remembereth, and is
supposed to be broken by misfesance. Wherein surely my mind^
as far as it appertaineth to me^ is this^ that as I never liked not
so much as the coming in upon a lease by way of forfeiture^ so I
am so much enemy to myself as I take no contentment in any
such hope of advantage. For as your Lordship can give me best
testimony that I never in my life propounded any such-like
motion^ though I have been incited thereto ; so yet the world
will hardly believe but that it is underhand quickened and
nourished from me ; and truly, my Lord, I would not be thought
to supplant any man for great gain. I himibly pray your Lord-
ship to continue your commendation and countenance to me iu
the course of the Queen's service that I am entered into : which
when it shall please Ood to move the Queen to perfit, I hope I
shall give cause for your Lordship to obtain as many thanks as
you have endured chidings. And so I commend your good
Lordship to God's good preservation. From Gray's Inn this
llthof June, 1595.
Your Lordship's most humbly at your hon. commandment,

Fr. Bacon.

This appears to be written in hope. What caused the change we
do not know, but by the end of July it is clear that something had
gone wrong, and Bacon's patience (the rather perhaps because he was
out of health^) was beginniug to give way. But the letters them-
selves will tell all I know of the remainder of the story, without
further comment.

To THE Lord Keeper.^
It may please your Lordship,

There hath nothing happened to me in the course of my

1 30th June, 1595. Lady B. to A. B. " Crosby told me he looked very ill, he
thought. He taketh still inward grie^ I fear. . . ." 5th Aug. *' I am sony your
brother with inward secret grief hindereth his health. Everybody saith he looketh
thin and pale. Let him look to God, and confer with Him in godly exercises of
hearing and reading, and contemn to be noted to take care. I had rather ye both,
with Qod his blessed favour, had very good health and well out of debt than any
office. Tet, though the EopA showed great affection, he marred ah. with violent
courses. . . . Let your brother be of good cheer. Aias, what excess of bucks at
Gray*s Inn ; and to feast it so on the Sabbath ! God forgive and have mercy upon
England."— Lamb. MSS. 661. 211.

2 HarL MSS. vol. 6997, p. 72. Original : own hand. Carefully written.

1594-96.] PATIENCE BEGINNING TO GIVE WAY. 866

business more contrary to my expectation^ than your Lordship's
failing me and crossing me now in the conclusion^ when friends
are best tried. But now I desire no more favour of your Lord-
ship than I would do if I were a suitor in the Chancery ; which
is this only, that you would do me right. And I for my part,
though I have much to allege, yet nevertheless if I see her
Majesty settle her choice upon an able man, such a one as Mr.
Serjeant Fleming, I will make no means to alter it. On the
other side, if I perceive any insufficient obscure idole man offered
to her Majesty, then I think myself double bound to use the
best means I can for myself; which I humbly pray your Lord-
ship T may do with your favour, and that you will not disable
me furder than is cause. And so I commend your Lordship
to Gk)d*s preservation. From Gray's Inn, this 28th of July,
1595.

That beareth your Lordship all humble respect.

Fa. BACot^.

Indorsed, in the Lord Keeper's hand, Mr, Bacon wronging me.

To THE Lord Keeper.^

It may please your Lordship,

I thought it became me to write to your Lordship, upon
that which I have understood irom my Lord of Essex ; who vouch-
safed as I perceive to deal with your lordship of himself to join
with him in the concluding of my business, and findeth your
Lordship hath conceived offence, as well upon my manner when
I saw your Lordship at Temple last, as upon a letter which I did
write to your Lordship some time before. Surely, my Lord, for
my behaviour, I am well assured I omitted no point of duty or
ceremony towards your Lordship. But I know too much of the
Court to beg a countenance in public place, where I make ac-
count I shall not receive it. And for my letter, the principal
point of it was, that which I hope God will give me grace to per-
form ; which is, that if any idole man be offered to her Migesty,
(since it is mixt with my particular) to inform her Majesty truly,
which I must do as long as I have a tongue to speak or a pen to
write or a friend to use. And furder I remember not of my

1 HarL BiSS. 6997, fo. 86. Original : own hand. Cazefully written.

366 LETTEBS AND LIFE OP FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

letter, except it were that I writ, I hoped your Lordship would
do me no wrong, which hope I do still continue. For if it please
your Lordship but to call to mind from whom I am descended,
and by whom, next to God, her Majesty, and your own virtue,
your Lordship is ascended ; I know you will have a compunction
of mind to do me any wrong. And therefore, good my Lord,
when your Lordship favoureth others before me, do not lay the
separation of your love and favour upon myself. For I will give
no cause, neither can I acknowledge any where none is; but
humbly pray your Lordship to understand things as they are.
Thus sorry to write to your Lordship in an argument which is
to me unpleasant though necessary, I commend your Lordship
to God's good preservation. From Twicknam Park, this 19th
of August, 1595.

Your Lordship's in all humble respect,

Fr. Bacon.

The Earl of Essex to Lord Keeper Puckering.^

My Lord,
In my laat conference with your Lordship, I did entreat you both to
forbear hurting of Mr. Fra. Bacon's cause, and to suspend your judgment
of his mind towards your Lordship, till I lia4 spoken with him. I went
since that time to Twicknam Park to confer with him, and had signified
the effect of our conference by letter ere this, if I had not hoped to have
met with your Lordship, and^ so to have delivered it by speech. I told
your Lordship when I last saw you, that this manner of his was only a
natural freedom and plainness, which he had used with me, and in my
knowledge with some other of his best friends, than' any want of rever-
ence towards your Lordship; and therefore I was more curious to look
into the moving cause of this style, than into the form of it ; which now I
find to be only a diffidence of your Lordship's favour and love towards
him, and no alienation of that dutiful mind which he hath borne towards
your Lordship. And therefore I am fully persuaded that if your Lord-
ship would please to send for him, there would grow so good satisfaction
as hereafter he should enjoy your Lordship's honourable favour in as great
a measure as ever, and your Lordship have the use of his service, who I
assure your Lordship is as strong in his kindness as you find him in his
jealousy. I will use no argument to persuade your Lordship that I should
be glad of his being restored to your Lordship's wonted favour ; since your
Lordship both knoweth how much my credit is engaged in his fortune, and
may easily judge how sorry I should be that a gentleman whom I love so

» HarL MSS. vol. 6997, p. 92. Original : own hand. « So MS.

1594-96.] LETTEBS TO PUCKEBING. 867

much should lack the favour of a person whom I honour so much. And
thus commending your Lordship to God's best protection, I rest.

Your Lordship's very assured,
Esssz.i

To THE Lord Keeper.'

It may please your good Lordship^

I was minded according to the place of employment though
not of office wherein I serve, for my better direction and the
advancement of the service, to have acquainted your Lordship
now before the term with such her Majesty^s causes as are in my
hands. Which course intended out of duty, I do now find by
that I hear from my Lord of Essex, your Lordship of your favour
is willing to use for my good upon that satisfaction you may find
in my travels. And I now send to your Lordship, together with
my humble thanks, to understand of your Lordship^s being at
Kew what part of to-morrow, to the end I may attend your
Lordship, which this afternoon I cannot, in regard of some con-
ference I have appointed with Mr. Attorney-General. And so I
commend your honourable Lordship to God's good preservation.
From Gray's Inn, this 25th of September, Friday.*

Your good Lordship's humbly at your hon. commandments.

Fa. Bacon,

To THE Lord Keeper.^

It may please your good Lordship,

I am sorry the opportunity permitteth me not to attend your
Lordship as I minded. But I hope your Lordship will not be
the less^ sparing in using the argument of my being studied and
prepared in the Queen's causes for my furtherance upon belief,
than if I had imparted to your Lordship my travels, which some
times next week I mean to do. Neither have I been able to con-

' No date ; but indorsed, in the Lord Keeper^B hand, " 81 Aug., '95. My Lord
of Essex to haye me send for Mr. Bacon, for ne wiU satisfy me."

> Harl. MSS. 6996, fo. 214. Original : own hand.

' I can hardly doubt that this letter and the next refer to the same business ;
they fit so well m aU points but one. It is true, howerer, that the 25th of Sep-
tember did not fiJl on a Friday in 1595 ; but neither did it so &11 in any year
between 1590 and 1601. There must be a mistake therefore, and I suppose the
letters were really written on the 26th.

* HarL MSS. toL 6997, fo. 115. Original : own hand. • So MS.

868 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

fer with Mr. Attorney as I desired^ because he was removing fipom
one building to another. And besides he alleged his note-book
was in the country at Oysterly,^ and so we respited it to some
time next week. I think he will rather do me good offices than
otherwise, except it be for the township your Lordship remem-
bereth by the verse. Thus I commend your honourable Lord-
ship to God's good preservation. From Gray's Inn, this 25th
of September, 1595.

Your Lordship's most humble

at your hon. commandment,

Fb. Bacon.

To THE Lord Keeper.'

It may please your good Lordship,

My not acquainting your Lordship hath proceeded of my
not knowing anything, and my not knowing of my absence at
Byssam with my Lady Bussel upon some important cause of her
son's. And as I have heard nothing, so I look for nothing,
though my Lord of Essex sent me word he would not write till
his Lordship had good news. But his Lordship may go on in
his affection, which nevertheless myself have desired him to limit.
But I assure your Lordship, I can take no furder care for the
matter. I am now at Twicknam Park, where I think to stay :
for her Majesty placing a Solicitor, my travel shall not need in
her causes ; though whensoever her Majesty shall like to em-
ploy me in any particular, I shall be ready to do her willing ser-
vice. This I write lest your Lordship mought think my silence
came of any conceit towards your Lordship, which I do assure
you I have not. And this needed I not to do if I thought not
so. For my course will not give me any ordinary occasion to use
your favour, whereof nevertheless I shall ever be glad. So I
commend your good Lordship to God's holy preservation. This
11th of October, 1595.

Your Lordship's humbly at your hon. com.,

Fr. Bacon.

^ A house in Heston, Middlesex, built by Sir Thomas Ghresham, of which (sajB
Nichols, Procpesses, ii 280), ** soon after Lady Gresham's death. Lord Chief Justioe
Coke (then Attomey-C^eneral) appears to have been an inhabitant.*'

> Harl. MSS. vol 6997, fo. 117. Original : own hand. Written in a hurry.

1694-95.] SUIT FINALLY REJECTED. 869

To THE LOBD KbEPEB.^

It may please your good Lordship,

I conceive the end already made, which will I trust be to
me a beginning of good fortune, or at least of content. Her
Majesty by Gk)d's grace shall live and reign long. She is not
running away, I may trust her. Or whether she look towards
me or no, I remain the same, not altered in my intention. If I
had been an ambitious man, it would have overthrown me. But
minded as I am, revertet benedictio mea in sinum meum. If I
had made any reckoning of anything to be stirred, I would have
waited on your Lordship, and will be at any time ready to wait
on you to do you service. So I commend your good Lordship
to God*s holy preservation. From Twicknam Park, this 14th
of October.

Your Lordship^s most humble

at your hon. commandments,

Fr. Bacon.
Indorsed i 14ih October, '96.

6.

At last then the chase was really at an end. The Queen had finally
resolved that Bacon should not be her Solicitor- Q^neral, and on the
5th of November following, Serjeant Fleming received the patent of
the office. It does not appear however that the resolution was brought
on by any new offence given either by Bacon or Essex, or by any fresh
distaste conceived by the Queen. Bather, I think, it was the end of
that long displeasure. In the beginning of March, 1592-3, he had
done a thing which Elizabeth did not choose persons in her service to
do. As a member of the House of Commons representing Middlesex,
he had taken a leading part in a movement which was certainly op-
posed to the wishes of the Government, and ended (if my interpreta-
tion of the proceedings be correct) in the defeat of a project for get-
ting rid of one of the most important privileges of the Lower House,
— most important to them and by consequence most inconvenient in
many cases to the Grown. He was a young man, however, of un-
questioned and most affectionate loyalty, attached to the Crown by
all ties both of interest and feeling ; and he might see his error and
make amends. Beward and punishment lay before him month after

* Harl. MSS. toL 6997, fo. 119. Original : own hand.
VOL. I. 2 B

870 LBTTEBS JLSD LIFE OP FKANCIS BACON. [Chap. X-

montli and year after year, and he was still free to choose. The
Attorney-Generalship was kept vacant for a year ; during which it
was twice at least intimated to him, that his conduct in Parli&ment
was the thing which stood most in his way. When the Attorney-
Generalship was filled up, the Solicitorship was kept vacant for a
year and a half, during which the same intimation was once at least
conveyed to him. But all this time he had shown no symptom of re-
pentance, — ^no consciousness even of having done anything wrong.
In April, 1593, all he had to say was that he had said nothing but
what he thought it his duty to say ; and in June, 1595, he had nothing
to add in the way of excuse, except that the points in which he had
opposed the Government proposition were only " circumstances of
time and manner," and that *' variety is allowed in counsel as a dis-
cord in music, to make it more perfect." Upon this point then it
seemed that he was incorrigible ; he could not see, or would not own,
his fault ; and he must take the consequences. But Elizabeth, though
she could not bring herself to pardon such an offence, was not the
less likely to feel respect for such an offender. And it seems that
she was willing to let the final rejection of his suit for the Solicitor-
ship pass for a full quittance, and allow the cloud which had so long
hung upon her countenance to clear away.

To the Earl of Essex the decision was in every way a mortification.
He felt his friend's disappointment as his own ; bis whole credit for
influence at Court had been notoriously staked upon success in this
suit ; and such a friend in such an oflice would have been a material
support to him ; so that it was a real loss to him in all respects. And
if he was not yet convinced that his method of dealing with the Queen
was unwise, he must at least have felt keenly that it had been in this
case unlucky, and that Bacon had always disapproved of it, and
warned him what it would come to. So deeply indebted as the Bacons
were to him for his endeavours in this matter, they could not of course
criticize the manner of them : but we know that in the management
of his own affairs it was a point on which he and Bacon always
" directly and contradictorily differed :" and when Lady Bacon said
that " though the Earl showed great affection yet he marred all with
violent courses,'* there can be little doubt now that she made a true
judgment. In the account between him and Bacon the obligation
was not all on one side. Bacon owed him much for his firiendship,
trust, and eager endeavours to serve him. He owed Bacon much

1694-96.] MUNIFICENCE OF ESSEX. 871

not only for affection and zeal, but for time and pains gratuitously
spent in his affairs. These he had done his best to requite in the
best way — namely by advancing him in his profession ; but having
failed, he (not unnaturally) desired to make him some reparation.
And this he accordingly did with characteristic ardour and genero-
sity. Of the particulars of the transaction, and indeed of the trans-
action itself, our only information is derived from Bacon's own narra-
tive, published nine years afber. And as subsequent events give it a
peculiar importance, I shall quote at length all that relates to it.

" After the Queen had denied me the Solicitor's place, for the which
his Lordship had been a long and earnest suitor on my behalf, it
pleased him to come to me from Eichmond to Twicknam Park, and
brake with me, and said, * Master Bacon, the Queen hath denied me
yon place for you, and hath placed another ; I know you are the least
part of your own matter, but you fare ill because you have chosen me
for your mean and dependence; you have spent your time and thoughts
in my matters : I die (these were his very words) if I do not somewhat
towards your fortime : you shall not deny to accept a piece of land
which I will bestow upon you.* My answer I remember was, that
for my fortune it was no great matter, but that his Lordship's offer
made me to call to mind what was wont to be said when I was in France
of the Duke of Guise, that he was the greatest usurer in France, be-
cause he had turned all his estate into obligations ; meaning that he
had left himself nothing, but only had bound numbers of persons to
him. * Now, my Lord,' said I, * I would not have you imitate his
course, nor turn your state thus by great gifts into obligations, for
you will find many bad debtors.' He bade me take no care for that,
and pressed it : whereupon I said, ' My Lord, I see I must be your
homager and hold land of your gift : but do you know the manner of
doing homage in law P Always it is with a saving of his faith to the
king and his other lords : and therefore, my Lord ' (said I) * I can be
no more yours than I was, and it must be with the ancient savings :
and if I grow to be a rich man, you will give me leave to give it back
to some of your unrewarded followers.* "

The end was that the Earl " enfeoffed " Bacon " of land," which he
afterwards " sold for £1800, and thought was more worth." The
land in question is said (probably enough, though on no better autho-
rity, so far as I know, than Bushell, upon whose authority I do not
myself believe anything) to have been in Twickenham Park, — a piece,
perhaps, adjoining Bacon's lodge there. It was certainly at this time
that he received from the Crown a lease of certain lands at Twicken-
ham, for twenty-one years, dating from Michaelmas, 1624, upon the
same terms on which they had formerly been held by Edward Bacon,

2 B 2

372 LBTTEBS AND LIFE OF F&ANCIS BAOON. [Chap. X.

and were then held by one Milo Dodding; viz. a rent of twelve
guineas a year. It was granted however in consideration of the
services and at the suit of one Balph Fletcher — " unum Valett' de le
Yestrie in Hospitio nostro " — of whose relations with Bacon and in-
terest in the matter we know nothing ; and probably formed part of a
transaction of which the history has not been preserved. The grant
of the reversion of the lease is dated the I7th of November, 1595 ;^
and, however he came by it, was a thing of value, upon the secu-
rity of which money could be raised. In the meantime the transfer
of the lease to a stranger did not interfere with his occupation, for he
continued to reside at Twickenham Park as before.

As I find that the Court was at Richmond from the 20th of October,
1595, to the 5th of November,' or thereabouts, I suppose this conver-
sation took place within that period : perhaps after the Queen's re-
solution had been taken, and before the place had been actually given
to Fleming. The next letter, which comes from Bawley's supplemen-
tary collection and has no date, may have been written a few days
after, when everything was settled ; and the last sentence may have
reference to the munificent present for which Bacon had already made
hia acknowledgments in the manner above reported.

To MT Lord of Essex.'

It may please your good Lordship^

I pray Gk)d her Majesty^s weighing be not like the weight
of a balance ; gravia deorsum, levia suraum. But I am as far
from being altered in devotion towards her^ as I am from dis-
trust that she will be altered in opinion towards me, when she
knoweth me better. For myself, I have lost some opinion, some
time, and some means ; this is my account : but then for opinion,
it is a blast that goeth and cometh ; for time, it is true it goeth
and cometh not ; but yet I have learned that it may be redeemed.

For means, I value that most ; and the rather, because T am
purposed not to follow the practice of the law : (If her Majesty
command me in any particular, I shall be ready to do her willing
service :) and my reason is only, because it drinketh too much
time, which 1 have dedicated to better purposes. But even for
that point of estate and means, I partly lean to Thales' opinion.
That a philosopher may be rich if he will. Thus your Lordship

» See a copy of the -patent in Dixon's * Personal History of Lord Baoon,' p. S59.

s 6irch*B Memoirs, i. 812.

s Besuscitatio, Supplement, p. 111.

1694-95.] BACON'S APPEBHENSI0N8 AND WABNINGS. 878

seeth how I comfort myself; to the increase whereof I would
fain please myself to believe that to be true which my Lord Trea-
surer writeth ; which is, that it is more than a philosopher
morally can disgest. But without any such high conceit, I
esteem it like the pulling out of an aching tooth, which, I re-
member, when I was a child and had little philosophy, I was
glad of when it was done. For your Lordship, I do think my-
self more beholding to you than to any man. And I say, I
reckon myself as a common (not popular, but common) ; and as
much as is lawful to be enclosed of a common, so much your
Lordship shall be sure to have.

Your Lordship's, to obey your honourable commands,
more settled than ever.

The remarkable sentence with which this letter concludes, I can-
not understand otherwise than as a warning, similar to that with
which the conversation at Twickenham concluded, and suggested by
some apprehension that Essex might misunderstand the nature of
the relation between them, and expect from Bacon a devotion incom-
patible with his devotion to the State, which had the first claim upon
him. "I can be no more yours than I was: it most be with the
ancient savings — that is, of faith to the king and his other lords.'*
I am but *' as a common ;" you can have for your own share only
" so much as is lawful to be enclosed :'* that is, I can only ofier you
such services as can be lawfully rendered by one whose chief service
is due to the State. It is true that Essex was still a loyal subject,
and that all the objects of his personal ambition lay as yet within
the limits of patriotism and duty. But he had already engaged
deeply in a game very dangerous to play at with such a nature as
the Queen's. The history of his relation with the Court is a his-
tory of quarrels and reconciliations, provocations given and forgiven,
the liberties of a spoiled child with a mother, whose affection though
mortified and irritated cannot afibrd to sacrifice him ; each victory
emboldening him to repeat the same experiment, without consider-
ing that patience has its limits, and that every successive strain put
upon the affection leaves it less able to endure another. It was a
point in which Bacon had always thought Essex in the wrong, and
told him what would come of it. But though he listened, he Was
not convinced ; and it seems to me that Bacon had already begun
to fear that these repeated tiials of the Queen's affection (there
being, I fancy, not much real affection on Essex's part to temper
provocations on his side) might end at last in some fatal alienation.

{

874 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACX)N. [Chap. X.

I do not doubt that Essex^s benefaction looked to the past and not
to the future, and was bestowed out of the frank generosity of a na-
ture in that respect truly noble, without anj thought of conditions
or requitals. But it was not the less desirable to remind him that
he was dealing with one whose duty was pre-engaged, and who could
have nothing to do with any factious dependence. And such a warn-
ing was naturally suggested by the condition of the times, which
were full of serious alarms. At that very time the news from Ire-
land was very bad, and great offensive preparations were known to
be making by Spain, which it was thought might issue in another
Armada this very autumn.

8.

For the present, however, the differences which had been between
Essex and the Queen, and which had lately looked very serious,
cleared suddenly away, leaving fairer weather than ever. A book on
the forbidden subject of the succession had appeared in Holland, with
a dedication to Essex as the man who, in respect of '' nobility, call-
ing, favour with bis prince, and high liking of the people," was likely
to have most sway in deciding this great affair, etc. This book came
into the Queen's hands, who showed it to Essex (3rd November) in
a manner which greatly disturbed him, and they say made him fall
really ill. But the Queen coming to visit him, and being satisfied, I
suppose, that he had had nothing to do with it, made all fair again.
And on the 12th of November the Court news was that " my Lord
of Essex had put off the mehincholy he fell into by a printed book
delivered to the Queen ; wherein the harm was meant him, by her
Majesty's gracious favour and wisdom is turned to his good, and
strengthens her love unto him ; for I hear that within these four
days many letters sent to herself from foreign coimtries were de-
livered only to my Lord of Essex, and he to answer them."* And a
few days afler we find him adorning the triiunphs of the Queen's
day with a " device ;" of which, as Bacon had a principal hand in it,
I shall now give what particulars I can, and so close this chapter, —
one of the most tiresome chapters in Bacon's real life, and not
much livelier in the narrative of it.

A contemporary report, written four days after, runs thus : —

" My Lord of Essex's device is much commended in these late triumphs.

Some pretty while before he came in himself to the tilt, he sent his page

with some speech to the Queen, who resumed with her Majesty's glove.

And when he came himself, he was met with an old Hermit, a Secretary of

» Sydney Papers, L 860.

1594-96.] CELEBKATION OP THE QUEEIJ'S DAY. 876

State, a brave Soldier, and an Esquire. The first presented him with a
book of meditations ; the second with political discourses ; the third with
orations^ of brave-fought battles ; the fourth was but his own follower, to
whom the other three imparted much of their purpose before he came in.
Another* devised with him, persuading him to this or that course of life,
according to their inclinations. Comes into the tiltyard unthought upon
the ordinary postboy of London, a ragged villain all bemired, upon a
poor lean jade, galloping and blowing for life, and delivered the Secretary
a packet of letters, which he presently offered my Lord of Essex ; and
with this dumb show our eyes were fed for that time. In the after-supper,
before the Queen, they' first delivered a well-penned speech to move this
worthy knight to leave his vain following of Love, and to betake him to
heavenly meditation : the secretaries all tending to have him follow matters
of state, the soldiers persuading him to the war ; but the esquire answered
them all, and concluded with an excellent but too plain English, that this
knight would never forsake his mistress's love, whose Virtue made all his
thoughts divine, whose Wisdom taught him all true policy, whose Beauty
and Worth were at all times able to make him fit to command armies. He
showed all the defects and imperfections of all their times, and therefore
thought his course of life to be best in serving his mistress. The old man
was he that in Cambridge played Giraldy, Morley played the Secretary,
and he that played Fedantiq was the soldier, and Toby Matthew acted the
Squire's part. The world makes many untrue constructions of these
speeches, comparing the Hermit and the Secretary to two of the lords,
and the Soldier to Sir Soger Williams ; but the Queen said that if she
had thought there had been so much said of her, she would not have been
there that night, and so went to bed."^

It is not much that one can gather from this report (which ap-
pears moreover to have suffered from errors of the transcriber) as to
the character of the entertainment ; but it serves to identify as be-
longing to it, a paper without heading, docket, or date, found in the
Lambeth collection ; which paper is further proved by some notes
and portions of the rough draft still extant in Bacon's handwriting
to be of his composition.

One of these fragments enables us to get a clearer idea of the plot
of the piece than can be gathered from the report just quoted. It
seems to have been a sequel to some former device of the same kind ;
in which Philautia, the goddess of Self-love, had been represented as
addressing some persuasion to the Queen (probably against giving
way to her affection for Erophilus), and had been answered by her
Squire. On this occasion Philautia is represented as endeavouring
to persuade Erophilus not to give way to his affection for the Queen.

* Sic: qy,* narrations *P

^ Sic: qj,*Ba these,' and change the fiill-stop into a comma ? ' Sic,

« Rowland Whyte to Sir Bobert Sydney, 22nd Ifovembery 1596. Sydney
Papers, L 862.

876 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

A page in Bacon's own most careless hand,' which seems to be a
discarded beginning, explains the design.

" The persons to be three : one dressed like aa He-
remite or Philosopher, representing Contemplation ; the
second like a Capitain, representing Fame; and the
third like a Counsellor of Estate, representing Expe-
rience : the third to begin to the Squire, as being the
master of the best behaviour or compliment, though he
speak last.
" Since Lady Philautia, whose interview with you you cannot
but remember, what time your opposition against the force of
her arguments was like the opposition of a rainbow against the
sun, pretty colours but easily scattered, this lady hath since
taken some remorse towards your Master Erophilus; for finding
that he hath prevailed with his mistress, and so made his condi-
tion more unequal, she taketh herself bound in . . .^ not to leave
him wholly at disadvantage, and therefore hath sent us to treat
with him for his own good. . . .*'

Another paper belonging to the same bundle, and also in Bacon's
handwriting, is in the form of a letter from Philautia to the Queen ;
to be delivered, I suppose, by the ambassadors, and serve for their in-
troduction. Its natural place in the entertainment would be at the
commencement of proceedings after supper in the presence. The
notes are in Bacon's hand like the rest, and written in the margin
opposite to the sentences to which I have referred them. They are
not however part of the composition, but comments upon it ad-
dressed to the Earl of Essex.

Excellent Queen, Making report to Pallas, upon whom Phi-
lautia depends,' of my last audience with your Majesty and of
the opposition I found by the feigning tongue of a disguised
Squire, and also of the inclination of countenance and ear which
I discerned in your Majesty rather towards my ground than to
his voluntary, the Goddess allowed well of my endeavour and
said no more at that time. But few days since she called me to
her, and told me that my persuasions had done good,^ yet that
it was not amiss to refresh them. I attending in silence her

* Gibeon Papers, yoL viii. No. 274.
^ I could not make out thia word.

* Fruatra sapit qui eibimet sapit.

^ That your Lordship knoweth whether the Queen hare profited in 8elf-LoTe.

1594-96.] BACON'S DEVICE. 877

furder pleasure^ after a little pause putting her Rhield before her
eyes as she useth when she studieth to resolve^ Better (said she)
raise the siege than send continual succours^ and that may be
done by stratagem. This, Philautia, shall you do. Address
yourself to Erophilus. You know the rest : we shall see what
answer or invention the Groddess of fools (?) (so many times she
will call Jupiter's fair daughter) will provide for him against
your assailings. And then the alone Queen^ (so she ever terms
your Majesty) will see that she hath had Philautia's first offer,
and that if she reject it, it will be received elsewhere to her
disadvantage. And upon my humble reverence to depart she
cleared (?) her countenance, and said. The time makes for you.^
I gladly received her instructions Only because I had nego-
tiated with your Majesty myself I would not vouchsafe to deal
with an inferior in person : but have put them in commission
that your Majesty will see can very well acquit themselves, and
will at least make you sport, which Philautia for a vale desireth
you to contrive out of all others' earnest, and so kisseth your
serene hands, and resteth.

Your Majesty's faithful remembrancer,

Philautia.

Then follows the beginning of the speech of the Hermit, — ^a first
draft, I suppose, — afterwards entirely rewritten, as we shall see.

The Speech of the Heremite or Philosopher, in wish of Contem-
plation or Studies.
Squire,

Bear unto thy master my advice as a token wrapped up now
in few words, but then it will show fair when it shaU be unfolded
in his experience.

Let him not borrow other men's opinions to direct himself:
Either they feel not that which he feeleth, or they set him the
way to their own journey's end.

Neither let him tie himself to the courses he is already en-
tered into; but let him make the time to come the disciple of
ifche time past and not the servant.

^ I pray God she be not too much alone, but it ia a name of exceUencj and
▼ireinity.

^ That Yoor Lordship knoweth, and I in part, in regard of the Queen's unkind
dealing, which may persuade you to self-loye.

878 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

Will he never discern manacles from bracelets^ nor burdens
from robes ? Will he never cease to profess that is not believed,
to offer that is not accepted^ and to tax himself at that which is
not remitted ? Doth he not perceive that the infiniteness of the
affection which he pretendeth and the obligation which he ac-
knowledgeth doth but diminish the thanks of his services, pro-
cure the more easily imputations, and make him serve but for to
discharge passion, to exercise humour, and to triumph over in
power ? Can he find none that he loveth ill enough to resign
unto such conditions ? . . .

Here the MS. ends at the bottom of the first page of the sheet,
leaving the other three pages blank. It seems that Bacon had
thrown this aside and begun afresh ; for in another volume of the
same collection^ there is a paper containing four speeches, — the
Squire's speech in the tiltyard, the Hermit's, the Soldier's, and the
Secretary's speeches in the presence, — ^fairly copied ; in which much
of the Hermit's speech is transferred to the Secretary. The paper
has no heading, date, or docket ; but a comparison of it with Itowland
Whyte's description and with the fragments above given will leave
no doubt either as to the occasion or the authorship.

The Squire's Speech in the TUiyard.

Most excellent and most glorious Queen, give me leave, I be-
seech your Majesty, to offer my master his complaint and peti-
tion ; complaint that coming hither to your Majesty^s most happy
day, he is tormented with the importunity of a melancholy
dreaming Hermit, a mutinous brain-sick Soldier, and a busy
tedious Secretary. His petition is that he may be as free as the
rest, and at least whilst he is here, troubled with nothing but
with care how to please and honour you.

The HermiVs Speech in the Presence,

Though our ends be diverse, and therefore may be one more
just than another, yet the complaint of this Squire is general,
and therefore alike unjust against us all. Albeit he is angry
that we offer ourselves to his master uncalled, and forgets wc^
come not of ourselves but as the messengers of Self-love, from
whom all that comes should be well taken. He saith when we

> GKbeon Papers, vol. t. No. 118,

1594-96.] BACX)N'S DEVICE, 879

come we are importunate. If he mean that we err in form^ we
have that of his master^ who being a lover useth no other form
of soliciting. If he will charge us to err in matter^ I for my
part will preseijtly prove that I persuade him to nothing but for
his own good. For I wish him to leave turning over the book of
fortune, which is but a play for children, where there be so many
books of truth and knowledge better worthy the revolving, and
not fix his view only upon a picture in a little table, where there
be so many tables of histories, yea to life, excellent to behold
and admire. Whether he believe me or no, there is no prison to
the prison of the thoughts, which are free under the greatest
tyrants. Shall any man make his conceit as an anchor, mured
up with the compass of one beauty or person, that may have the
liberty of all contemplation? Shall he exchange the sweet tra-
veiling through the universal variety for one wearisome and end-
less round or labyrinth P Let thy master. Squire, offer his ser-
vice to the Muses. It is long since they received any into their
court. They give alms continually at their gate, that many come
to live upon ; but few have they ever admitted into their palace.
There shall he find secrets not dangerous to know, sides and
parties not factious to hold, precepts and commandments not
penal to disobey. The gardens of love wherein he now playeth
himself are fresh to-day and fading to-morrow, as the sun com-
forts them or is turned from them. But the gardens of the
Muses keep the privilege of the golden age ; they ever flourish
and are in league with time. The monuments of wit survive the
• monuments of power : the verses of a poet endure without a syl-
lable lost, while states and empires pass many periods. Let him
not think he shall descend, for he is now upon a hill as a ship is
mounted upon the ridge of a wave ; but that hill of the Muses is
above tempests, always clear and calm ; a hill of the goodliest
discovery that man can have, being a prospect upon all the errors
and wanderings of the present and former times. Yea, in some
cliff ^ it leadeth the eye beyond the horizon of time, and giveth
no obscure divinations of times to come. So that if he will in-
deed lead vitam vitaltm, a life that unites safety and dignity,
pleasure and merit ; if he will win admiration without envy ; if
he wiU be in the feast and not in the throng, in the light and
not in the heat ; let him embrace the life of study and contem-
^SoMS. Qy. ^asfromsdiff?

880 LETTEES AND LIFE OF FEANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

plation. And if he will accept of do other reason^ yet because
the .gift of the Muses will en worthy him in his love, and where
he now looks on his mistress's outside with the eyes of sense^
which are dazzled and amazed, he shall then behold her high
perfections and heavenly mind with the eyes of judgment^ which
grow stronger by more nearly and more directly viewing such
an object.

The Soldier^s Speech.

Squire, the good old man hath said well to you, but I dare say
thou wouldst be sor^ to leave to carry thy master's shield, and
to carry his books, and I am sure thy master had rather be a
£Edcon, a bird of prey, than a singing-bird in a cage. The Muses
are to serve martial men, to sing their famous actions, and not
to be served by them. Then hearken to me.

It is the wars that giveth all spirits of valour not only honour
but contentment. For mark whether ever you did see a man
grown to any honourable commandment in the wars, but when-
soever he gave it over he was ready to die with melancholy?
Such a sweet felicity is in that noble exercise, that he that hath
tasted it throughly is distasted for all other. And no marvel ;
for if the hunter take such solace in his chase, if the matches
and wagers of sport pass away with such satisfaction and delight,
if the looker-on be affected with pleasure in the representation
of a feigned tragedy, think what contentment a man receiveth
when they that are equal to him in nature from the height of
insolency and fiiry are brought to the condition of a chased
prey, when a victory is obtain^ whereof the victories of games
are but counterfeits and shadows, and when in a lively tragedy
a man's enemies are sacrificed before his eyes to his fortune.
Then for the dignity of military profession, is it not the truest
and perfectest practice of all virtues ? of wisdom, in disposing
those things which are most subject to confusion and accident ;
of justice, in continual distributing rewards; of temperance, in
exercising of the straitest discipline ; of fortitude, in toleration
of all labours and abstinence from effeminate delights ; of con-
stancy, in bearing and digesting the greatest variety of fortune.
So that when all other places and professions require but their
several virtues, a brave leader in the wars must be accomplished
with all. It is the wars that are the tribunal seat, where the

1694-96.] BACON'S DEVICE. 881

highest rights and possessions are decided; the occapation of
kings^ the root of nobility^ the protection of all estates ; and
lastly^ lovers never thought their profession sufficiently graced^
till they have compared it to a warfare. All that in any other
profession can be wished for is but to live happily : but to be a
brave commander in the fields death itself doth crown the head
with glory. Therefore, Squire, let thy master go with me, and
though he be resolved in the pursuit of his love, let him aspire
to it by the noblest means. For ladies count it no honour to
subdue them with their fairest eyes, which wiU be daunted with
the fierce encounter of an enemy ; and they will quickly discern
a champion fit to wear their glove, from a page not worthy to
carry their pantofle. Therefore I say again, let him seek his
fortune in the field, where he may either lose his love, or find
new arguments to advance it.

The Statesman's Speech.

Squire, my advice to thy master shall be as a token wrapped
up in words ; but then will it show itself fair, when it is unfolded
in his actions. To wish him to change from one humour to an-
other, were but as if for the cure of a man in pain one should
advise him to lie upon the other side, but not enable him to stand
on his feet. If from a sanguine delightful humour of love he
turn to a melancholy retired humour of contemplation, or a tur-
bulent boiling humour of the wars, what doth he but change
tyrants ? Contemplation is a dream, love a trance, and the hu-
mour of war is raving. These be shifts of humour, but no re-
claiming to reason. I debar him not studies nor books, to give
him store and variety of conceit, to refresh his mind, to cover
sloth and indisposition, and to draw to him from those that are
studious respect and commendation. But let him beware lest
they possess not too much of his time, that they abstract not his
judgment from present experience, nor make him presume upon
knowing much to apply the less. For the wars, I deny him no
enterprise that shall be worthy in greatness, likely in success, or
necessary in duty; not mixed with any circumstance of jealousy,
but duly laid upon him. But I would not have him take the
alarm from his own humour, but from the occasion ; and I would
again he should know an employment from a discourting. And
for his love, let it not so disarm his heart within, as it make him

882 LETTEBS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

too credulous to favourB, nor too tender to unkindnesses^ nor too
apt to depend upon the heart he knows not. Nay in his demon-
stration of love let him not go too far; for these silly lovers^
when they profess such infinite affection and obligation^ .they tax
themselves at so high a rate that they are ever under arrest. It
makes their service seem nothing, and every cavil or imputation
very great. But what, Squire, is thy master^s end ? If to make
the prince happy he serves, let the instructions to employed men,
the relations of ambassadors, the treaties between princes^ and
actions of the present time, be the books he reads : let the ora-
tions of wise princes or experimented counsellors in council or
parliament, and the final sentences of grave and learned judges
in weighty and doubtful causes, be the lectures he frequents. Let
the holding of affection with confederates without charge, the
frustrating of the attempts of enemies without battles, the enti-
tling of the Crown to new possessions without show of wrong, the
filling of the princess coffers without grudging, the appeasing
tumults and seditions without violence, the keeping of men in
appetite without impatience, be the inventions he seeks out. Let
policy and matter of state be the chief, and almost the only thing
he intends. But if he will believe Philautia, and seek most his
own happiness, he must not of them embrace all kinds, but make
choice, and avoid all matter of peril, displeasure, and charge, and
turn them over to some novices that know not manacles frx>m
bracelets, nor burdens from robes. For himself, let him set for
matters of commodity and strength, though they be joined with
envy. Let him not trouble himself too laboriously to sound into
any matter deeply, or to execute anything exactly ; but let him
make himself cunning rather in the humours and drifts of per-
sons than in the nature of business and affairs. Of that it suf-
ficeth to know only so much as may make him able to make use
of other men^s wits, and to make again a smooth and pleasing
report. Let him entertain the proposition of others, and ever
rather let him have an eye to the circumstances than to the mat-
ter itself; for then shall he ever seem to add somewhat of his
own : and besides, when a man doth not forget so much as a cir-
cumstance, men do thii^k his wit doth superabound for the sub-
stance. In his counsels let him not be confident, for that will
rather make him obiioxious to the success ; but let him follow
the wisdom of oracles^ which uttered that which might ever be

1694-95.] BACON'S DEVICE. 388

applied to the event. And ever rather let him take the side
which is likeliest to be followed^ than that which is soundest and
best^ that everything may seem to be carried by his direction.
To conclude^ let him be true to himself^ and avoid all tedious
reaches of state that are not merely pertinent to his particular.
And if he will needs pursue his affection^ and go on his course,
what can so much advance him in his own way ? The merit of
war is too outwardly glorious to be inwardly grateful, and it is
the exile of his eye, which looking with such affection upon the
picture, cannot but with infinite contentment behold the life.
But when his mistress shall perceive that his endeavours are [to]
become a true supporter of her, a discharge of her care, a watch-
man of her person, a scholar of her wisdom, an instrument of
her operation, and a conduit of her virtue, this with his diligences,
accesses, humility, and patience, may move her to give him fur-
ther degrees and approaches to her favour. So that I conclude
I have traced him the way to that which hath been granted to
some few, amare ei sapere, to love and be wise.

The Reply of the Squire.

Wandering Hermit, storming Soldier, and hollow Statesman,
the enchanting orators of Philautia, which have attempted by
your high charms to turn resolved Erophilus into a statua de-
prived of action, or into a vulture attending about dead bodies,
or into a monster with a double heart ; with infinite assurance,
but with just indignation and forced patience, I have suffered
you to bring in play your whole forces. For I would not vouch-
safe to combat you one by one, as if I trusted to the goodness of
my breath and not the goodness of my strength, which little
needeth the advantage of your severing, and much less of your
disagreeing. Therefore, first, I would know of you all what as-
surance you have of the fruit whereto you aspire. You (Father)
that pretend to truth and knowledge, how are you assured that
yon adore not vain chimeras and imaginations? that in your
high prospect, when you think men wander up and down, that
they stand not indeed still in their place, and it is some smoke or
cloud between you and them which moveth, or else the dazzling
of your own eyes ? Have not many which take themselves to
be inward counsellors with Nature, proved but idle believers, that
told us tales which were no such matter ? And, Soldier, what

884 LETTKBS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

security have you for these victories and garlands which you pro-
mise to yourself? Know you not of many which have made pro-
vision of laurel for the victory^ and have been fain to exchange it
with cypress for the funeral ? of many which have bespoken &me
to sound their triumphs^ and have been glad to pray her to say
nothing of them^ and not to discover them in their flights? Cor-
rupt Statesman^ you that think by your engines and motions to
govern the wheel of fortune^ do you not mark that clocks cannot be
long in temper^ that jugglers are no longer in request when their
tricks and sleights are once perceived ? Nay do you not see that
never any man made his owil cunning and practice (without re-
ligion^ honour^ and moral honesty) his foundation, but he over-
built himself, and in the end made his house a windfall ? But
give ear now to the comparison of my master's condition, and
acknowledge such a difierence as is betwixt the melting hail-stone
and the solid pearl. Indeed it seemeth to depend as the globe
of the earth seemeth to hang in the air; but yet it is firm and
stable in itself. It is like a cube or die-form, which toss it or
throw it any way, it ever lighteth upon a square. Is he denied
the hopes of favours to come ? He can resort to the remembrance
of contentments past : destiny cannot repeal that which is past.
Doth he find the acknowledgment of his affection small ? He
may find the merit of his affection the greater : fortune cannot
have power over that which is within. Nay his falls are like the
falls of Antseus ; they renew his strength. His clouds are like
the clouds of harvest, which make the sun break forth with
greater force ; his wanes and changes are like the moon, whose
globe is all light towards the sun when it is all dark towards the
world ; such is the excellency of her nature and of his estate.
Attend, you beadsman of the Muses, you take your pleasure in a
wilderness of variety ; but it is but of shadows. You are as a
man rich in pictures, medals, and crystals. Your mind is of the
water, which taketh all forms and impressions, but is weak of
substance. Will you compare shadows with bodies, picture with
life, variety of many beauties with the peerless excellency of one?
the element of water with the element of fire? And such is the
comparison between knowledge and love. Come out (man of
war), you must be ever in noise. You will give laws, and advance
forc6, and trouble nations, and remove landmarks of kingdoms,
and hunt men, and pen tragedies in blood : and that which is

1694-95.] BACX)N'S DEVICE. 885

worst of all, make all the virtues accessary to bloodshed. Hath
the practice of force so deprived you of the use of reason, as that
you will compare the interruption of society with the perfection
of society, the conquest of bodies with the conquest of spirits,
the terrestrial fire which destroyeth and dissolveth with the ce-
lestial fire which quickeneth and giveth life ? And such is the
comparison between the soldier and the lover. And as for you,
untrue Politique, but truest bondman to Philautia, you that pre-
sume to bind occasion and to overwork fortune, I would ask you
but one question. Did ever any lady, hard to please, or disposed
to exercise her lover, enjoin him so hard tasks and command-
ments, as Philautia exacteth of you? While your life is nothing
but a continual acting upon a stage ; and that your mind must
serve your humour, and yet your outward person must serve your
end ; so as you carry in one person two several servitudes to con-
trary masters. But I will leave you to the scorn of that mistress
whom you undertake to govern ; that is, to fortune, to whom
Philautia hath bound you. And yet, you commissioners of Phil-
autia, I will proceed one degree further. If I allowed both of
your assurance and of your values as you have set them, may not
my master enjoy his own felicity, and have all yours for advan-
tage? I do not mean that he should divide himself in both pur-
suits, as in your fainting tales towards the conclusion you did
yield him ; but because all these are in the hands of his mistress
more fully to bestow than they can be attained by your addresses,
knowledge, fame, and fortune. For the Muses, they are tribu-
tary to her Majesty for the great liberties they have enjoyed
in her kingdom during her most flourishing reign ; in thankful-
ness whereof they have adorned and accomplished her Majesty
with the gifts of all the sisters. What library can present such
a story of great actions as her Majesty carrieth in her royal
breast by the often return of this happy day ? What worthy
author or favourite of the Muses is not familiar with her ? Or
what language wherein the Muses have used to speak is unknown
to her? Therefore, the hearing of her, the observing of her, the
receiving instructions from her, may be to Erophilus a lecture
exceeding all dead monuments of the Muses. For Fame, can all
the exploits of the war win him such a title, as to have the name
of favoured and selected servant of such a Queen ? For Fortune,
can any insolent politique promise to himself such a fortune by
VOL. I. 2 c

886 LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

making his own way^ as the excellency of her nature cannot deny
to a carefiil^ obsequious^ and dutiful servant ? And if he could^
were it equal honour to obtain it by a shop of cunning as by the
gift of such a hand ?

Therefore Erophilus' resolution is fixed : he renounceth Phil-
autia^ and all her enchantments. For her recreation^ he will
confer with his muse : for her defence and honour^ he will sa-
crifice his life in the wars^ hoping to be embalmed in the sweet
odours of her remembrance ; to her service will he consecrate
all his watchful endeavours; and will ever bear in his heart the
picture of her beauty, in his actions of her will, and in his
fortune of her grace and favour.

9.

Though there can be no reasonable doubt that the foregoing
speeches were written by Bacon, it is I believe by mere accident that
they pass for his. In Eowland Whyte's letter there is no allusion
to Bacon at all : he speaks merely of " my Lord of Essex's device : "
and we know from Sir Henry Wotton, that Essex had the reputation
of a great artist in such matters. "For the Earl's writings," says
he, " they are beyond example ; especially in his familiar letters, and
things of delight at Court, when he would remit his serious habits ;
as may be yet seen in his Impresses and Inventions of Entertain-
ment, and above all in his darling piece of love and self-love. His
style was an elegant perspicuity, rich of phrase, but seldom any bold
metaphors ; and so far from tumour, that it rather wanted a little
elevation." ^ The paper containing the four speeches has nothing on
the face of it to connect it with Bacon ; and had it been found by it-
self, or in other company, by any one not familiar with Bacon's style
or not in pursuit of Baconiana, — especially if he had seen the pas-
sages above quoted from the 'Sydney Papers' and the 'Beliquiie
WottoniansB,' — it would naturally have been set down as the Earl's
own composition. " The darling piece of love and self-love " might
even be taken for a description of it ; only that the controversy be-
tween love and self-love appears to have been, in different forms, the
argument of more than one of these devices ; and a rival claimant for
the title is still extant, which has of late been connected with the
personal history of Bacon, in a manner which, however illegitimate
in itself, brings it legitimately within the scope of this work.

In November, 1595, Sir Walter Balegh, who had returned not long

> Reliq. Wotton. p. 22.

1B94-96.] DEVICE OF THE INDIAN PEINCE. 887

before from his Tojage to Guiana, was preparing to send out another
expedition tbither. Mr. Dixon, in his ' Personal History of Lord
Bacon, from Unpublished Papers,' informs us (p. 62) that Bacon,
seeing Essex and Balegh to be each needful to the other and to the
common cause, laboured with tongue and pen to make peace between
them ; sought to push the new expedition ; in spite of Balegh's pride,
which often marred his work, repeated to Essex that Balegh would
be his staunchest and safest friend : and (being engaged at the time
in composing characters and words for a masque with which Essex
was preparing to entertain the Queen) took occasion, by introducing
" a scene in happy allusion to the Amazon and to Balegh's voyage,"
to pay him '' a striking and conspicuous compliment." He adds that
Essex, not having the grace to let it stand, " struck his pen through
Bacon's lines," which thereupon ^* dropped from the acted scene and
from the printed masque:" but that "a contemporary copy of the
suppressed part remains in the State Paper Office — a proof how
much, five years before the Earl rushed into treason. Bacon leaned
to the side of her Majesty's Captain of the Guard."

All this being entirely new, the unpublished papers which contain
evidence of it would be of no ordinary interest ; and it is somewhat
tantalizing to be referred merely to ''Notes of the supplemental
part of the entertainment given at York House, November 17, 1595,
S.P.Oi" and again to "Entertainment given to the Queen at York
House, November 17, 1595," — without any further explanation. For
the benefit as well of the trustful reader who takes all references for
granted, as of the curious reader who desires to know more about
them, 1 proceed to supply the omission.

The " Entertainment " referred to is merely some copy of the four
speeches which we have just read, probably Nichols's (Progresses of
Queen Elizabeth, iii. 371), whose note may have suggested the erro-
neous and otherwise unaccountable statement that it was given at
York House. The other reference is meant to describe a manuscript
in the State Paper Office, which is described in the original docket
only as " A Device made by the Earl of Essex for the Entertainment
of her Majesty ;" and is a fair and full transcript, in a hand belonging
to the end of the sixteenth or the beginning of the seventeenth cen-
tury, of a device which has no apparent connexion with the other ;
nor any heading or note or mark of any kind, to indicate time, place,
occasion, authorship, or any other thing connected with its history
or composition.

So far therefore, there is nothing whatever to countenance any
part of the story : nothing to connect it with Bacon's device, or with
York House^ or with the year 1595 ; nothing to suggest either that

388 LETTEBS AND LIFE OP FBANCIS BACON. [Chap. X

it was writteu by Bacon, or that it was suppressed by Essex, or that
it was not exhibited on the occasion for which it was composed, what-
ever that occasion may have been.

For the compliment to Ealegh, pregnant with so much unsuspected
personal history now for the first time revealed, we must look of
course in the device itself, which has been printed before (Lives of
the Earls of Essex, ii. 501), but of which the following is a more
correct copy.

The 8quire*8 Speech.

I have brought before your Majesty two wanderers, the one (as it
should seem) some Indian youth, the other white of complexion and expert
in languages : to me they will neither give account whence they come nor
whither they would ; but of me at the first acquaintance they have cu-
riously inquired of the state of our country, of the manner of our govern-
ment, of the disposition of the people, and specially of many circumstances
of your Majesty's person ; which discovery of their high conceit, aiming
directly at yourself, hath made me bring them into your Highness's pre-
sence, that they [may] niake their purgation to yourself.

The Attendant or Conductor to the Indian Prince.

Excellent Queen, In the most retired part of that division which those
of Europe call the West Indias, near imto the fountain of the great river
of the Amazons, there govemeth at this day a mighty monarch, whose
rare happiness in all things else is only eclipsed in the calamity of his son,
this young Prince, who was bom blind. This only tax and imposition hath
fortune set upon the father's felicity, and nature laid upon the son's per-
fections ; for this want removed, never was there in that royal line a spark of
that expectation, so lovely of presence, so active of body, and full of spirit.
But yet no one thing hath so much afiected both his father and his people
towards him, as an ancient prophecy that it should be he that should expel
the Castilians, a nation of strangers, which as a scourge hath wound itself
about the body of that continent, though it hath not pierced near the heart
thereof. This fatal glory, added to his other excellency, hath made the
king his father to visit his temples with continual sacrifices, gifts, and ob-
servances, to solicit his son's cure supematurally. And at last, this present
year, out of one of the holiest vaults was delivered to him an oracle in these
words: —

Seated between the Old World and the New,
A land there is no other land may touch.
Where reigns a Queen in peace and honour true ;
Stories or fables do describe no such.
Never did Atlas such a burden bear.
As she, in holding up the world opprest ;
Supplying with her virtue everywhere
Weakness of friends, errors of servants best.

1594-96.] DBVICK OF THE INDIAN PBINOE. 889

No nation breeds a warmer blood for war,
And yet she calms them by her majesty :
No age hath ever wits refined so far,
And yet she calms them by her policy :
To her thy son must make his sacrifice
If he will have the morning of his eyes.

This oracle hath been both our direction hitherto, and the cause of our
wearisome pilgrimage ; we do now humbly beseech your Majesty that we
make experience whether we be at the end of our journey or not. . . .

Your Majesty's sacred presence hath wrought the strangest innovation
that ever was in the world. You have here before you Seeing Love, a
Prince indeed, but of greater territories than all the Indies : armed after
the Indian manner with bow and arrows, and when he is in his ordinary
habit an Indian naked, or attired with feathers, though now for comeliness
dad. To procure his pardon for the stratagem which he hath used, and
to show his thankfulness for his sight which he hath by you received, he
presents your Majesty with all that is his ; his gifl and property to be ever
young : his wings of liberty to fly from one to another ; his bow and ar-
rows to wound where it pleaseth you ; and withal humbly desireth that,
though Philautia hath hitherto so prevailed with your Majesty, as you
would never accept of him while he was an unperfect piece, yet now he
is accomplished by your Majesty's grace and means, that you will vouc]>-
safe him entertainment. For all the challenge that ever hath been made to
Love or his band, hath been, if it be rightly interpreted, only to his want
of eyesight. Lovers are charged to aspire too high : it is as the poor dove,
which when her eyes are sealed still mounteth up into the air. They are
charged with descending too low : it is as the poor mole, which seeing not
the clearness of the air, diveth into the darkness of the earth. They are
sometimes charged with presuming too far : it is as the blind man, who
looketh in humanity that any seeing man shoidd give him way. They are
accused sometimes to be timorous $ it is as the blind stalks and lifts high
where the way is smooth. They are taxed to be credulous ; why the bHnd
are ever led. They are said at other times to be incredulous : the blind
must feel that which it sufficeth another to see. How can they know times
justly, that go by the clock and not by the sun P And how can they know
measure, that see as well a mote as a beam P This makes poor lovers used
as blind horses, ever going round about in a wheel : and tiiis makes them
ever unfortunate, for when blind love leads blind fortune, how can they
keep out of the ditch P But now that Love hath gotten possession of his
sight, there can be no error in policy or dignity to receive him. Nay
Philautia herself will subscribe to his admission. Then your Majesty shall
first see your own invaluable value, and thereby discern that the favours
you vouchsafe are pure gifts and no exchanges. And if any be so happy
as to have his affection accepted, yet your prerogative is such as they
stand bound and your Majesty is free. Then shall your Majesty read the
conditions of every pretender, who it is that cometh manned out by the
plots and policies of others, and who cometh led only by his own star ;

890 LBTTEJEta AND LIFE OF FBANOIS BACX)N. [Chap. X

who is Bent in unto you by the frowns of foitone, to have some commen-
dation from you to her again, and who both left a fayourable fortune when
he came to you, and resolves never to establish a fortune, because he will
wholly depend upon you ; who seeks your favour to the end to tread upon
others, and who denies ^ all others' favours to be trodden on by you ; who
offereth gold, incense, and myrrh, and who but the meanest of the flock '
or a cruise of oil. Your Majesty shall obtain the curious window into
hearts of which the ancients speak ; thereby you shall discern protestation
from fullness of heart, ceremonies and fashions from a habit of mind that
can do no other, affection [qy. affectation P] from affection. Your Majesty
shall see the true proportion of your own favours, so as you may deliver
them forth by measure, that they neither cause surfeit nor faintness, and
take as just a tribute of your commandments as you vouchsafe an impart-
ing of your favours, and so keep them as well in breath and exercise as in
strength and in heart. And to conclude, your Majesty may be invested
of that which the poet saith was never granted, Amare et sapere. And
you, honest Squire, that have conducted us, carry your Master this mes-
sage from Seeing Love, as the first-fruit of his sight, Let him consider
whom he serves, and first of all seek' to dignify himself in worth and
merit ; for it is not a small piece of wood, though never so well kindled,
that will make a great fire. Let him add to his merit diligence and appli-
oation ; for it is not a dead fire, though never so great, but a fire continu-
ally blown, that will melt hard metal. Let him not build too much upon
remembrance of griefs or contentments past ; it is the fault of a blind man
to have too good a memory. Let him choose expertly his seasons and op-
portunities ; it is a blind man's case not to know night from day. Let
him dissemble unkindness and discouragements ; for it is no blind man's
part willingly not to see. And to conclude, since in his blindness he hath
chanced so well as to fix his affections in the most excellent place, let him
now by his sight find out the most ready way. And so. Squire, for gui-
ding us our right way, we have taught your master part of his.

This is all. And so entirely do the references fail to bear out the
story told in the paragraphs to which they are attached, that a slip
of the pen or an error of the press might naturally be suspected ; for
it is difficult to imagine not only how these papers could be cited in
justification of the story, but how they could have helped anybody to
invent it. The fact however — that is, the telling of the tale, for the
tale itself is mere fiction, — may be thus explained. The modem ar-
ranger of the documents in the State Paper Office, being obliged to
place the undated " device '* somewhere, fixed upon the 17th of No-
vember, 1595 — not injudiciously: for though the fact that another
device is known to have been exhibited on that day makes it im-
probable that this is the place to which it chronologically belongs,
yet it is the place where anybody seeking for such things is most
> enjoj^es in MS. * ffocks in MS. * to seek in MS.

1694-95.] HISTORY PROM UNPUBLISHED PAPERS. 391

likely to look, and therefore to find it — and wrote on the back with
a pencil the following memorandum : — " Prob. 17 Nov. 1595, when
the E. of Essex entertained the Q. This portion is not given in the
Progresses. Yid. vol. iii. p. 871." A hasty and not quite accurate
memorandum; but bearing upon the face of it evidence of being
merely a modem and doubtful conjecture ; and exchanged in the ca-
lendar for the following correct description : — " A short play or in-
terlude devised by the Earl of Essex for the entertainment of the
Queen. The subject is the visit of a native Indian Prince from the
sources of the Amazon river, who miraculously recovers his sight."

This gives us the true connexion between the references in the
notes and the statements in the text. An interlude, referred by the
calendarer of the State Papers to the 17th of November, 1595, is not
to be found in Nichols's account of the entertainment given on that
day. The entertainment of which we have an account was drawn up
by Bacon for the Earl of Essex. The subject of the missing inter-
lude was the visit of an Indian Prince from the sources of the Ama-
zon. These are the facts. Then follows the speculation. Why does
not this interlude appear in Nichols's account ? Out of this question
the rest of the narrative grew by a process of evolution or develop-
ment, according to a method of historical composition which I am
a&aid is becoming more and more fashionable.

I have thought it worth while to be thus particular in my ac-
count of the matter for two reasons. The first is, that it is an ex-
ample which will do instead of many, and relieve both my readers
and myself from the labour of similar investigations hereafter. The
second is, that I have a question to raise in the next chapter concern-
ing certain other writings which pass under the Earl of Essex's
name, — a question which must be determined chiefly by considera-
tions of style ; — and this last composition being one of the most im-
portant pieces of evidence upon the point at issue, though bearing
against the conclusion to which I lean, it is fit that the reader should
have the means of weighing it for himself. If it be quite certain
that it was the Earl's own composition, his style in things of this kind
must have been so like Bacon's that I for my part should despair of
distinguishing their several work by examination of the workman-
ship.

10.

At this point we may make another pause. For these triumphs
may be regarded aa the conclusion of the long controversy — ^the cele-
bration of the reinstatement of Essex in the Queen's full favour, and
the expression of Bacon's unshaken devotion to her service, disappoint-

892 LETTEBS AND LIFE OP FRANCIS BACON. [Chap. X.

ments and discouragements notwithstanding, and of his earnest desire
to keep those two spirits in tune with each other. Eor himself^ he
is free at kst from the servitude of suitorship, though not released
fit>m court service, and otherwise much as he was ; except that the
piece of land which Essex has given him (very soon, I fancy, to be
mortgaged for the best part of its value) will enable him to raise
money enough to satisfy for awhile those creditors, whose increasing
and I will not say unreasonable importunity was not the least among
the anxieties which beset him.

BHD OF VOL. I.

PKIITTXD BY JOn BDWABO TATLOB,
LX1TLB <2UBBB BTBBBT, LWOOIOl'S IKW VIKLM.

393

INDEX TO VOLUME I.

A.

ADOLPHE.

Adolphe. See Bodolphe.
AlohemisU, philosopliy of the, 124.
Alexander the Great, &te of the potthu-

mus of, 140.

Allen, Captain, afterwards Sir Francis,

his intenriew with Ladj Bacon,

110, 111.

His correspondence with the Bacons

relative to Mr. Garret, 264—266.

Allen, Cardinal, why not "papahle,*'

204, 205.
Alva, Duke of, arrest of Englishmen's
goods and persons, by, 194.
His share in the rebellion of the
North, ib.
Anaxaeoras, 109.

Andrada, Manuel^ his share in the Lopes
conspiracy, 279. 280. 281. 282.
See Lopes.
Andrews, Dr. Lancelot, invited by Bacon

to Twickenham, 117.

Anjoa and Brabant, Francis, Duke of,

proposed husband for Queen

Elizabeth, 7. 28. 198.

Created Duke of Brabant, 27 note.

His character: hopes entertained

of him, 27, 28.
Dissuaded by Elisabeth from the
enterprise of Flanders, 186. 192,
196.
Antonio, elect King of Portugal, 27. 29.
Not countenanced when in England
by the Papists, 54.

BACON.

Antonio — continued.

Expeditions in aid of, 104. 135.
Voluntary forces raised by him in

England restrained, 195.
Connexion of his foUowers with the
Lopes conspiracy, 271—273. 277
—283. See Lopes.
Arbella, The Lady, alleged projects for

the marriage of, 205.
Aristotle and his philosophy, 3, 4.

124.
Arius, occasion of the heresy of, 83.
Armada of Spain overthrown, 67. 68.

142.
Annies newly levied, small use of, 68.
Arragon threatened by the King of
Spain, 137.
Commotion of, smoothed over, 163.
Association, voluntary, for defence of
the Queen, confirmed by Act of Par-
liament, 37. 61.
Astronomers, ancient, errors of, 124,

125.
Atheism, two principal causes of, 77.
Augustus Caesar, references to, 131. 140.

157. 836.
Austria (Austriche) and the Emperor,

23.
Austria, Don John (or Juan) of, charac-
ter of, 7.
His Death, 142.

B.

Bacon, Lady Ann (Francis Bacon's
mother), the family connexions
of;i.
Her character, 2, 3, 32, 85, 116.
Her letter to Burghley in behalf of

the Nonconformists, 40 — 12.
Her interview with Captain Allen,
110, 111.
VOL. I.

Her ooirespondence with her sons,
112—117. 243—246. 263, 264,
269, 270, 271, 300, 312, 364.

Her behaviour to her household,
810—312.

Her liberality to preachers, 312.

Her horror of plays and masques,
814, 326.

2 D

BACON.

394

BACON.

Bacon, Ladj Ann — continued.

Her conversation with R. Cecil re-
lative to Francis's promotion,
346.
Bacon, Anthony, at college with his
brother Francis, 2.
His travels and acquaintance with

Doyly and Faunt, 9. 17. 80.
HiB expenses, 82.

Letter of attorney for sale of land,
drawn for him by Francis, 82 —
84.
His return from abroad, 107.
Domesticated with his brother in

Gray's Inn, 109, 110.
Correspondence with his mother,*

110—116.
Keports of Essex's efforts in behalf

of his brother, 239. 254.
Letters between him and his mo-
ther on his brother's affairs, 243
—246.
Correspondence relative to sale of

Barly, 2^6—250.
His labours in the service of Essex,

250, 251.
Note of sums lent to his brother,

822.
His readiness to lend, 823.
Question of bringing his " travels"
under the notice of the Queen,
349.
Applies to Sir H. Eilligrew for a
loan, 852.
Bacon, Francis, parentage and circum-
stances of birth of, 1.
B^sidence at Cambridge, 2, 8, 4.
Entrance at Gray's Inn, 2.
Noticed by Queen Elizabeth, ib.
Probable effects of his mother's
character and his father's posi-
tion, 2. 3. 5.
Ideas with regard to the advance-
ment of knowledge, 4.
Early interest in the fortunes of the
Church, the country, and the
himian race, 5.
Sent to France by his father with
the ambassador, Sir A. Paulet, 6.
Events of importance during his

residence there, 7.
Death of his father, 8.
His return, and Sir Amias Paulet' s

report of him, ib.
Studies law at Gray's Inn, ib.
Letter to Doily, 9, 10.
His first suit, 11.

Letters to Lord and Lady Burgh-
. ley in reference to it, 12 — 15.
Admitted Utter Barrister, 15.
Was he the author of * Notes on
the present state of Christen-
dom' ? 16. 17.

Bacon, Francis — continued.

Temporis Partus Maxitnus / occu-
pations, 31, 58.

Draft of letter of attorney for his
brother, 32—34.

Beturned to Parliament : aspect of
affairp, 36.

Progress of Church controversies :
his probable prejudices and pre-
disposition : his mother's views,
40.

His first speech, 42, 43.

Reasons for suspecting him to be
author of a * Letter of Advice to
the Queen,' 43—46. 56, 57.

Progress of his first suit : letter to
Walsingham, 57.

Second suit, for some "ease in
coming within bars'* : accused of
arrogance, 58.

Letter of justification and expla-
nation to Burghley, 59.

Progress at Gray's Inn, 60.

Member for Taunton in the Parlia-
ment of 1586, 63.

Admitted a Bencher, 65.

One of a committee for conference
touching a benevolence, 65, 66.

Assists in getting up a masque at
Gray's Inn, 67.

His aliened authorship of a 'Dis-
course touching the Low Coun-
tries,' etc., examined, ib.

Member for Liverpool in the Par-
hament of 1588, 70.

Clause drawn up by him for inser-
tion in the preamble of the Sub-
sidy Bill, 69.

Position, views, and policy with re-
gard to the controversies of the
Church, 71. 72.

* Advertisement touching the Con-
troversies of the Church', 73.
See Church.

Draws up a letter in explanation of
the Queen's proceeduigs towards
the Catholics and Puritans : oc-
casion and history of the same,
95—102.
Clerkship of the St*r-Cliamber, in
reversion, procured for him by
Burghley, 102, 108.
Conmienoement of his acquaintance

with Essex, 108. 104.
Gtrounds of attachment, 106.
Engages his brother in Essex's ser-
vice, 107.
Personal prospects, objects, hopes,

and wishes, ib.
His alleged appointment as Queen's

Counsel Extraordinary, ib.
His renewed appeal to Burghley
for employment, 108, 109.

BACON.

395

BACON.

Bacon, "FmndB^continued.

His relations with his brother, 110,
111.

With his mother, 116.

His letter to her on the subject of
a wardship, 116, 117.

Bemoves to Twickenham Park
**upon a fljing report of the
sickness**, 117.

His acquaintance with Cartwright
the Puritan^ ib. note 1.

Excuses himself from the Progress,
ib.

Letters to Phillips, 117, 118.

Discourses *ln Praise of Know-
ledge*, and *In Praise of his
SoTereign' : conjecture as to the
occasion and history of them,
119—143.

'Observations on a Libel*, 144 —
208. See Observations.

Member for Middlesex in the Par-
Uament of 1592-8, 212.

Speech on motion for supply, 218.

Opposes Biu^hley*s proposition for
joint discussion with the Lords,
216.

Moves amendment upon the Sub-
sidy Bill. Note of his speech,
222, 223.

Motives of his opposition, 224, 225.

Speech against a biU for expedition
of justice in the Star Chamber,
226—228.

Encouraged to become a candidate
for the Attorney-Generalship,
231.

His pretensions compared with
those of Coke, 231, 232.

The Queen's offence at his con-
duct in Parliament, 232.

His letter in excuse to Burghley,
233,234.

li forbidden to come into the
Queen*8 presence, ib.

Change of prospects and plans :
letter to ifssex, 234, 285.

Sir Thomas Cecil's letter to Burgh-
ley on his behalf, 236.

Correspondence with Sir B. Cecil,
287, 288.

His letter (probably addressed to
Essex) concerning the Queen's
displeasure, 240.

His letter to the Queen herself, ib.

Inconvenience of suspense, 242.

His debts, and proposals for re-
lieving him, 243, 246.

Letters relating to the sale of his
brother's estate, 246—250.

Labours in the service of Essex, 251.

Letter to PhiUips, 252.

Letter to Essex, 253.

Bacon, Francis — continued.

Progress of suit for Attorneyship,

254.
Letters on various matters :

To Puckering, 256.

To Hicks, ib.

To Sir T. Coneysby, 259.

To his Aunt Cooke, 260.

To Robert Kemp, 261.

To Essex, 262.

To Anthonv Standen, 263.

To his mother, 263, 264.
Correspondence with Sir F. Allen

concerning Mr. Gkirret, 264 —

266.
His first appearance in Court as a

pleader, 267.
Discussion of his claims to promo-
tion between Essex and Cecil,

268, 269.
Correspondence with his mother,

270, 271.
His Report of the Treason of Dr.

Lopz, 271—287. See Lopez.
Suit for the Attorneyship given up,

288.
Canvass for the Solicitorship : ad-
vantages and disadvantages, 288,

289.
Delays and interruptions, 289 — 298.
Letter to Essex announcing plans

in case of rejection, 290, 291.
Letters to Puckering, 292, 298.
Argument in the great cause of

Perpetuities, 294.
Letter to Sir R. Cecil, 295.
Nearly resolved to give the matter

up, 299.
Letter to Mr. Conisby in behalf of

Robert Bacon, ib.
Letter to his mother on her illness,

300.
The Queen shows signs of relent-
ing, and begins to employ him in

business of the Learned Counsel,

301.
His journey to the north, 302, 303.
Letters of introduction for M.

Gourgues, 303.
Journey interrupted by an illness :

letter to the Queen thereon, 304,

805.
Takes his M.A. degree, 306.
His 'Discourse touching Intelli-
gence and Safety of the Queen*s

Person,* 305—307.
Nature of his employment in the

Queen's service, 308, 309.
Monitory letter firom his mother,

312,318.
Renewal of his suit for the Solid-

torship: letters to the Lord

Keeper, 318, 814. 320. 860.
2 D 2

BACON.

396

BUEaHLEY.

Baoon, FrandB — continued.

Letter to his brother, 814, 815.

Letter to Mr. Young in behalf
of M. GourgueB, 816, 316.

Articles of examination drawn by
him in Sheldon's case, 818,
319.

Appointment still in suspense, 820,
821.

Sums borrowed from his brother
Anthony, 322.

Nature of their relation as debtor
and creditor, 322, 323.

His debts to Mr. Trott: scheme
for parting with his rerersion,
823.

Letters to his brother on money
matters, 323, 324.

Holiday occupations : Getta Oray-
orwn, 325—343.

Speeches of the Prince of Purpoole
and his six councillors, 382,
842.

Suit renewed : letter to Essex, 344,
345.

Letter to his brother, reporting the
state of affairs and intimating a
purpose to give it up and go
abroad, 847, 349.

G?he Queen takes offence : letters in
explanation to. Cecil and Essex,
850—362.

Correspondence on his brother's
business and on money matters,
852, 353.

Expostulation with Sir E. Cecil,
355—357.

Letter of thanks to Burghley, 357,
358.

To Foulke Greville, describing the
weariness of his spirit, 369.

To Puckering, 360.

Eeminded by the Queen of the old
offence, 861.

Letter to Burghley repeating the
old excuse, 361—363.

Letters to Puckering, 864—369.

Suit finally rdected: appointment
of Serjeant Fleming: conjecture
as to the history of the Queen's
long indecision and ultimate re-
solution, 369, 370.

Gift of land from Essex : acknow-
ledgments, warnings, and reser-
Tations: purpose not to follow
the practice of the law, 370 —
874.

Grant from the Crown of the rever-
sion of the lease of lands at Twick-
enham, 871.

Contributions to a "Device" pre-
sented by Essex to the Queen,
874, 375.

Baoon, Franda^con^mtcee^

Fragments of the first draft, 376^

378.
The Squire's speech, 878.
The Hermit's speech, 378 — 380.
The Soldier's speech, 380, 381.
The Statesman's speech, 381 — 383.
The Squire's reply, 383 — 386.
Mr. Dixon's history of the sap-
pressed scene, and of Bacon's
endeavours to reconcile Essex
and Ealegh, examined, 387 —
891.
Eesemblance between Bacon's
style and that of writings imputed
to Essex, 391.
Bacon's position, 892.
Bacon, Eobert, grievance of^ 299.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, Elizabeth's Lord
Keeper, and father of Francis
Baoon, 1.
Career probably intended by him

for Francis, 3.
His motives for sending him into

France, 6.
His death, 3«

His character, 14, 202, 203.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, eldest son of the
above, 246.
Conduct as a '* remainder-man,"

246. 249.
Draft of letter to him, 247.
Batoaye, Stephen, Eing of Poland, 29.
Ballajd the Jesuit, confession of^ 181.
Baltmglass the rebel encouraged by

Phihp of Spain, 195.
Barrow the Brownist, 166.
Beale, Mr., part taken in the Subsidy

debate in 1693, 218. 219. 220.
Blount, Nicholas, Yorke's confession

taken before, 313 noie^ 814 note,
Boetius, Elizabeth's translations ttom^

255.
Bohemia, revenues of, (1582,) 23.

Buler desired by its people, 29.
Brabant, Duke of. See Anjou.
Brownists, 164, 165, 166.
Buildings and foundations, councillor's

speech recommending, 335 — 337.
Burchew, the assassin, 203.
Bui^hley, William Cecil, Lord (Eliza-
beth's Lord Treasurer), relation*
ship of Bacon to, 1.
Eecommends Bacon's suit to the

Queen, 11.
Bacon's letters asking for employ-
ment, 12 — 15.
Qives Baoon a seat in Parliament,

ib, note.
His supposed feding towards the

Nonconformists, 39.
Lady Bacon's letter to him on their
behalf; 40—42.

BUBGHLEY.

397

CECIL.

Burghley — continued.

His alleged authorship of 'Letter

of Aorice to the Queen' dis-

cuBsed, 44, 45.
Writing of Bacon attributed to

him by Strype, 46, note 3.
His memoranda on Bacon's ad-

▼ancement in Gray's Lin, 65

note.
Wishes success to the King of

France and the King of Scots, in

1589, 95.
Grant of Clerkship of Star Cham-
ber in reversion procured by him

for Bacon, 102.
Character as a statesman, 104.
Bacon's renewed appeal to him for

office, 108, 109.
Writes a letter to Lady Bacon in

behalf of Lawson, 110.
Passages from his diary and letters,

133 note, 134 note, 188 note.
Bacon's defence of him against the

insinuations of a libeller, 149,

150. 151—163.
True object of the libeller in point-
ing ms invectiye at him, 197,

198.
Bacon's view of his character and

course of action, 198—201.
Belations between him and Queen

Mary, 201. 202.
In the estabhshmeut of Religion,

followed a precedent of Edward

VI., 203.
Answer to the charge of farcing in-
dictments of priests with omous

matters, ib.

Burghley — continued.

His alleged project of marrying his
grandson to the Lady Arabella,
and labours for the advancement
of his sons, 205, 206.

His communications to the Com-
mons relative to the Subsidy bill
in 1593, 215, 216.

Informs Bacon of the Queen's dis-
pleasure at his speech, 232, 233.

Is appUed to by Sir T. Cecil to
support Bacon's suit for the At-
torneyship, 236.

His probable opinion of the motion,
238.

Jealousy between him and Essex
as to foreign intelligence, 252
note 3.

His letter to Bacon's mother con-
cerning her sons, 255.

His letter to Bacon on his pro*
spects of preferment, 257

Recovered from an illness, 262
note 2.

A supporter of Bacon's claim for
the SoUcitorship, 288.

Canvass suspended on account of
his illness, 292. 293.

Nearly worn out, 309.

Letter of thanks to him from Ba-
con, 357, 858.

Is visited by the Queen, and in-
forms Bacon of the obstruction
to his suit, 361—363.

Other notices, 313. 847. 349 note,
Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of SaUsbury,
on Walsingham's letter to M. Critoy,
97 note.

c.

Calais, how lost bpr England : negotia-
' tions for its restitution, 190.
Carrera, Pedro de, implicated in the

Lopez plot, 285.
Carthagena spoiled by Drake, 195.
Cartwright, Thomas, Nonconformist
leader, 38.
His acquaintance with Bacon, 117
note.
Catherine de Medicis, Queen-mother of
France, on the character of Sir N.
Bacon, 203.
Catholics, the traitorous sort of, 203.
Untruths regarding the treatment

ofthem, 203, 204.
Book of persecutions against them,
how made up, 208. See Pa-
pists.
Cecil, Sir Robert, afterwards Earl of
Salisbunr, inheritor of his fgtther's
skill and policy, 104.

Cecil, Sir Robert — continued.

His advancement by his father jus-

tiaed, 206.
Part taken by him in debates on

subsidies and conference, 212.

215. 216. 217. 218. 220.
Correspondence with Bacon rela-
tive to his preferment, 237, 238,

257, 295, 296.
Possibly aUuded to as the ''late

recovered man," 262. note 2.
Proposed forSecretary by his father,

298.
Conversation with Essex about

Bacon, 269.
Character of his statesmanship, 309.
Suspected by Bacon's firiends of

playing a double part, 346. 854,

855, 856.
Lady Bacon's conversation with

him, 346, 347.

CECIL.

398

COMMONS.

Cecil, Sir Robert — continued.

Delivers Bacon a message from the
Queen, and reoeiyes his answer,
348—350.
Cecil, Sir Thomas (Burghley*s eldest
son) : Burghley censured in a
Ubel for trying to make him
Deputy of Ireland, 205.
His letter in Bacon's behalf, 236,
237.
Cecil, William, Lord Burghley. See

Burghley.
Cecil, Wilham (Burghley's grandson) :
letter of, explaining allusion to
the Turk and the King of Po-
land, 135 note.
Alleged marriage-project on his be-
half, 205.
Oephalus the Athenian, saying of, 199.
Chaloner, 1 ambassadors in the Low
Chamberlain J Countries, 191.
Charles Y. of Spain, ambitious design

left to his successors by, 182.
Charles VIII. of France, successor to,

never declared, 171.
Charles IX. of France, intrigues during
the minority of, 188.
Elizabeth's advice to him, 189.
Charles Emanuel of Savoy. See Savoy.
Chasteau Cambraissi, Treaty of, 190.
Children, as a£fecting the felicity of emi-

• nent personages, 140.
Christendom, Notes on present State of,
(1582,) 16—30.
Its three afflicted parts, 161.
Disturbance of its quiet, to whom
justly imputable, 182—197.
Church, dissensions as to govermneiit
of the, 38.
Proceedings in regard to Noncon-
formists, 38—40.
Lady Bacon's letter on the subject,

40—42.
Uncompronusing attitude of its
authorities towards the Puritans,
72.
Bise and character of the Marpre-

late Controversy, 72, 73.
Bacon's efforts towards pacifica-

tioA, 73.
His 'Advertisement touching the
Controversies of the Church,'
74—95.
Of the spirit in which such contro-
versies should be conducted, 76.
Character of Bishop Cooper's An-
swer to the first Marprelate Tract,
77, 78.
Summary of the points wherein
men offend in Church controver-
sies, 79.
Concerning the occasion of contro-
versies, 80— «6.

Church — contmuid.

Their growth and progression, 86

—88.
Unbrotherly proceeding on either

part, 88—90.
Exdusiveness of those who impugn
the present Ecclesiastical Go-
vernment, 90 — ^94.
Undue publishing and debating of

controversies, 94.
Beply to Parsons' libel on Churdi
matters, 16-1 — 167. See Brown-
ists ; Family of Love ; Hackett ;
Nonconformists.
Clement, Pope, his practice with the

Marquis of Pescara, 56.
Clifford, Sir Nicholas ; tales told to the

Queen against, 290.
Cobham, Lord, Ambassador to Spain,
190, 191.

Little known of him, 309.
Busy with the examination of con-
spirators, ib.
Coke, Sir Edward [written also Cook
and Cooke], Speaker in the Par-
liament of 1593 : rule on divi-
sions in Parliament laid down
by, 228, 229.
G?he Queen's message in reference
to the Commons' interference in
ecclesiastical matters delivered
by him, 229, 230.
His later views on the same topic,

230, 231 note 3.

Contrast between him and Bacon,

231, 232.

Essex's opinion of him, 258. 269.

Bacon's allusion to him as ''the
Huddler," 262, 263.

Date of his appointment as Beader,
269 note,

*True Report of sundry horrible
Conspiracies', drawn up by him,
274^ 307.

To be Attomey-Gfeneral, 288.

His reverence for the Majesty royal ;
his opinion of Bacon, 288, 289.

Warrant for his appointment
signed, 291.

His patent delivered, 293.

Counsel for defence in the great
cause of Perpetuities, 294 note.

Defects in his character as a Crown
lawyer, 309.

His country-house at Oysterly, 368.

Coleman, Morgan, Secretary to the Lord

Keeper, letter from, on Bacon's

chances of preferment, 257 note 5.

Commons, House of : —

Takes up Archbishop Whitgift's
proceedings against the Non-
conformists as a national griev-
ance, 40. 71.

COMMONS.

399

ELIZABETH.

Commons, House of— cow<t«u«d.

Answer to its petition on behalf of
the Nonconfomiist«, 42.

Votes a subsidy and offers a bene-
volence, 66, 66.

Members imprisoned by the Crown
for raising questions concerning
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and the
right of free speech, 66, 67.

Bill for double subsidy passed, but
forbidden to be taken for a
precedent, 69.

Questions of privilege, 70.

Petition relating to the succession
of the Crown introduced by Peter
Went worth and others : intro-
ducers called before the Council
and committed to prison, 211.

Debates on motion for supply,
212—226.

Conference for joint-discnssion de-
manded by the Lords and re-
fused, 215—220.

Bill for three subsidies payable in
four years agreed to without op-
position, 22 1-.

Overreached by the Speaker in the
subtle putting of the question,
229.

Forbidden by the Queen, through
the Speaker, to entertain any

Conmions, House of — continued.

Bill touching matters of state or
causes ecclesiastical, 229, 230.
Offence taken by the Queen at
Bacon's speech in, 225. 232. 235.
239, 240. 254. 288, 289. 361.
369, 370. See Parliament.
Coneysby, Sir Thomas, letter to, recom-
mending Trot's cause, 259.
Conisby, Mr., letter to, in behalf of

Robert Bacon, 299.
Constantine the Great, 140.

Church controversies in his time,

165.
Called Trajan " wallflower," 336.
Cooke, Sir Anthony, Bacon's maternal

grandfather, 1.
Cooke, Mrs., letter on family matters

from Bacon to, 260, 261.
Cooper, Thomas, Bishop of Winchester,
answers the first Marprelate papi-
phlet, 73.
Bacon's approval of the spirit in
which his reply was written, 77.
Cornelius SyUa, 140.
Coventry, Thomas.father of Lord Keeper

Coventry, 348 note.
Critoy, Monsieur (called * Secretary of
France,' but otherwise not known),
letter from Walsitigham to, drawn up
by Bacon, 97—101.

D.

Dale, Dr., Ambassador in France, suc-
ceeded by Sir A. Paulet, 6. 350 note,

Dauphiny. See Lesdiguiers.

D'Avila, 6k)mez, share in the Lopez
Conspiracy of, 282. 283. 284. See
Lopez.

Davison, William, Secretary of State,
joint letter from him and Walsing-
ham to Paulet, 63, 64.

Denmark, condition of, in 1592, com-
pared with England, 162. See Frederic
II. of Denmark,

Derby, Earl of, conspiracy for offering
the Crown to, 313 note.
His death, 320.

D'Ewes, Sir Simonds, 42. 63.
Discourse touching the Low Countrier.
King of Sptiin, etc. ascribed to Bacon :
notice of, 67.
Dixon, Hepworth : his copies of letters
in the Lambeth Collection, 10
note.
Qrant of the lease of Twickenham

printed by him, 372.
His storv about Bacon, Essex, and
Ealegh examined, 386—391.
Doyly, Mr. D., short notice of, 9.

Bacon's letter to him, 10.
Drake, Sh* Francis, spoil of Spanish
WcBt Indian possessions by, 195.

E.

Edinburgh Castle taken by Elizabeth's
forces, 133. 188.

Edward I., glories of the reign of, 155.

Edward III., mortaUtics during the
reign of, 155.

Edward VI., Burghley's conduct rela-
tive to the pretended will of, 201.

Egerton, Sir Thomas, Attorney- General,
to be Master of the Bolls, 268.

Egerton, Sir Thomas — continued.

Favours Bacon's claims for the So-

licitorship, 288. 292.
His warrant signed, 291.
His patent delivered, 293.
Elizabeth, Queen of England, takes
early notice of Bacon, 2. 3. 57.
Loyalty evinced towards her, 3. 5.
36.

ELIZABETH.

400

ELIZABETH.

Elizabeth — continued.

Ball of exoommunication against
her, 3 note. 36. 98. 179.

Negotiation for her projected mar-
riage with Anjou, 7. 28.

Bacon commended to her by Sir
Amias Paolet, 8.

Her art in bestowing fiiYOurs, 11.

Association in defence of her life, 87.

Her policy relative to the Konoon-
formists, 38.

Its results, 39.

Contents of the Book entitled 'The
FeUcity of Queen EUzabeth,' 44
note.

Letter of advice to her, touching
the course to be taken for protec-
tion against enemies at home and
abroad, 47— B6.

Provisions of Act for her safety, 61.

Reflections upon her conduct rela-
tive to the execution of Mary,
Queen of Soots, 63, 64.

Offer of benevolence from the House
of Commons declined, 66, 180,
177.

Her proceedings towards the oppo-
site religious factions, 97 — 101.
177—183.

Her early patronage of Essex, 104.

Her cares confined to her own
people and her own times, 105.

Bacon's discourse in praise of her,
126—142.

Her courage, 126, 127.

Her disinterestedness, 127.

The benefits of her reign to her sub-
jects,' 129—132.

To her neighbours, 132—137.

Her person and accomplishments,
138, 139.

Her felicity, 130—143.

Father Parson's invectives against
her, 143.

Answered by Bacon, 146—208.

Her conduct towards enemy princes,
147.

Number, origin, and character of
the Ubels upon her, 147 — 149.

Blessings enjoyed by England under
her rule, 155—160. See England.

Her moderation in the levy of taxes,
130. 177.

Her proceedings towards the Ca-
tholics, 98—100. 177—182.

Lenity used at first, 98. 178.

Measures taken after the issue of the
bull of exconMnunication,99. 179.

Severer laws made about the
twentieth year of her reign, on
what occasion, 99, 100. 179, 180.

Conditions on which the penalties
against Papbts were mitigated,
100. 181.

Elizabeth — ewtmued.

Her succours to Scotland in 1559
and 1573, 132, 183. 187, 188.

Her protection of the French King^s
sabjects in Normandy in Sep-
tember, 1562, 133. 188.

Her advices and succours to the
Kings of France, 134, 135. 189.

Her dealings with the King of
Spam, 135, 136. 189-197.

Her pohcy with regard to the
Netherlands, 135,136, 191—193.

Idle slanders published against her,
207—209.

Her attempt in the Parliament of
1593 to settle in favour of the
Crown certain unsettled ques-
tions of constitutional practice,
210, 211. 215, 216. 219, 220.
225, 226.

Her displeasure at- the course taken
by Bacon in the matter, 225. 232.
234. 239, 240, 254. 288, 289. 361.
369, 370.

Why she hesitated so long to make
Coke Attomey-Gkneral, 232.

Her feeling towards Essex, 254.

Essex's reports of interviews with
her on Bacon's behalf, 254, 255.
258, 259. 289. 290. 294. 297, 298.

Her translations from Boetius, 255.

Her increduUty in the matter of
Dr. Lopez, 272.

Her unwillingness to publish the
King of Spain's part m the trea-
son, 273.

Her anger with Sir Nicholas CUfibrd,
290.

Quarrel and reconciliation with
Essex, 225—297.

Her opinion with regard to Bacon's
abilities, 297.

Beported to be more gracious to
him, 298.

Begins to employ him in examina-
tions, 301.

Dispatches him to the North on
business, 802.

Fragment of a discourse touching
intelligence and the safety of her
person, 305, 306.

Her negotiation with Archduke
Ernest, 307.

Interests involved in her safety, 308.

Condition of her Coimcil-table, 309.

Another plot against her life, 318
note.

Her manner of speech when pressed
about the Sohcitorship, 848.

Will not hear of Bacon's travelling,
850, 351.

Still gravelled upon her offence at
his speech in Parliament, 362,

\

ELIZABETH.

4fll

ESTE.

Elizabeth — continued.

Finallj rejects his suit, and then
withdraws her displeasure : re-
capitulation of the case, 369,
370.

Her relations with Essex, 373, 874.

Celebration of the anniversary of
her accession, 374 — 886.
England : effects of goyernment in, as
compared with France.

Prosperity of, under Elizabeth,
153—177.

Compared with former times, as to
Length of the reign, 155.
Health of the people, 156.
Freedom from invasions and in-
ternal dissensions, 157.
Increase of material comforts
and population, 158, 159.
Reformation of religion, 159, 160.
Kegulation of the coinage, 160.
Encouragement to maritime
trade, ib.

Compared with States abroad, 160
—163.

Its condition in regard to
Church controversies, 164.
Foreign enemies, 167.
Succession of the crown, 171.
State of the nobility, 172.
State of the common people, 174.

Relations with neighbour States,

particularly with Spain, 182—197.

Englefield the rebel, comforted by

Phihp of Spain, 195.
Ernest, Archduke, Elizabeth's negotia-
tion with, 306, 307.
Escovedo, Secretary to Philip II., 195.
Espea, Don Guerres de, Spanish Am-
bassador, part taken in the Eng-
lish rebellions and Irish inva-
sions by, 194, 195.
Essex, Kobert Devereux, Earl of, com-
mencement of Bacon's acquaint-
ance with, 104.

His early military services abroad,
ibid.

Promise of his youth, 104, 105.

His character. Bacon's anticipa-
tions regarding him, 105, 106.

His zeal in the matter of intelli-
gence, 118. 250. 252 note.

His court " Device", 120.

Not a leader of a Parliamentary
opposition, 210.

Resolves to procure the Attorney-
Generalship for Bacon, 232.

Dissuades him from retiring, 235.
236.

His intercession recommended by
Robert Cecil, 238.

Earnestness of his efforts in Bacon's
behalf, 239, 258.

Essex — contintted.

His reports of his progress, 241.

254. 258. 269. 289. 290. 294.

321. 345. 354.
Appointed a Privy Councillor, 260.
Assisted by the Bacons in his fo-
reign correspondence, 250 — 252.
His over-confidence in regard to

his influence with the Queen, and

its re8ult«, 253, 254.
" Drives in a nail " for the negative

of Coke, 258. 262 note.
His conversation with Cecil, 269.
His successful investigation of the

Lopez conspiracy, 271 — 273. See

Lopez.
His miscarriage in Bacon's busi-
ness, 295.
His defects as a councillor, 309.
Engaged in a new investigation, ib.
His relations with Sir Antonio

Perez, 324 note.
Further letter from Bacon, 844, 345.
Letters from him to the Lord Keeper

urging Bacon's claims, 345. 864.
His unsuccessful endeavour to

bring on a crisis, 347.
Another quarrel and reconciliation

between him and the Queen,

359, 360.
Lady Bacon's judgment of his

management of her son's case,

364 note. 370.
His palliative letter to the Lord

Keeper on Bacon's behalf, 366.
His mortification at the Queen's

final decision with regard to the

Solicitorship, 370.
Balance of obligations between him

and Bacon, 370, 371.
His gift of a piece of land to Bacon,

371.
Bacon's letter defining the limits of

the service which he could offer,

372.
Danger of the ^nme at which he

was playing with the Queen, 373.
On good terms with her for the

present, 374.
Description of a "Device" pre-
sented by him to the Queen, 374,

375. See Bacon.
Sir Henry Wotton on his skill in

" Devices", 386.
"Tlie Indian Prince," 388.
Resemblance between his style and

Bacon's, 391.
FuUy reinstated in the Queen's fii-

vour, 391. See also 348. 349 note.

851. 353. 357. 365. 36X 368. 369.

886. 387. 388.
Este, Alfonso d', Duke of Ferrara, rela-
tions of Europeim States with, 20.

£ST£.

402

GOSNOLD.

Este — eoniim^d.

His alliance recommended to Eliza-
beth, 55.
Succession uncertain, 171.

Examination of suspected persons, how
conducted in Elizabeth's ireign,
316, 317.
Specimen of interrogatories admi-
nistered, 318» 819.

F.

Factions, Solon's law relatiye to, 94.
Family of Love, rise and extinction of

the, 166.
Faunt, Nicholas, correspondent of An-
thony Bacon: short notice of,
9 note. 17.
His connexion with the paper on
the State of Christendom, 18
note.
His call at Gray's Inn, 31.
Bearer of a letter from Lady Bacon
to Anthony on his return home,
107. 112.
Her estimation of him, ib.
His report of Bacon's pleading,
268.
Ferrara, Duke of. See Este.
Ferrera de Gama, Stephen, implicated
in the Lopez conspiracy against
Queen Elizabeth, 271.
His first confession, 272.
Part taken by him in the plot, 281
—287. See Lopez.
Fitz Morris, James, a rebel, sent into
Ireland by the King of Spain, 195.
Flanders. See Low Countries.
Flavins Yespasianus, 140.
Fleetwood, William, Recorder of Lon-
don, on Hatton's speech in Par-
liament, 37.
His note of Bacon's speech, 42, 43.
58.
Fleming, Mr. Serjeant, 365.

Appointment conjferred upon him,
369.
Forces, untrained, comparative useless-

uess of, 68.
Fortescue, Sir John, financial statement
by, 212.

Fortescue, Sir John — continued.

Delivers the Conunons' answer to

the Lords, 218.
"Written to, on behalf of Bacon, by
Foulke Greville, 298.
France, misgovemment and misery o^
temp. Q. Eliz. 6. 27. 134. 160.
Effect of Papal and Spanish influ-
ence, 27. 28.
Advice to Elizabeth how to deal

with the King, 52.
Character of the people of, 53.
Elizabeth's aid sought against the
machinations of the Guises, 133.
188.
Her counsel to the king, 134.
" Strange accident" by which one
of its kings [Henry II.] was
removed, 140.
Miseries wrought by the Spanish

faction, 160, 161.
Designs of Pliilip of Spain on the

kingdom, 184, 185.
His counsels and succours, 186,

187.
See Henry III. and Henry IV.
of France.
Francis II. of France, proceedings of

the Guises during the reign of, 188.
Frederic II., King of Denmark and
Norway, 29.
His wars with Sweden, liaval force,
and revenues, 29, 30.
Frederick II., Emperor, use made of

Saracen soldiers by, 50.
Fuentes, Count de: his share in the
Lopez conspiracy 280. 284. 285. 286.
See Lopez.

G.

Garret, Mr., recommended by Bacon to

Su* F. Allen, 264.
Geneva, Charles Emanuel of Savoy in
arms against, 22.
His repulse therefrom, 162 fto^tf. 163.
Genoa, pohtical position in 1582 of, 22.
Germany, position, territories, etc., of
the princes of, 24 — 26.
Condition of; in 1592, 162.
Too strong for Philip of Spain, 185,
186.

Germany— continued.

Levies by Philip in, why broken,
186. See Rodolphe.
Gerrard, Sir Gilbert, Master of the Bolls,

death of, 226.
Gerrard, Mr. William, of Gray's Inn, 324.
Gcsta Grayorum, pamphlet entitled, 343.

See Gray's Inn revels.
Gomez, sharer in the Lopez plot, 285.
Gosnold, Henry, letter from, to Anthony
Bacon, 121.

aOSNOLD.

403

HUNGARY.

Qtwnold — continued.

His account of Bacon's pleading,
268.
Gk>urgueB, M., 303. 315, 316.
6k)Temment criminal inquiries, how

conducted. See Examination.
Q-ray's Inn revels, of Christmas, 1594s,
326—343.
Enthroning of the Prince of Pur-

poole, 826.
Night of errors, 327.
Articles of the Order of the Knight-
hood of the Hehnet, 329—332.
The Prince's address, 332.
Speeches of the Six Councillors,

332—341.
The Prince's answer, 341.
Ghrecians, philosophy of the, 124.
Gregory Xlll., Pope, origin of, 18.
His position among the Euro-
pean States in 1582, 18, 19.
His influence in France, 27.

Gbegory XIII — continued.

Date of his death, 46. 54 note.
Greshara, Sir Thomas, country house

built by, 368 note.
Greville, Foulke, commends Baoon*8
claims to the Queen, 298.
Letter firom Bacon to him on the
progress of the suit, 359.
Grey, Lord, Deputy of Ireland, 205.
Grindal, Archbishop of Canterbury,
out of favour with the Queen for coun-
tenancing the Nonconformists, 39.
Guicciardini on Ferdinand of Spain, 186.
Guise, doings of the faction of, 132. 133.
134.
Execution of the Duke, 134. 189.
Their ambition nourished by Spain

for an instrument, 185.
Their intrigues in Scotland, 187,

188.
Their ambitious proceedings in
Prance, 188, 189.

H.

Hacket, William, the fiinatic, 164.
Number of his disciples, 166.
Saying of a poor woman on seeing
him pass to his execution, 166,
167.
Hamiltons, advice to Queen Elisabeth

regarding the, 54.
Hammond, Dr., Bacon's guest at Twick-
enham, 353.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, speeches in
Parliament of, 37, 65. 69.
Walsingham's interest with him

sought by Bacon, 57.
Attempted murder of, 203.
Haywood, Alderman, Bacon's letter on

the death of, 116, 117.
Heale, Mr., speech of, opposed by Bacon,

222.
Heneage, Sir Thomas, part taken by, in

the conference question, 220, 221.
Henry I., drawbacks to the happiness

of, 154.
Henry II., revolt of the sons of, 154.
Henry III.,disturbanoe8 during the reign

of; 154, 155.
Hfcnry V., untimely end of, 155.
Henry III. of France, character and
habits of, 26.

Advice to Elizabeth how to deal

with him, 52, 53.
Thrown into the arms of the Pro-
testant party, 95.

Henry III. of France — continued.

Executes the Duke of Guise, 134.

189.
His own end, ib.
Henry IV. (of Navarre) accession to
French throne of, 95.

Support given to him by Elisabeth,

135. 189.
His apostasy, 250.
Hercules, son of Alexander, result of

over-confldenco of^ 52.
Heresies and schisms, how mostly pro-
duced, 83, 84.
Hicks, Michael, secretary to Burghley,

letter to, 256.
Hilliard, Nicholas, miniature-painter,
1547-1619, early portrait of Bacon
by, 7.
Hoby, Lady, Bacon*s aunt, 117 note.
Holland and Zealand, '* beer-brewers

and basket-makers of," 170.
Horsey, Sir Edward, ineflbctual com-
plaint of, on behalf of EngUsh mer-
chants at the sack of Antwerp, 194.
Huguenots of Franco, of whom they

consistj 170.
Hosken, Sir John, 264.
Huit, Robert Bacon's complaint against,

299.
Hungary, garrisons, revenues, etc., of
(1582), 23.
Buler desired by the people, 29.

IBABBA.

404

LOPEZ.

Ibarra, Stephano, share taken in the
Lopez plot bj, 283. 285. 286. 289.
See Lopez.
Indies, effect of Spanish interference

upon the condition of (he, 137.
Instaoration of Philosophy, Bacon's first
essay on, when composed, 31.
Rudiment of the third part, 334.
342.
Interrogatories to suspected persons.

See Examinafion.
Iphicrates, the Athenian, anecdote o^
167.

Ireland, exposed to attack from Spain,
55.

Ill news from, 314. 316.
Italy, position and policy of the poten-
tates of (1582), 22, 23.

Condition of its States in 1592,
162.

Philip*8 reasons for not enterpris-
ing upon Italy, 185.

See Este ; G^oa ; Lucca ; Man-
tua; Medici; Parma; Savoy;
Urbin; Venice.

Jesuits, exaction contrived by the, 177.

Jewel, John, Bishop of Salisbury, chal-
lenge of, to confute the pretended
Cafiiolics by the fathers, 77.

Jewel, John — continued.

Popish slander with regard to hia
dying words, 208.
Julius Caesar, references to, 140. 157.

K.

Kemp, Richard, recommended by Ba-
con for a commissioner of the
subsidy, 256.

Kemp, Robert (Bacon's cousin), letter
from Bacon to, 261.
Lady Bacon's complaint against
him, 269, 270.

Kill^rrow, Sir Henry, Bacon's uncle,
349.
Applied to by Anthony Bacon for
a loan, 352.
Knowledge, Bacon's discourse in praise
of, 123—126.

Lawson, Anthony Bacon's servant, how
treated by LadyAnneBacon, 110,
111. 312.
Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of, com-
mander in the Low Country wars,
104.
Protector of theLowCountries, 195.
Bitterness of the Papists against

him, 198.
A man of great power and great

will, ib.
Rumoured match between his in-
fant son and the Lady Arabella,
205.
Lenox, Dawbeney [D'Aubigny], Duke
of, opportuneness of the death of, 142.
Lesdig«iiers, M., a gentleman of Dau-
phiny, Charles Emanuel distressed
by, 162 note, 163.
Lewys, Thomas, outrage charged upon,

315.
Libel, Observations upon a, communi-
nicated to Anthony Bacon, 143. See
Bacon; Observations.
Livy, quotation from, 276.

Locker, John, editor of Stephens's Se-
cond Collection, 16. 119.
Lopez, Roderigo, Elizabeth's physician.

His conspiracy against her, 272 —
274.

Aptness of his position for consum*
mating the plot, 277.

His artifices for screening himself
277. 282. 283.

His position in the Court of Eliza-
beth, and obligations to her and
to Don Antonio, 278.

Offers his services to the King of
Spain, ib.

Craft by which he ensured the oo«
operation of Manuel Andrada,279.

Presents sent to him by Philip, ib.

His stratagems for disarming sus-
picion on the part of the Queen,
280.283.

His negotiations with Count de
Fuentes and Ibarra, 280.

Manuel Louys imported into the
conspiracy: oath and office im-
posed on him, 281.

LOPEZ.

405

MEDICI.

Lopez — continued.

Antecedents of the conspirator

Stephano Ferrera de Q«ma, ib.
Arriyal of Louys in England, and

interview between him and Fer-
rera, 281, 282.
Precautions of Lopes in the choice

of hb instruments, 282.
Reward stipulated for by him, ib.
His messenger D'Arila, 282, 288.

284.
Cunning observed by him in his

conferences with Stephano Fer-
rera, 283.
Arrest of Ferrera and D'Avila, 284.
Purport of Ferrera's disclosures,

284, 285.
Lopez called in question, 285.
Besults of the arrest of Manuel

Louys, ib.
Coincidence of the confessions of

Louys and Ferrera, 286.
Lopez's evasions and proofs of their

fiilsehood, 286, 287.
Date of his condemnation, 287

note.
His end, 301.
Lord Keepers. £'(00 Bacon, Sir Nicholas ;

Puckering, Sir John.
Lords, House of, never used to join in

conference with the Commons

in matters of supply, 211.
Claim made for them by the Lord

Treasurer, 215, 216.
Course taken by the Commons

thereon, 216—218.

Lords — continued.

Pretensions put forward in their
reply to the Commons, 218,
219.
The same resbted by the Commons
and silently abandoned, 219. 221,
222. See Parliament, and Com-
mons.
Louys, Manuel or Emanuel, alias Fran-
cesco de Thores, share taken in the
Lopez conspiracy by, 281. 282. 283.
284. 285. See Lopez.
Low Countries, advice to Elizabeth re-
garding policy to be pursued
towards tne, 55.
Subsidy granted towards their de-
fence, 65, 66.
Brief discourse touching, etc., 67.
Disinterestedness of the aid ren-
dered b^ Elizabeth, 135, 136.
Seat of thirty years' war, 161.
Great part of them lost to Spain,

163.
Advantage of this loss to England,

170.
Occasion of their defection and its
effects on Philip's projects, 185.
Elizabeth's conduct m reference to
their wars with Philip, 191 —
193.
The sovereignty refused by her,
128. 193.
Lucca, state of, in 1582, 22.
Lud Gate and Queen Elizabeth's image,

story of, 207, 208.
Lyngen, Edward, examinations of, 301.

M.

Machiavelli, on the poverty of the friars,

80.
Maitland, Dr., Librarian at Lambeth ;

obligations of students to, 10 note.
Mallet, David, Notes on the State of
Christendom reprinted by, 16.
His statement relative to Cecil's
jealousy of Bacon, 355 note.
Man, Dr., Elizabeth's ambassador in

Spain, indignities practised on, 194.
Mantua, William, Duke of^ character

and European relations of^ 20, 21.
Marprelate Controversy, rise and cha-.

racter of the, 73.
Marqnez, Roderigo, a sharer in the

Lopez plot, 279.
Mary, Queen of England, and the loss
of Calais, 190.
Offered to make Burghley a coun-
cillor, 201, 202.
Mary, Queen of Scots, rejects Elizabeth's
terms of reconciliation, 1.

Mary, Queen of Scota^continued.

Don John of Austria's project of
marriage with her, 7.

Apprehensions excited by the pos-
sibility of her accession to the
English throne, 36.

Brought to trial for compassing
Elizabeth's death, 62.

Circumstances under which the
warrant against her was exe-
cuted, 63, 64.

Hdr behaviour in her last moments,
64.

Possible allusion to her death, 142
note.
Maximilian, Sigismund III., and Po-
land, 162 note.
Medici, Francesco de*, Duke of Tuscany,
character, mode of life, and po-
licy of, 19, 20.

His relations with surrounding
States, 20. 22.

MENDOZA.

406

PAPISTS.

Mendoza, Bernardino, purport of An-
drada's communication to, 279.

Montagu, Basil, on Cecil's depreciation
of Bacon, 355.

Moro, Christophero, sharer in the Lopez
conspiracy, 283.

Morris, Mr., attorney of the Court of

Wards, 229, 259.
Mountacute, Viscount, messages con-

Tcyed to Spain by, 191.

N.

Netherlands. See Low Countries.
Neutrality, the *' fond calumny" ofi 94.
Novell, Mr., Bacon's cousin, 264.
Newhaven, given to Elizabeth's forces
for security, 133. 188.
Surrendered on account of pesti-
lence, 134. 188.
Nobility of England under Eliza-
beth, state of the, 172.
Privileges and immunities enjoyed

by them, 173.
Small number of attainders of,
173, 174.
Nonconformists, " Preachers", Puritans,
rise of tlie, 38.
Queen's policy towards them, 39.
Petition of the Commons agauist

Whitgift's proceedmgs, 40, 42.
Advice to Elizabeth concerning
them, 49, 50.

Nonconformists — continued.

Begin to be called Puritans, 70.
Consequences of the attempt of the
authorities to suppress them, 70,
71, 72.
Bacon's 'Advertisement touching
the Controversies of the Church',
74—94. See Church.
The two "small wants" charged
upon them by an adversary, 94.
Explanation of Elizabeth's d^ilings
with them, 100, 101.
Norfolk, Duke of, plot against Eliza-
beth of the, 141.
His Spanish coadjutors, 194.
Northumberland, Earl of, a rebel against

EUzabeth, 140.
Novum Organum, germ of the first book
of the, 120.

o.

• Observations on a Libel, published in

this present year, 1592' , by Bacon ;

incidental references to, 46 note.

66.97.120. 128»oto. 133 no^.

135 note, 137 note.
Occasion and character of same,

144.
Manuscripts on which the text is

founded, 144, 145.
Date of composition, 146.
Main divisions :
I. Scope and drift of the libeller,

151—153.
U. Of the present state of this

reahn of England, 153—177.

Observations on a TJheX—iHmtinned.

111. Of the proceedings against the
pretended Cathohcs, 177—182.

rv. Of the disturbance of the quiet
of Christendom, 182—197.

V. Of the cunning of the libeller in
palliation of his malicious invec-
tives, 197, 198.

YI. Certain true general notes upon
the actions of l£e Lord Burgmej,
198—201.

VII. Of particular untruths and
abuses in the hbel, 202—206.

VIII. Of the height of impudency
in publishing and avouching un-
truths, etc., 206—208.

P.

Paget, the traitor, countenanced by Phi-

hp of Spain, 195.
Paley, WiUiam, definition of " Sect " by,

39fio^.
Pallacio, Juan, part taken in the Lopez

plot by, 285.
Pallacios, Emanuel, messenger in the

Lopez conspiracy, 283.

Papists, advice to Queen Elizabeth

touching treatment of, 47—49.
Discordant opinions tolerated

among them, 50.
Beasons against persecuting, 60,

51.
Papist landlords, how to be dealt

with, 51.

PAPISTS.

407

PHILIP.

Papists — continued.

Explanation of Elizabeth's proceed-
ings against them, 98 — 100. 177
—181.
Interference of priests in matters of
state, 181.
Parliament :

New one summoned in Noyember,

1584,37.-43.
Sanctions the association for de-
fence of the Queen, 87. 61.
Strong party in favour of the non-
conformists in, 38.
New one summoned in October,

1586, 61—67.
Confirms the sentence against Mary,

Queen of Scots, 62.
Adjourned 2nd December, 63.
Meets again 22nd February, 65.
Proceedings with regard to the

subsidy and benevolence, 66.
New one summoned for November,
1588, meets 1588-9, 4th Feb., 69.
A double subsidy granted for the

first time, ib.
New one meets 1592-3, 19th Feb.,

209.
Admonitions addressed to, 210.
Points of constitutional usage not

yet fully estabUshed, 210, 211.
Q-rants a treble subsidy, payable in

four years, 225.
Belations between the Crown and
Parliament as understood by
Bacon, 212, 213. See Com-
mons.
Parma, Ottaviano, Duke of^ and his

connexions, 21.
Parma, Alexander, Prince of, 21.

Advice to Elizabeth on poUcy of

detaching him from Spain, 56.
Date of his death, 142 note.
His hint with regard to the King
of Spain's intentions, 196.
Parry, Dr., 203. 277.

Reception of lus protest against the

Jesuit Bill, 37.
His ultimate fate, ib.
Parsons, Father, invective against Eliza-
beth ascribed to, 143.
Pastimes and sports, councillor's speech

on, 340, 341.
Paulet, Sir Amias, ambassador to France,
accompanied on his embassy by
Bacon, 6. 350, 351.
His recommendation of Bacon to

the Queen, 8.
Walsingham and Davison's letter
to him, 63.
Paul's church gates, London, charge

against Elizabeth relative to, 207.
Peace, articles of a universal, 196, 197.
Perez, Sir Antonio, 324.

Belations between him and Essex,
324 notes.
Perpetuities, note on the great cause of^

294 note,
Perseus, censure of Titus Livius on, 276.
Peter, Lady Bacon's cook, 115.
PhiUp of Macedon, parallel drawn be-
tween PhiUp of Spain and, 182,
183.
Philip II., King of Spain, character of^
28.

Effect of his influence in other
States, 28. 137.

His possessions, revenues, mihtary
strength, etc., 28, 29.

Advice to Elizabeth how to deal
with him, 54, 55.

Overthrow of his Armada, 67, 68.
142. 169.

Apprehension of a renewal of his at-
tempt, 69.

Elizabeth's advice and bearing to-
wards him, 136.

Device whereby he ruled in the
election of the Popes, 136.

Effect of his influence in Europe
and India, 137.

Ehzabeth the sole bulwark against
him, ib.

Result of his policy towards the
Low Countries, 140.

Cause of postponement of his at-
tempted invasion of England,
141.

Se^e* glori(B to Elizabeth, 142,
204.

Supposed to be wearing out in 1592,
156.

His achievements summed up, 163.

Confederacies provided by him
against himself, 170.

Laws made in England against
Papist plotters in behalf of hia
intendea invasion, 179, 180.

Parallel between him and Philip of
Macedon, 182, 183. Alleged in-
nocency of his proceedings, 183,
184.

His designs upon France and Eng-
Und, 184, 185.

His quarrel with the Netherlands,
184.

What made him so good a neigh-
bour, 185.

Why he hesitated to meddle with
Germany and Italy, 185, 186.

Threat of the German Princes on
discovery of the real destination
of his levies in C^many,
186.

Nature of the counsels and extent
of the succours given by him to
the French King, 186, 187.

PHILIP.

408

RAWLEY.

Philip n. of Spain — cotUinued.

His conduct of the treaty of Chas-
teau CambraiBsi, 190.

His replies to requests for ratifica-
cation of leagues on Elizabeth's
accession, 191.

His conduct in reference to the
Guise plots in Scotland, ib.

His cruelties towards Englishmen
in his territories, 198, 194.

His treatment of Elizabeth's am-
bassadors, 194.

Aid given by him to English and
Irish rebels, 194, 195.

Fairness of Elizabeth's dealing with
him, 195, 196.

His influence in the choice of Popes,
204, 205.

New intrigue with Scotland, 209.

His increased means for working
mischief to England, 212.

Sends 50,000 crowns to Scotland,
221.

Implicated in the Lopez conspiracy
against Queen Elizabeth, 271,
272.

Her reluctance to divuJge his par-
ticipation in the plot, 273.

His motives and policy, 274 — 276.

Sends Lopez a jewel, 279, 280.

Sum stipulated to be paid by him
to Lopez, 282.

Elizabeth's proposed remonstrance,
306.

Alternative forced upon her by the
conduct of his viceroy, 307.
Phillips, Thomas, the decipherer, em-
ployed by Walsingham and
Essex, letters from Bacon to, 117,
118. 252.

How his papers came into the State
Paper Office, 119.
Philosophy, Aristotelian, 3, 4.

Of the Grecians and the Alche-
mists, 124.

Councillor's speech, advising the
study of, 334, 335.

Baconian, principal novelty and

great characteristic feature of, 342.

Piedmont, 21. 162 note. 163.

Piufl V. Pope, bull of excommunication

issued against Elizabeth by, 3

note. 36. 98.

Pius V. — continued.

Besults of its publication, 179.
Poland, Stephen, king of^ character of
and liking entertained for, 29.
Invasion of^ by the Turk, forborne
out of consideration for Queen
Elizabeth, 135.
Its condition in 1592, 161.
The King commonly a stranger,

162.
Contest for the crown of, between
Sigismund III. and Maximilian,
ti. note.
Pole (or Poole), Cardinal, 202.
Popes, election of, how managed by

Philip of Spain, 136.
Portugal, Philip II. proclaimed !King ot,
2S note.
State of, in 1592, 161.
No successor declared at Sebastian's

death, 171.
Philip's designs upon the kingdom,
186. 5!p« Antonio; Sebastian.
" Preachers." See Nonconformists.
Protestantism, nature of, in jeopardy,

188.250.
Provence, Liguers oi, invite Charles
Emanuel to be their governor, 162
note.
Puckering, Sir John, Lord Keeper,
speech on opening Parliament,
209.
On Hberty of speech, 211.
On abridgment of laws, 214.
Letter from his secretary to An-
thony Bacon, 257, note 5.
Perhaps alluded to as '* the late re-
covered man," 262 note 2.
His civiUties to Bacon, ib.
In fiivour of Bacon's claim to the

Solicitorship, 288. 292.
Letters from Bacon upon the busi-
ness, 229, 293. 313, 314. 320.
860. 869.
Letters from Essex on same subject,

845. 354. 366.
Query as to his earnestness, 346.
Letters of complaint and se\£ justi-
fication from Bacon, 364—366.
Letters frx)m same on professional
matters, 363, 864. 367, 368.
Puritans : Nonconformists so designated,
70. See Nonconformists.

R.

Baleigh, Sir Walter, motion made in
House of Commons by, 220.

Out of favour and away, 309.

Mr. Dixon's story about him, Bacon
and Essex, 387—391.

Banuccio, son of Alexander of Parma,

heir to the Crown of Portugal, 56.
Bawley, Dr. William, Bacon's chaplain,

4. 16. 73. 144. 145. 188 note.

233 note.

BAWLEY.

409

STEYPE.

Bawley — continited.

On Sir Nicholas Bacon's testamen-
tarj intentions towards his son
Francis, 8.
On Bacon's appointment as Queen's
Ck>unsel Extraordinary, 107, 108
note.
BebelUon of the North, 99. 140. 179.

194.
Religion, special benefits established by
the purity of, 169, 160.
Dissensions on the subject. See
Brownists ; Church ; Noncon-
formists.

Revenues of the Crown under Elizabeth,
less grating to the people than those
of any Crown in Europe, 176, 177.

Responsio ad edictum Reginse Angli®,
143.

Riario, Cardinal, part taken in Spanish
InTasion of Ireland by, 195.

Rodolphe (not Adolphe), Emperor of
Germany, revenues, etc., of, 23.
Misliked by his subjects, ib,

Ross, Bishop of, on Sir Nicholas Bacon's
simplicity of dealing, 202, 203.

Russia and its Emperor, temp. Queen
Elizabeth, 30.

s.

Sabellius, the heresy of, 83.

Sabinus, Bishop of Heraclea, on the

Council of Nice, 91.
Salomon, Don, a favourer of Lopez the

conspirator, 287.
Sancroft, William, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, 43.
San Domingo, spoiled by Drake, 195.
Sansovino*s counsel to rope Julius II.,

77.
Saracen soldiers, use made of^ by Frede-
rick II., 50.
Savoy, Carolo Emanuel, Duke of, charac-
ter, possessions, and policy of, 21.
His revenues, 22.

Condition of the State in 1592,
162.
Saxony, Augustus, Elector of, character

of; 24.
Schoolmasters, how they might be used
to ensure the fidelity of Catholic pa-
rents, 60.
Scotland, position towards England of,
52.
How to be dealt with, 53, 64.
The Hambletons (Hamiltons), 64.
Interposition of Queen Elizabeth
when the French came, 132. 133.
It« condition in 1592, 161.
Its conjunction with France against

England, 168.
Its growing amity with England,

ib.
Successor to its crown not declared,

171.
Intrigue of its nobles with Philip of
Spain, 209, 221.
Sebastian of Portugal, end of, 141.
No successor named by him, 171 .
Encouraged in his Anican expedi-
tion by Philip, 186.
Sertorius, notable stratagem of, 50.
Severus, the Roman Emperor, 140.
Shakspeare, meaning of the word ** cass-
ing '* illustrated from, 176 note.
VOL. I.

Sheldon, Ralf^ suspected of conspiracy
against the Queen, 316.
proposed articles for his examina-
tion, 318.
Sidney, Sir Philip, 104.
Sigismund III., competitor with Maxi-
milian for the Crown of Poland, 162
note.
Smyth, Sir Thomas, 188 note.
Smyth, Thomas, letter to Bacon from,

294.
Solon's law relative to factions, 94.
Spain. See PhiUp II. of Spain.
Spanish Armada overthrown, 67. 68. 69.

142. 169.
Spencer, Edward, reports of Lady Ba-
con and her household by, 310 —
312.
Spencer, Alderman John, purcha8es An-
thony Bacon's estate, 246.
Letters to him from Francis Bacon,
248.249.
Stafford, Sir Edwar^ recommended for

secretary, 268.
Standen, Anthony, a correspondent of
Anthony Bacon, 251 note. 252
note. 266.
On the condition of Arragon, 137

note.
On B. Cecil's relation with Essex,

262fio/e.
Letter to him from Bacon, 263.
Star Chamber, Bacon appointed to clerk-
ship of, 102.
Debate on Bill for expedition of
justice therein, 226 — 228.
Starkey, Ralph, 44, 45.
State and treasure, councillor's speech

advising absoluteness of, 337, 338.
Stephens, Robert, account of Bacon's
papers in the possession of Lord Ox-
ford, by, 16. 119.
Strype, John, mistake of, relative to
authorship of a paper by Bacon, 46
noUS.

2 E

STTJKLEY.

410

WALSmOHiJi.

Stuldey, Thomas, inTasion of Ireland

designed by, 7.
Subsidies, fifteenths, and tenths, Coke's
definitions of, 70 note.
Debate on the subject in February,

1592-3, 209—222.
Nature of the innoTation then pro-
posed, 222.
Result of the experiment, 224.
Number of grants and ratio of in-
crease during Elizabeth's reign,
223 note. See Commons ; Loi^.

Sugden, Mr., a creditor of the Bacons,

852. 353.
Supply, Commons* privilege in matters

of, 226. See Subsidies.
Sussex, Earl of; 205.
Sweden, John, King of, and his family,
30.
Condition of the kingdom in 1592,
162.
Sylla the Dictator, 140.

T.

Taxation, growing anxiety on the sub-
ject of, 225. See Commons ; Lords ;
Subsidies.
Temporis Partut Maximus. 30.
Tenison, Thomas, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, list of Bacon's unpub-
lished papers compiled by, 43. 45.
Value of his authority as to au-
thenticity of papers ascribed to
Bacon, 43.
MSS. at Lambeth, 110.
Thirl wall, Conuop, Bishop of St.David's,
on a remark by one or the Fathers on
synods, 85.
Tiuoco, Manuel Louys. See Louys.
Trajan, Emperor, designation of suc-
cessor by, 172.
Called Wallflower by Constantine,
336.
Tracers, the Nonconformist leader,
38.

Treaties, ratification of, on deaths of

sovereigns, why advisable, 191.
Trott, Nicholas, Bacon's letter to, on the
sale to Alderman Spencer, 248.
His cause recommended to Sir T.

Coneysby by Bacon, 259.
Not a pressing creditor, 300.
To Lady Bacon on FVands's ill-
ness, 304 note.
Bacon's negotiation with, about the
reversion of the clerkship of the
Star Chamber, 323. See also,
312. 351.
Turkey, intended invasion of Poland by,
prevented by Queen Elizabeth s
mediation, 135.
Reputation of England with, 204.
Tuscany, Duke of. See Medici.
Twickenham, lease of certain lands at,
granted to Bacon by the Crown, 371,
372.

u.

CJnton, Sir Henry, motion proposed by,
220.

TJrbin, Francesco, Duke of^ character
and relations of, 21.

Vega, Antonio, privy to the Lopes con-
spiracy, 279.
Venice, position and policy of, in 1582,
22.
Its alliance recommended to Eliza-
beth, 55. 56.

Vespasian, the Boman Emperor, 140.
Virtue and a gracious government,

councillor's speech reconmiending,

339, 340.

w.

Waad, Sir William, 119. 313 note 314

note.
Walpole, Henry, examinations of^ 301.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, known to

sympathize with the Noncon-

K>rmists, 39.

Walsingham — coniinued.

His interest solicited b^ Bacon, 57.
Object of his and Davison's letter

to Paulet, 63.
Letter to M. Critoy, 97—101.
Dat« of his death, 97.

WALSINOHAM.

411

YOUNG.

Walaingham — continued.

Character as a statesman, 104.
A man of great power and great
will, 198. See also 117. 252.
268. 806. 809. 824 note. 847.
War, councillor's speech advising, 882

—884.
Wars between princes, laws of, 146,

147.
Wentworth, Peter, 210. 211. 280.
Westmoreland, Earl of, a rebel against
Elizabeth, 140.
Countenanced by Philip II., 196.
Whitgift, John, Archbishop of Canter-
bury : his treatment of the Non-
conformists, 89.
Bacon's note to him, with draft of

letter to M. Critoy, 96.
Lady Bacon*s opinion of him, 112.
Whyte, Rowland, 886.

Willblod. SwWylblud.

Willcockes, suspended preacher,^ Lady

Bacon's bounty to, 812.
Williams, Richard, suspected conspira-
tor against the Queen, 818, 814 note*.

818. 819.
Wilson, Dr., ineffectual complaint of,

on behalf of English merchants at

the sack of Antwerp, 194.
WoUey, Sir John, part taken in subsidy

and conference debates by, 212. 220.
Wotton, Sir Henry, on Essex's style in

" Devices," 886.
Wroth, Robert, part taken in debate on

conference by, 218.
Wybome, a suspended preacher, and

Ijady Bacon, 114.
Wylblud (or Willblod), a suspended

Sreacher, interest taken by Lady
tacon in, 114. 116. 812.

Y.

Yorke, Edmund, plot against the Queen
confessed by, 818 note, 814 note.

Young, Richard, Bacon's letter to, in
beludf of M. Gburgues, 815.

JOHN SDWAKO TAYLOB, rSINTXK,
LTTTLX QUXEN STBBXT, LINCOLN'S INN FIBLDt.

NOTICE.

Though it has been thought desirable to divide Bacons Worls into
three portions, each complete in itself, and to issue them separately, it is
to be observed that the several portions will^ when finished, constiivte n
Complete and Uniform Edition qf his entire Works. For the coiirenicnce
of those who may prrfer them in that shape, a separate Title-pat^t is
enclosed in each Volume, by the substitution qf which for the exiniinf
Title-page, the requisite uniformity will be obtained.

WORKS

OP

FRANCIS BACON.

VOL. VIII.

PRIlTTlrD BY
JOIIH BDWARD TAlfLOB, LITTLB QUBRH 8TBPET,

lincolb's inn FIBLDS.

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